Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

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  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
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  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
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Understanding Global Imbalances

AI Summary. The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.

IMF Staff International Monetary Fund
Date Posted:
April 7, 2026
Is Database:
Database

As of 2024, the US, China, Germany, and Japan accounted for ~2/3 of total global imbalances (the sum of the absolute value of each economy’s current account deficit and surplus). The US CA deficit is between 0.8 and 1% of world GDP.

How persistent are global current account imbalances and which economies drive them?

Core argument: The US, China, Germany, and Japan together account for roughly two-thirds of global imbalances, with the US deficit equal to 4% of GDP in 2024, financed by capital inflows and portfolio investors seeking dollar assets.

Four economies—the US, China, Germany, and Japan—account for roughly two-thirds of global imbalances. The US deficit—equivalent to 4% of GDP as of 2024—has been financed by capital inflows and portfolio investors seeking dollar assets. Germany and Japan’s surpluses have been driven by high saving rates, joined by substantial surpluses in China beginning in the 2000s. Oil-exporting countries’ surpluses fluctuate with commodity prices, creating episodic contributions to global imbalances. In earlier decades, surpluses and deficits were more cyclical: countries moved in and out of surplus depending on business cycles, commodity shocks, and exchange rate movements. While there is no standard definition of persistence, the average duration of a deficit or surplus spell roughly doubled since the 1980s. Persistent surpluses over the past two decades have accumulated into very large net foreign asset positions for economies such as China, Germany, and Japan, with each holding net foreign assets equivalent to 3–3.5% of global GDP in 2024. Similarly, persistent deficits have built up into large net liability positions, most notably in the US where the NIIP stands at about -25% of global GDP in 2024, underscoring the central role of the US position in global balances (Figure 6).

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The US, China, Germany, and Japan together account for roughly two-thirds of global imbalances, with the US deficit equal to 4% of GDP in 2024, financed by capital inflows and portfolio investors seeking dollar assets.
  2. The average duration of a deficit or surplus spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, when countries moved in and out of surplus with business cycles, commodity shocks, and exchange rate movements.
  3. China, Germany, and Japan each held net foreign assets equivalent to 3–3.5% of global GDP in 2024, while the US net international investment position stood at about -25% of global GDP.

Related Articles:

  • The Dangerous Triumph Of Neo-Mercantilism — Neo-mercantilism is thriving in both China, which pairs infant-industry promotion with large trade surpluses, and in a United States focused on external deficits and protecting domestic markets. The author argues this will likely fracture the world economy, and that a new multilateral treaty could include a mechanism to combat large structural trade surpluses.
  • Debt, Deficits & Global Imbalances — Taxes or restrictions on short-term capital inflows were argued to be a more direct and potentially superior tool than tariffs for shrinking the trade deficit, since tariffs risk retaliation and supply-chain distortions. Proponents said such measures could reduce reliance on household and government borrowing to sustain employment, if paired with efforts to strengthen domestic demand and tradables capacity.
  • US Notches One of Its Biggest Annual Trade Gaps Since 1960 — The US goods and services trade deficit reached $901.5bn for the year, one of the largest in data going back to 1960. US companies increased imports of computers and accessories by nearly $145bn from the prior year, an acceleration in demand that reflects large-scale artificial intelligence investment.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • China
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
    • Trade (not deficits)
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Showing 114 database articles primarily about Savings Glut/Trade Deficit

How To Buy A Trade Surplus

AI Summary. Regression evidence suggests governments can buy current account surpluses: raising the fiscal balance by $1 tends to raise the current account by about $0.30, while issuing $1 of domestic-currency debt to buy foreign-currency assets raises it by roughly $0.50-$0.60. Combining a fiscal surplus with foreign-currency investment, as Norway and Singapore do, yields about $0.80 per $1.

Joseph Gagnon and Nishtha Agrawal Peterson Institute For International Economics
Date Posted:
July 29, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Using annual data for 146 countries from 1985 – 2024, Gagnon and Agrawal find that a $1 increase in a country’s cyclically adjusted fiscal deficit is associated with a 22–38¢ increase in its current-account deficit, with most of the estimates ~30¢.

Can governments buy current account surpluses with fiscal and currency policy?

Core argument: Regression results suggest that raising the fiscal balance by $1 tends to raise the current account by about $0.30.

