Workforce

A broad archive on workers and labor markets, including employment, participation, wages, skills, education, demographics, immigration, inequality, family life, mobility, and structural change. Follow evidence on how people and work are evolving.

AI Summary. US consumer prices rose 3.7% year over year in September, up from 3.4% in August and above economists' 3.6% forecast, with core prices excluding food and energy up 2.6%. Prices rose faster than average hourly earnings, which increased 3%, meaning many Americans' real incomes are falling.

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Inflation accelerated in September, rising to 3.7% annualized from August’s 3.4%. Real average hourly earnings fell .7% year over year.

Is inflation accelerating faster than wages, cutting real incomes?

Core argument: U.S. consumer prices rose 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said, up from August’s 3.4% and above the 3.6% expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal.

Consumer prices were up 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said Wednesday, hotter than August’s gain of 3.4%. That was above the 3.6% rise expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal. Core prices excluding food and energy rose 2.6%, above forecasts for a 2.5% increase. Month over month, core prices rose by 0.3%, surprising economists who had expected a 0.2% increase. High prices have been a political flashpoint for Americans, who have grown fed up with five years of inflation. Prices rose much faster in September than average hourly earnings, which increased 3% from a year earlier. That means many Americans are seeing their real incomes fall.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. consumer prices rose 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said, up from August’s 3.4% and above the 3.6% expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal.
  2. Core prices excluding food and energy rose 2.6% year over year in September, above forecasts of 2.5%, and 0.3% month over month against expectations of 0.2%.
  3. September prices rose much faster than average hourly earnings, which increased 3% from a year earlier, meaning many Americans are seeing real incomes fall.

AI Summary. Across 12 middle-income countries, call-center employment grew in line with other white-collar office work before the spread of AI chatbots but has since stagnated or declined even as other white-collar jobs held up. The authors argue this divergence makes artificial intelligence's role hard to dismiss.

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A Revelio Labs analysis finds global call center employment is now 5.3% under its December 2023 peak. Call center employment started diverging from other white collar work in middle income countries around November 2022, when ChatGPT was released.

Is AI reducing call center employment in middle-income countries?

Core argument: Across 12 middle-income countries, call-center employment showed sluggish growth or outright declines after ChatGPT’s release, while other white-collar office and administrative roles remained fairly robust.

Across the 12 middle-income countries, the pattern is recognizable: in the pre-ChatGPT era, call-center headcount generally kept pace with other office and administrative, "white-collar" roles. In the post-ChatGPT era, we see sluggish growth or outright declines in call centers—even as the rest of white-collar work looks fairly robust. So, although we cannot observe which firms replace people with chatbots, this divergence in headcounts between call centers and the rest of their labor markets makes AI’s potential role in this trend hard to wave off. Moreover, call centers’ high-volume, scripted work is exactly the profile the International Labour Organization flags as most exposed in these countries. The industry is shrinking because hiring slowed, not because separations picked up.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Across 12 middle-income countries, call-center employment showed sluggish growth or outright declines after ChatGPT’s release, while other white-collar office and administrative roles remained fairly robust.
  2. Before ChatGPT, call-center headcount in these 12 middle-income countries generally kept pace with other office and administrative employment.
  3. The ILO flags high-volume, scripted work—the profile of call-center jobs—as most exposed in these middle-income countries, though which firms replace workers with chatbots cannot be observed.

AI Summary. Since 1982, real growth in the median U.S. wage has trailed growth at both the top and bottom of the wage distribution, with higher and lower percentiles outperforming the middle.

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Garcia and Glasner document the striking observation that inequality across the wage distribution rose mainly during the long overall wage stagnations of 1982–1996 and 2001–2014. Wage growth was both faster and more broadly shared in 1996–2001 and 2014–2020.

Has median wage growth lagged both the top and bottom?

Core argument: Real growth of the median U.S. wage has trailed growth at both the higher and lower ends of the wage distribution since 1982.

