Government Spending

Research on the scale, composition, and economic effects of government spending, including public investment, transfers, consumption, crowding out, and long-run fiscal pressures. Explore evidence and debate from across the Macro Roundup archive.

AI Summary. France's National Rally party, historically a champion of big-state spending, has pledged to clean up the country's degraded public finances alongside tax cuts it describes as a fully financed "competitiveness shock." The party also proposed lowering the retirement age from 62 to 60 for those who start working young, estimating €15bn–€20bn in pension savings from correcting "unjust or inefficient" measures.

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Marine Le Pen has proposed a referendum that would cap national debt at 60% of GDP and reduce the public deficit by .5pp annually to reach “close to a balanced budget.” At the same time she has also proposed to reduce the retirement age from 62 to 60.

Is a populist party shifting toward fiscal restraint and tax cuts?

Core argument: Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National estimates it could save €15bn–€20bn on pensions spending by correcting what it calls “unjust or inefficient measures” in the current system, helping fund its plans.

Long a champion of big-state spending to protect the working class, Le Pen in recent months has swung behind the idea that France needs a major clean-up of its degraded public finances. Her party, Rassemblement National (RN), also pledged tax cuts on Tuesday in what it said would be a fully financed “competitiveness shock” from 2027. Allianz chief economist Ludovic Subran called the proposals “voodoo economics.” “The RN now presents itself as the party of fiscal rectitude, but the route to its targets is unclear. The savings figures are disputed,” he said. Delivering the announced savings would be impossible unless the RN reversed tack to lower the retirement age.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National estimates it could save €15bn–€20bn on pensions spending by correcting what it calls “unjust or inefficient measures” in the current system, helping fund its plans.
  2. Rassemblement National pledged tax cuts as part of what it said would be a fully financed “competitiveness shock” from 2027, alongside lowering the retirement age from 62 to 60 for those who begin working at a young age.
  3. Le Pen, long a champion of big-state spending to protect the working class, has swung behind the idea that France needs a major clean-up of its degraded public finances.

AI Summary. The gap between French and German 10-year government bond yields exceeded 140 basis points, up from 40–50 basis points, which the author attributes to political choices favoring pensioners over bondholders, including a suspended pension reform leaving the minimum retirement age near 62. French over-65s hold higher average incomes than working-age people.

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France has signaled that pensioners are the senior claimants on government revenues. In 2026, private investors must absorb net bond issuance equal to 7.5% of GDP, after years when ECB purchases exceeded issuance.

Why has France's borrowing cost gap with Germany widened?

Core argument: The French OAT-Bund 10-year spread exceeded 140 basis points in mid-2025, up from 40–50 basis points between 2022 and June 2024, which Lustig attributes to political decisions prioritizing pensioners over bondholders.

France’s 10-year spread over Germany has risen above 140bp, from 40–50bp before mid-2024. France has repeatedly signaled that pensioners are senior claimants on government revenues: pension reforms have been weakened or reversed, while governments trying to restrain pension spending have fallen. The minimum retirement age is now 62 years and 9 months, and French over-65s have higher average incomes than the working-age population. Meanwhile, ECB purchases exceeded French net bond issuance in five years from 2015–22, so private investors were net sellers of French bonds; in 2026 they must absorb net issuance equal to 7.5% of GDP. The 10-year (r-g) gap has swung from −3.9pp in October 2020 to +1.9pp. French insurers and pension funds’ share of negotiable government debt has fallen from about 25% in 2014 to under 11%, while nonresidents’ share has risen to 57.5%.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The French OAT-Bund 10-year spread exceeded 140 basis points in mid-2025, up from 40–50 basis points between 2022 and June 2024, which Lustig attributes to political decisions prioritizing pensioners over bondholders.
  2. France’s legal minimum retirement age remains frozen at 62 years and 9 months for men — the lowest in the Eurozone except Bulgaria — after Prime Minister Lecornu suspended the 2023 pension reform, and French over-65s hold higher average incomes than the working-age population.
  3. French insurers and pension funds’ share of France’s negotiable state debt fell from about 25% in 2014 to under 11%, non-residents hold 57.5% of OATs, and private investors are projected to absorb 7.5% of GDP in net issuance in 2026.

AI Summary. French government borrowing costs now exceed the country's nominal income growth by about 2 percentage points, the most unfavorable gap between borrowing costs and growth in the rich world. By contrast, Spanish and Greek bond yields remain about 2 percentage points below their income growth rates.

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The change in a country’s interest rate, Klein argues, should be measured against the change in nominal income growth. By that metric, France has moved from “core Europe” into the periphery – while Italy, Spain and especially Greece have moved in the opposite direction.

Do French borrowing costs now exceed its income growth?

Core argument: France’s borrowing costs exceeded its nominal income growth rate by about 2pp as of 2026Q2, and by roughly 3pp at current yields, the most unfavorable such spread in the rich world.