Table 1 presents regression results. The evidence strongly suggests that governments can buy current account surpluses. Raising the fiscal balance by $1 tends to raise the current account by $0.30 [Table 1, first row]. Issuing $1 of domestic currency debt to buy foreign-currency assets (foreign exchange intervention) raises the current account anywhere from $0.20 to $1.00, with a value around $0.50 to $0.60 most plausible [Rows 2 though 5]. NOF is Net Official Flows, and NOS is the stock of net official foreign assets. The most powerful policy, as exemplified by Norway and Singapore, is to run a fiscal surplus and invest the proceeds in foreign-currency assets. In that case, $1 buys a current account surplus of around $0.80 or so. The results are supported by annual panel regressions of current accounts and cross-country stock regressions of cumulated current accounts or stocks of net foreign assets. The estimated effects in the panel regressions may be biased down slightly by incomplete modeling of lagged effects.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Regression results suggest that raising the fiscal balance by $1 tends to raise the current account by about $0.30.
  2. Issuing $1 of domestic currency debt to buy foreign-currency assets is estimated to raise the current account by $0.20 to $1.00, with $0.50 to $0.60 most plausible.
  3. Combining a fiscal surplus with investment of the proceeds in foreign-currency assets, as Norway and Singapore do, is estimated to buy a current account surplus of around $0.80 per $1.

Related Articles:

  • Understanding Global Imbalances — The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
  • The U.S. Trade Deficit: Myths and Realities — Taxing capital inflows would weaken the dollar but could raise domestic interest rates and depress investment, harming long-term growth, while an interest rate cut absent recession would be inflationary and erode any real depreciation needed to durably improve the trade balance. Fiscal restraint could weaken the dollar and reduce the trade deficit.
  • The Dangerous Triumph Of Neo-Mercantilism — Neo-mercantilism is thriving in both China, which pairs infant-industry promotion with large trade surpluses, and in a United States focused on external deficits and protecting domestic markets. The author argues this will likely fracture the world economy, and that a new multilateral treaty could include a mechanism to combat large structural trade surpluses.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • GDP

Honey, Who Shrunk the U.S. Income Surplus?

AI Summary. Foreign holdings of U.S. financial assets are valued at $69tn versus $41tn of U.S. holdings abroad, a gap that has been mounting for decades. With the net liability position in interest-bearing assets at -$15tn, a 1 percentage point rise in interest rates would subtract $150bn from the U.S. net investment income balance.

Matthew Higgins and Thomas Klitgaard Liberty Street Economics
Date Posted:
May 19, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The US net international investment position worsened by about $16tn between 2019 and 2025, driven by roughly $5.5tn in net inflows and $10tn in valuation losses, as higher rates hit a larger net liability stock, raising interest rate-sensitivity.

How does a growing net liability position affect U.S. investment income?

Core argument: Official estimates put the current market value of foreign holdings of U.S. financial assets at $69tn, against $41tn of U.S. holdings of foreign assets, a shortfall that has been mounting for decades.

Foreign holdings of U.S. financial assets are immense, with official estimates putting their current market value at $69 trillion. U.S. holdings of foreign assets are also impressive but much smaller, at $41 trillion. The shortfall in U.S. foreign assets relative to foreign liabilities has been mounting for decades. Yet U.S. investment income receipts—in profits, dividends, and interest—comfortably exceeded income payments until recently. Payments on U.S. assets owned by foreign investors represent a servicing burden for the U.S. economy. Profits, dividends, and interest payments that would otherwise accrue to domestic investors instead flow abroad. Given the need to sell U.S. assets to finance ongoing trade deficits, this servicing burden seems likely to mount. The related buildup in the U.S. net liability position in interest-bearing assets will also make the income balance more sensitive to swings in interest rates. This increased sensitivity is already in evidence. At present, with the asset-liability gap at -$15 trillion, a 1 percentage point increase in U.S. and foreign interest rates would subtract $150 billion from the U.S. net income balance. (A 1pp fall in rates would result in a similar improvement.) Only five years ago, a 1 percentage point rise in rates would have subtracted $100 billion.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Official estimates put the current market value of foreign holdings of U.S. financial assets at $69tn, against $41tn of U.S. holdings of foreign assets, a shortfall that has been mounting for decades.
  2. With the U.S. asset-liability gap in interest-bearing assets at -$15tn, a 1 percentage point rise in U.S. and foreign interest rates would subtract $150bn from the U.S. net income balance, compared with $100bn five years ago.
  3. U.S. investment income receipts in profits, dividends, and interest exceeded income payments until recently, and the servicing burden on foreign-owned U.S. assets seems likely to mount given the need to sell U.S. assets to finance ongoing trade deficits.