Figure 4 zooms into the First Long Wage Stagnation from December 1982 to 1996: negative growth for the 10th percentile wage and hardly any growth for the three middle wage categories. Meanwhile the 90th percentile wage climbed away from all the others despite itself growing by less than 1% a year. Figure 5 shows the more recent Second Long Wage Stagnation. The median wage averaged just 0.36% growth per year. And because the growth of the 75th and 90th percentile firmly outpaced the growth of the others, wage inequality climbed sharply. From 2015 through the start of 2020, wages climbed all across the distribution, [while] the widening between the 90th percentile wage and the other wages slowed. The escape from wage stagnation once again arrived as the labor market continued tightening. In the late 1990s boom, the median wage climbed an annualized 2.6%. The eras in which the median wage climbed at the steepest angle were those in which all the other wages climbed with it. [Finally], real growth of the median wage has trailed behind the growth of the other wage categories since 1982.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Real growth of the median U.S. wage has trailed growth at both the higher and lower ends of the wage distribution since 1982.
  2. Figure 10 presents three wage ratios: the 90th percentile to the median, the 90th percentile to the 10th, and the median to the 10th.

AI Summary. Inflation-adjusted gross domestic product per person has grown at a 1.9% annual pace over the past 10 years, above the 1.7% of the 2010s and 0.8% of the 2000s and just below the 2.1% of the 1980s and 1990s. Avoiding prolonged recessions has supported household incomes and wages.

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Real median household income and real wages have risen since the mid-2010s, as real GDP per capita grew 1.9% annually over the past decade. Average real weekly earnings have grown since 2010, after falling substantially between 1973 and 1990.

Have incomes and output per person grown faster than in recent decades?

Core argument: U.S. per-capita GDP has grown at a 1.9% annual inflation-adjusted pace over the past 10 years, exceeding the 1.7% of the 2010s and 0.8% of the 2000s.

Some of the increase in both household incomes and wages can be chalked up to steady economic growth. Per-capita gross domestic product has risen at a 1.9% annual, inflation-adjusted pace over the past 10 years, which doesn’t sound like much but is better than in the 2010s (1.7%) and 2000s (0.8%) and only slightly below the 2.1% growth rate of the 1980s and 1990s and 2.2% of the 1970s.Avoiding recessions — and ensuring that the unusual pandemic-caused downturn in 2020 was short-lived — has done a lot for Americans’ incomes.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. per-capita GDP has grown at a 1.9% annual inflation-adjusted pace over the past 10 years, exceeding the 1.7% of the 2010s and 0.8% of the 2000s.
  2. The 1.9% per-capita GDP growth rate of the past decade sits only slightly below the 2.1% pace of the 1980s and 1990s and the 2.2% pace of the 1970s.
  3. Avoiding recessions and keeping the pandemic-caused 2020 downturn short-lived has done a lot for Americans’ incomes, with steady economic growth accounting for some of the rise in household incomes and wages.

AI Summary. In Spain, immigrant households work less, earn less, pay less in taxes, and are more likely to use social assistance than native households at every level of education. Non-EU-origin households are almost three times as likely to receive social assistance, with 6% of highly educated non-EU households receiving it versus 4.4% of all native households.

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Eberstadt argues immigration at scale may not postpone the crisis of the European welfare state. In Spain, non-EU immigrant households are ~3x more likely to receive social assistance than natives at every education level, and draw larger amounts when they do.

Do immigrant households in Spain use more social assistance than natives?

Core argument: At every educational level, non-EU-origin households in Spain are almost three times as likely as native Spanish households to receive government social assistance, and average social assistance follows the same pattern.

Spain’s immigrants work less, earn less, pay less in taxes, and use more social assistance benefits. Maybe the nostrum that mass immigration is helping postpone the crisis of the European welfare state needs to be examined more carefully. Immigrant households are much more likely to utilize social program benefits than Spanish nationals, regardless of educational attainment. At every educational level, non-EU-origin households are almost three times as likely to be taking government social assistance as native Spaniards; so too average social assistance. Hardly less noteworthy: The incidence of social assistance, and average benefits per household, for high-education non-EU households (6%) is higher than for native Spanish households of all educational backgrounds (4.4%) even though most Spanish natives lack higher education.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. At every educational level, non-EU-origin households in Spain are almost three times as likely as native Spanish households to receive government social assistance, and average social assistance follows the same pattern.
  2. High-education non-EU households in Spain take social assistance at a 6% rate, above the 4.4% rate for native Spanish households of all educational backgrounds, even though most Spanish natives lack higher education.
  3. Spain’s immigrants work less, earn less, pay less in taxes, and use more social assistance benefits, which invites closer examination of the claim that mass immigration is helping postpone the crisis of the European welfare state.