The problem for France is that its bond yields are surging even as its nominal income growth has slowed relative to the 2017-2019 pace, to the point that, almost uniquely among rich countries, borrowing costs there now substantially exceed growth rates. In fact, the spread between French sovereign borrowing costs and French growth rates is now the most unfavorable anywhere in the rich world. The French economy was not quite growing by 2% a year in euro terms as of 2026Q2, which was even worse than the anemic 3% yearly average nominal growth rate recorded in 2017Q1-2019Q4. As of 2026Q2, France’s cost of borrowing was therefore about 2pp higher than its income growth rate. (At current yields, the penalty is more like 3pp.) By contrast, Spanish and Greek bond yields are still about 2pp lower than their income growth rates.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. France’s borrowing costs exceeded its nominal income growth rate by about 2pp as of 2026Q2, and by roughly 3pp at current yields, the most unfavorable such spread in the rich world.
  2. French nominal growth was running just under 2% a year in euro terms as of 2026Q2, below the 3% yearly average recorded in 2017Q1–2019Q4, even as French bond yields surged.
  3. Spanish and Greek bond yields remain about 2pp below their nominal income growth rates, in contrast to France’s unfavorable gap.

AI Summary. A rapid rise in long-term US Treasury yields has highlighted vulnerabilities elsewhere, notably France, where risks are elevated. Because France is in the euro zone, any crisis there would extend to the currency area, and European stocks have sold off alongside a weakening euro.

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The spread between 10-year French OATs and German Bunds is pricing a second eurozone sovereign-debt crisis. Authers suggests that the recent surge in US long-term yields has “shone a light” on France’s fiscal weakness, raising its salience to investors.

Do rising US long-term yields expose vulnerabilities in Europe?

Core argument: The speed of the rise in US long-term Treasury yields has raised the risk of dislocations elsewhere, with France a point of elevated vulnerability that would extend to the rest of the euro zone.

The speed of [the upward move in US long yields] brought the risk of dislocations elsewhere, like in France. Much as a surprising hawkish shift from the Fed under Alan Greenspan in 1994 revealed underlying weaknesses in the Mexican financial system that led to the Tequila Crisis, so this Treasury scare has shone a light on where the world’s greatest vulnerabilities are to be found. As France is part of the euro zone, any crisis must naturally extend to the rest of the currency area, at a time when most of its members are moving in a nationalist direction and likely reluctant to help. That is beginning to have an impact on stocks. The main European bourses sold off even as US equities rallied on Thursday. In combination with a weakening euro, the continent’s stocks have now given up almost all their gains since Trump took office.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The speed of the rise in US long-term Treasury yields has raised the risk of dislocations elsewhere, with France a point of elevated vulnerability that would extend to the rest of the euro zone.
  2. The Treasury scare echoes the Fed’s surprising hawkish shift under Alan Greenspan in 1994, which revealed weaknesses in Mexico’s financial system and led to the Tequila Crisis.
  3. Europe’s main bourses sold off even as US equities rallied, and combined with a weakening euro, the continent’s stocks have given up almost all their gains since Trump took office.

AI Summary. An analysis finds a Social Security tax-increase package lowers the debt-to-GDP ratio by 14.3 percentage points, with 97% of that coming from smaller Social Security deficits rather than economic growth. A benefit-reduction package cuts the ratio by 29.2 percentage points, raising long-run GDP by 12.1% versus 0.4%.

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A Penn-Wharton simulation finds that restoring Social Security solvency with tax increases alone would cut debt/GDP by ~14pp by 2060, while a fix based only on benefit cuts would cut it by ~29pp.

How do benefit cuts and tax increases differ in reducing debt-to-GDP?

Core argument: The benefit-reduction package cuts the debt/GDP ratio by 29.2 percentage points in the long run, more than twice the 14.3 percentage points under the tax-increase package.

The first figure [in the gallery] decomposes the tax-increase reform package’s improvement to the debt/GDP ratio into separate effects: how much does it cut debt versus how much does it raise GDP? Almost all of the tax-increase plan’s improvement in debt/GDP comes from lowering federal debt by raising taxes. The plan has a small negative effect on the economy in the short run and a small positive effect in the long run. But 97% of its 14.3 percentage point long-run reduction in debt/GDP comes simply from reducing Social Security’s deficits. The economy is little-changed relative to a baseline in which Congress simply borrows to pay Social Security benefits. The benefit-reduction package [second figure in the gallery] tells a different story. It reduces debt/GDP by 29.2 percentage points, more than twice as much as the tax-increase package. Part of that comes from a larger reduction in debt: 17.2 percentage points versus 13.9. But the real kicker comes from higher long-run GDP: 12.1% under the benefit-reduction package versus just 0.4% under the tax-increase package.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The benefit-reduction package cuts the debt/GDP ratio by 29.2 percentage points in the long run, more than twice the 14.3 percentage points under the tax-increase package.
  2. Of the tax-increase plan’s 14.3 percentage point long-run reduction in debt/GDP, 97% comes from reducing Social Security’s deficits, leaving the economy little changed relative to a baseline in which Congress borrows to pay benefits.
  3. Long-run GDP rises 12.1% under the benefit-reduction package versus 0.4% under the tax-increase package, with debt falling 17.2 percentage points versus 13.9.