Related Articles:

  • Understanding Global Imbalances — The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
  • Tariffs and “International Payments Problems” — Foreigners are accumulating more financial claims on Americans than Americans are on foreigners across direct investment, stocks, bonds, currency, deposits, and loans, and the U.S. net international investment position has moved from -20% of GDP in 2010 to -89%. Almost all of that swing reflects valuation gains on U.S. stocks rather than added borrowing.
  • Foreigners Rebuff ‘Sell America’ and Buy a Net $1.6 Trillion in Assets — Treasury Department data show overseas investors bought a net $1.55tn of long-term US financial assets, up from $1.18tn the prior year, including $720bn in equities and just under $409bn in Treasury notes and bonds. China was a net seller of $208.6bn, with its Treasury holdings ending at $683.5bn.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Monetary Policy

Don't Blame America's Current Account Deficit On the Dollar

AI Summary. Foreign official purchases of dollars are too small to mirror the US current account deficit, and net official financial inflows have fluctuated around zero even as the deficit widened; the euro area runs a current account surplus despite the euro's reserve role. The author argues materially reducing the US fiscal deficit is the key policy prerequisite for global rebalancing.

Maurice Obstfeld Peterson Institute for International Economics
Date Posted:
April 14, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Noting the minimal relationship between official liabilities and the CA, Obstfeld argues that the reserve currency role of the dollar is not the cause of the trade deficit. He urges reduction in the US fiscal deficit to increase national saving.

Does the dollar's reserve role drive the US current account deficit?

Core argument: US net incurrence of liabilities to official foreign holders over 2003–25, measured as a share of GDP, is usually far too small to mirror the US current account deficit, contradicting claims that official dollar purchases feed one-for-one into it.

Critics of the dollar's global role have argued that foreign official dollar purchases (labeled US incurrence of official liabilities in the figure) feed one-for-one into US current account deficits. To illustrate the true loose relationship between these two variables, the figure shows both of them over the 2003–25 period, as percentages of GDP. US net incurrence of liabilities to official holders, reported with a minus sign as in standard balance-of-payments methodology, is usually far too small to mirror the US current account deficit. And since roughly 2014, net official financial inflows have fluctuated around zero as the current account deficit has widened. To be sure, the strong international demand for dollars may make the dollar stronger against foreign currencies than it would be otherwise, [but] while they imply a smaller current account balance, they do not necessarily imply a negative balance and certainly not a rising negative balance, especially when foreign dollar reserve holdings have been shrinking relative to global economic activity (as figure 1 also implies). The euro is the world's second reserve currency, yet the euro area has a current account surplus. Britain had surpluses up until World War I despite issuing the world's premier global currency and hosting its leading financial center. Reducing the US fiscal deficit materially and sustainably is the most important US policy prerequisite for global current account rebalancing.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US net incurrence of liabilities to official foreign holders over 2003–25, measured as a share of GDP, is usually far too small to mirror the US current account deficit, contradicting claims that official dollar purchases feed one-for-one into it.
  2. Since roughly 2014, US net official financial inflows have fluctuated around zero while the US current account deficit widened, and foreign dollar reserve holdings have been shrinking relative to global economic activity.
  3. The euro area runs a current account surplus despite the euro's status as the world's second reserve currency, and Britain ran surpluses until World War I while issuing the premier global currency and hosting its leading financial center.

Related Articles:

  • US Notches One of Its Biggest Annual Trade Gaps Since 1960 — The US goods and services trade deficit reached $901.5bn for the year, one of the largest in data going back to 1960. US companies increased imports of computers and accessories by nearly $145bn from the prior year, an acceleration in demand that reflects large-scale artificial intelligence investment.
  • The U.S. Trade Deficit: Myths and Realities — Taxing capital inflows would weaken the dollar but could raise domestic interest rates and depress investment, harming long-term growth, while an interest rate cut absent recession would be inflationary and erode any real depreciation needed to durably improve the trade balance. Fiscal restraint could weaken the dollar and reduce the trade deficit.
  • Pettis on Obstfeld — Pettis argues that saving rates in China, Japan, South Korea, Germany, Russia and Saudi Arabia are driven by their own domestic policies and conditions, and in turn drive the US saving rate. He notes the US has an open capital account, deep financial markets, and limited intervention in credit allocation.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • China
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • GDP

China’s Cheap Money Is Shaking $9.5 Trillion Global Loan Market

AI Summary. Chinese banks, funded by low-cost domestic money amid monetary easing and weak domestic credit demand, are expanding cross-border lending and undercutting global rivals for sought-after Asian borrowers. Bankers at international institutions say they are being priced out of some of these deals.