AI Summary. An analysis of federal aid recipients' tax-reported earnings finds the highest-earning bachelor's programs are concentrated at highly selective schools and in computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering. Nursing programs at several California schools produce graduates earning around $150,000 annually, placing them in the top 100 of nearly 25,000 programs analyzed.

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A HEA Group analysis of the earnings of 2018 and 2019 college graduates four years after graduation finds earnings are widely dispersed across schools in higher-earning fields such as computer science and economics and have a narrow dispersion in lower-earning fields such as English and drama.

Which college majors and schools produce the highest-earning graduates?

Core argument: HEA Group’s analysis of nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs found computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering majors top the earnings list, with graduates of highly rejective schools including the Ivies, M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. dominating.

HEA Group tracked students who received federal financial aid and graduated during the 2017-18 and 2018-19 periods. The top of the earnings list is dominated by graduates of highly rejective schools — the Ivies and others, like M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. The majors that top the list are computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering. The income data come from whatever people reported on their federal tax returns. That means certain stock awards and other potential deferred compensation aren’t part of the totals. Nursing programs at a handful of California schools, including California State University, East Bay; San Francisco State University; and Samuel Merritt University, produce graduates earning around $150,000 annually, putting them in the top 100 out of the nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs the HEA Group analyzed nationwide. They stick out amid quantitative and science majors from institutions like the California Institute of Technology and Cornell.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. HEA Group’s analysis of nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs found computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering majors top the earnings list, with graduates of highly rejective schools including the Ivies, M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. dominating.
  2. Nursing graduates of California State University, East Bay; San Francisco State University; and Samuel Merritt University earn around $150,000 annually, placing those programs in the top 100 amid quantitative and science majors from institutions like the California Institute of Technology and Cornell.
  3. HEA Group tracked federal financial aid recipients who graduated during the 2017-18 and 2018-19 periods, using income reported on federal tax returns, which excludes certain stock awards and other potential deferred compensation.

AI Summary. Corporate profit margins, long regarded as one of the economy's most reliably mean-reverting series, have risen continuously so far this century. Measured through the national income accounts used in calculating GDP, profits now take a larger share of the economy than on the eve of the 1929 crash.

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Since 2000, post-tax corporate profits as a share of GDP have trended upward across cyclical setbacks and are now near an all time high, above their 1929 level.

Have corporate profit margins stopped reverting to the mean?

Core argument: Corporate profits measured in the National Income and Product Accounts take a larger share of the U.S. economy than on the eve of the 1929 Great Crash.

Throughout the 20th century, profit margins were regarded as one of the purest mean-reverting series in the economy. So far this century, however, margins have done nothing but rise. Measured with the National Income and Product Accounts, part of the GDP calculation, profits are currently taking a bigger share of the economy even than on the eve of the Great Crash in 1929. The series comes with a lag, so we can assume the profit share on this basis is comfortably at a record by now.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Corporate profits measured in the National Income and Product Accounts take a larger share of the U.S. economy than on the eve of the 1929 Great Crash.
  2. Profit margins were regarded throughout the 20th century as one of the purest mean-reverting series in the economy, yet so far this century they have done nothing but rise.
  3. The National Income and Product Accounts profits series comes with a lag, so the profit share on this basis can be assumed to be comfortably at a record.

AI Summary. US consumer prices have risen almost 29% over the past six years, about 3x the pace of the prior six years, and on average prices have risen faster than wages over that period.

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Inflation outpaced real year-over-year average hourly earnings growth in the 5 months through August.

Have prices risen faster than wages over the past six years?

Core argument: U.S. consumer prices, as measured by the consumer-price index, have risen almost 29% over the past six years, about three times the pace of the preceding six years.

Overall prices, as measured by the consumer-price index, have risen almost 29% in the past six years. During the six years before that, prices crept up at a third of that pace. Over the past six years, prices have, on average, risen faster than wages. The trend has been pronounced recently: In both July and August, inflation outpaced average hourly wage growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. consumer prices, as measured by the consumer-price index, have risen almost 29% over the past six years, about three times the pace of the preceding six years.
  2. Prices have on average risen faster than wages over the past six years, with inflation outpacing average hourly wage growth in both July and August.