AI Summary. France plans to narrow its budget deficit to 5% of GDP by cutting state spending, capping increases to pensions and civil servant salaries, and raising taxes. Deteriorating public finances have left France borrowing at higher interest rates than Italy and Greece, with 10-year bond yields reaching their highest since 2002.

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The French government has proposed €43B in spending cuts and tax increases for 2027, in an effort to reduce the deficit to 5% of GDP from a projected 5.4% in 2026.

Can capping pensions and public salaries shrink a widening budget deficit?

Core argument: France’s government under Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu aims to narrow the deficit to 5% of GDP next year by cutting state spending, capping increases to pensions and civil servant salaries, and raising taxes.

The government of Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu said it aimed to narrow the deficit to 5% of GDP next year by slashing state spending, capping increases to pensions and civil servant salaries, while raising taxes. The French deficit is on track to rise to 5.4% of GDP this year, after a deterioration in its public finances that has led to France borrowing at higher interest rates than Italy and Greece. France’s 10-year bond yields reached as high as 4.96% on Thursday, their highest point since 2002, as a global bond rout was exacerbated by investor concerns over the country’s fragile public finances. But they later fell back to 4.93% in choppy trading.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. France’s government under Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu aims to narrow the deficit to 5% of GDP next year by cutting state spending, capping increases to pensions and civil servant salaries, and raising taxes.
  2. The French deficit is on track to rise to 5.4% of GDP this year, following a deterioration in public finances that has left France borrowing at higher interest rates than Italy and Greece.
  3. French 10-year bond yields reached 4.96%, their highest since 2002, as a global bond rout was exacerbated by investor concerns over France’s fragile public finances, before falling back to 4.93%.

AI Summary. The gap between French and German 10-year government bond yields has widened at a pace matched only during the euro zone sovereign debt crisis. France and the UK have less room than the US to close deficits with tax increases, as tax revenues equal 43.9% of GDP in France and 35.3% in the UK versus 25.2% in the US.

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The spread between 10-year French OATs and German Bunds has widened at a pace seen only during the eurozone sovereign-debt crisis. John Authers warns that France “satisfies all the classic conditions for a major debt crisis.”

Do high tax burdens limit France and the UK's deficit options?

Core argument: The spread of 10-year French OATs over German Bunds has risen at a pace matched only during the worst days of the euro-zone sovereign debt crisis in 2011 and 2012, fueling talk of a second crisis centered in Paris.

Only in the worst days of the euro zone’s sovereign debt crisis, in 2011 and 2012, has the [spread of 10-Year French OATS over German Bunds] risen so fast. Talk of a second euro-zone crisis, this time with an epicenter in Paris, is growing, and it’s easy to see why. Why is this more of a problem for France and the UK? Beyond their deficits, they also shoulder much higher tax burdens than the US. Tax revenues are 25.2% of GDP in the US, the lowest of the major developed economies - but 35.3% in the UK and 43.9% in France. It’s hard to imagine after decades of tax-cutting, but a US politician could deal with the deficit fairly easily with a tax hike. It’s not clear that option is open to French lawmakers, even if they could somehow persuade voters to go along with them. The populist politicians of left and right, who currently look well placed in next year’s presidential elections, are in any case unlikely to try.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The spread of 10-year French OATs over German Bunds has risen at a pace matched only during the worst days of the euro-zone sovereign debt crisis in 2011 and 2012, fueling talk of a second crisis centered in Paris.
  2. Tax revenues equal 25.2% of GDP in the US, the lowest among major developed economies, versus 35.3% in the UK and 43.9% in France, leaving American politicians more room to close the deficit with a tax hike.
  3. Populist politicians of left and right, currently well placed for France’s presidential election, are unlikely to attempt tax increases to address the deficit.

AI Summary. The Institute of International Finance reports global debt as a share of output rose less than 10 percentage points between 2018 and mid-2026, peaking at 337% in early 2021 before falling 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. Inflation eroded the debt burden, as it did in the UK after the Second World War.

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Wolf notes that the global debt-to-GDP ratio rose by less than 10pp btw 2018 and June 2026: after peaking at 337% in early 2021, it fell by 27pp by the end of 2023, as inflation boosted nominal GDP and eroded the value of existing debt.

Does inflation reduce the global debt burden?

Core argument: IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.

The IIF shows that between 2018 and June 2026, the rise in the ratio of global debt to output was less than 10 percentage points. The story is striking: the ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021, before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. What was this magical “debt-buster”? Good old-fashioned (and supposedly “unexpected”) inflation. This is — to put it mildly — not the first time inflation has wiped out debt. It was, to take one of countless examples, an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt. For countries able to print the money in which their debt is denominated, that is often what happens.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.
  2. Between 2018 and June 2026, the IIF shows the ratio of global debt to output rose by less than 10 percentage points.
  3. Inflation has wiped out debt before, forming an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt, and often does so for countries able to print the currency in which their debt is denominated.