Bloomberg Staff Bloomberg
Date Posted:
March 5, 2026
Is Database:
Database

China’s savings glut and “monetary easing to counter slowing growth” are manifesting themselves in credit expansion overseas, as bankers seek higher yields than they can get at home amidst deflationary pressure.

Are Chinese banks undercutting global rivals in cross-border lending?

Core argument: Chinese banks, flush with low-cost funds from Beijing's monetary easing, are reshaping parts of the $9.5 trillion global loan market by extending cheaper credit across borders.

Chinese banks, flush with low-cost funds, are reshaping parts of the global loan market, underscoring how deflationary pressures in the world’s second-largest economy are increasingly influencing competition with international lenders. Much like US and European manufacturers who have long complained about being undercut by cheaper Chinese rivals, bankers at global institutions now say they’re facing the financial equivalent: being priced out of some of Asia’s most sought-after borrowers as Chinese lenders extend cheaper credit across borders. Enabled by Beijing’s monetary easing to counter slowing growth, Chinese banks are expanding overseas lending amid weakening domestic credit demand. That edge may prove even more significant as the Iran crisis threatens to upend global energy markets, raising the likelihood that major central banks will hold off easing interest rates amid mounting uncertainty.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Chinese banks, flush with low-cost funds from Beijing's monetary easing, are reshaping parts of the $9.5 trillion global loan market by extending cheaper credit across borders.
  2. Bankers at global institutions say they are being priced out of some of Asia's most sought-after borrowers by Chinese lenders, a financial equivalent of the undercutting US and European manufacturers have long complained about.
  3. Weakening domestic credit demand in China is accompanying an expansion of its banks' overseas lending, an edge that may prove more significant if the Iran crisis leads major central banks to hold off easing interest rates.

Related Articles:

  • The Dangerous Triumph Of Neo-Mercantilism — Neo-mercantilism is thriving in both China, which pairs infant-industry promotion with large trade surpluses, and in a United States focused on external deficits and protecting domestic markets. The author argues this will likely fracture the world economy, and that a new multilateral treaty could include a mechanism to combat large structural trade surpluses.
  • The True Cost of China’s Falling Prices — Prices fell for 51 of 67 consumer items tracked over a two-year period in China, while the broader GDP deflator, which includes upstream sectors, declined for 10 straight quarters, indicating deflation is more entrenched in industry. The share of "zombie" firms whose profits cannot cover debt interest rose from 19% to 34% over five years.
  • China’s Trade Surplus, Part I — China's very high investment rates, combined with a shrinking workforce and slowing productivity, produce sharply diminishing returns, making its decades-old high-savings, high-investment growth model unsustainable. The author argues China's leaders resist a pivot toward consumption because of ideology and geopolitical ambition, with the leadership rejecting welfare spending as breeding dependency.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets

Tariffs and "International Payments Problems"

AI Summary. Foreigners are accumulating more financial claims on Americans than Americans are on foreigners across direct investment, stocks, bonds, currency, deposits, and loans, and the U.S. net international investment position has moved from -20% of GDP in 2010 to -89%. Almost all of that swing reflects valuation gains on U.S. stocks rather than added borrowing.

Matt Klein The Overshoot
Date Posted:
March 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The worsening of the US net international investment position – from -20% of US GDP in 2010, to -53% pre-pandemic, and to -89% as of the end of 2025Q3 – reflects valuation gains on US stocks relative to stocks in the rest of the world.

Does the deteriorating U.S. investment position reflect borrowing or stock valuations?

Core argument: The U.S. net international investment position swung from -20% of GDP in 2010 to -53% just before the pandemic and -89% as of 2025Q3, almost all reflecting valuation gains on U.S. stocks relative to foreign stock markets.

Foreigners are accumulating more financial claims on Americans than Americans are accumulating on foreigners across every single category: FDI, stocks, bonds, physical currency, deposits, and loans. Foreign official investors supposedly have been mild sellers of U.S. assets over the past 12 months, but the standard measure does not include state-affiliated institutions that operate on behalf of foreign governments. Meanwhile, the U.S. net international investment position has swung massively over the past few years, from -20% of U.S. GDP in 2010, to -53% of U.S. GDP on the eve of the pandemic to -89% as of the end of 2025Q3. Almost all of that reflects massive valuation gains on U.S. stocks relative to stock markets in the rest of the world. The good news is that actual U.S. indebtedness has not meaningfully increased, and the methods used to assign market values to FDI in the U.S. and abroad make the situation look more extreme than it is. (U.S. FDI assets in Ireland are overwhelmingly big tech and big pharma, for example, but the market value of those assets is imputed based on the performance of the maker of Kerrygold.) The bad news is that, if the current level of the NIIP is unsustainable, the easiest way for it to revert is for U.S. stock prices to fall dramatically.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. net international investment position swung from -20% of GDP in 2010 to -53% just before the pandemic and -89% as of 2025Q3, almost all reflecting valuation gains on U.S. stocks relative to foreign stock markets.
  2. Foreigners are accumulating more financial claims on Americans than Americans are on foreigners in every category — FDI, stocks, bonds, physical currency, deposits, and loans — while actual U.S. indebtedness has not meaningfully increased.
  3. Methods for assigning market values to foreign direct investment make the imbalance look more extreme than it is, since U.S. FDI assets in Ireland are overwhelmingly big tech and big pharma yet are valued using the performance of the maker of Kerrygold.

Related Articles:

  • The US Trade Deficit and Foreign Borrowing — The authors argue US trade deficits persist because foreign investors find US financial assets attractive, but the current deficit level is not sustainable. They estimate that stabilizing the US net foreign liability position requires improving the trade balance by about 2% of GDP, or over 3% if low-cost borrowing privileges are lost.
  • The End of Privilege: A Reexamination of the Net Foreign Asset Position of the United States — The authors document that the U.S. net foreign asset position fell by 60 percentage points of U.S. gross domestic product between 2007 and 2021, even as U.S. current account deficits narrowed. They attribute this to a boom in the market valuation of U.S. corporations' non-financial assets, which mechanically raised the value of large foreign equity holdings in U.S. firms.
  • United States’ Changing Net IIP — The United States' net international investment position deficit—the gap between foreign-owned US assets and US-owned foreign assets—is the largest on record and has turned negative across all major asset categories. Because much of the liability is equity, the author argues rebalancing could come through a correction in US equity values rather than a weaker dollar.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets

U.S. Equities and Korea’s Balance of Payments

AI Summary. Korea's external surplus was offset entirely by purchases of foreign equities rather than debt outflows, with the Bank of Korea selling foreign exchange to support the won instead of accumulating reserves. The author argues a large share of the roughly $1tn U.S. current account deficit is now funded by equity inflows rather than the bond buying that historically financed it.

Brad Setser Council On Foreign Relations
Date Posted:
March 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The capital account counterpart of South Korea’s record CA surplus is now purchases of foreign equities. “Historically, the US current account deficit has been funded almost exclusively by foreign purchases of bonds,” Setser notes.

Are foreign equity purchases now funding the U.S. current account deficit?

Core argument: A decent share of the flow funding the $1 trillion U.S. current account deficit in 2026 came from equity inflows, a break from the historical pattern in which the deficit was funded almost exclusively by foreign purchases of bonds.

Unsurprisingly, given the weakness in the won, the Bank of Korea didn’t need to recycle Korea’s external surplus—a marked change from ten years ago. In fact, the Bank of Korea sold a bit of foreign exchange over the course of 2025 in an effort to support the won. Korea’s surplus was also interesting for another reason: the entire outflow that offset the surplus came from Korean purchases of foreign equities (and a bit of foreign selling of Korean equities). There was no substantial debt outflow. Historically, the U.S. current account deficit has been funded almost exclusively by foreign purchases of bonds—whether by reserve managers, or life insurers and pension funds seeking higher coupons than they could find in their home markets (both on U.S. Treasuries and U.S. corporate credit). But in 2026, for the first time in a long time, a decent share of the new flow associated with the $1 trillion deficit came from equity inflows. Bottom line: it is a new world. The U.S. deficit isn’t being funded out of reserve growth (though with the recent surge in the foreign holdings of Chinese state banks, it could soon be funded out of shadow reserves) or even by life insurance flows. A big chunk actually came from momentum-driven flows into U.S. equities. Which only adds to my conviction that the dollar isn’t going to be a good hedge for U.S. equity exposure going forward.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A decent share of the flow funding the $1 trillion U.S. current account deficit in 2026 came from equity inflows, a break from the historical pattern in which the deficit was funded almost exclusively by foreign purchases of bonds.
  2. The Bank of Korea sold some foreign exchange over the course of 2025 to support the weak won rather than recycling Korea's external surplus, a marked change from ten years earlier.
  3. Korea's external surplus was offset entirely by Korean purchases of foreign equities and a bit of foreign selling of Korean equities, with no substantial debt outflow.

Related Articles:

  • The Coming Asian FX ‘Avalanche’ — Investment firm Eurizon SLJ argues that Asian exporters have hoarded much of their trade surpluses in dollar deposits rather than repatriating them, creating an overhang the firm roughly estimates at $2.5tn in China plus more from Taiwan, Malaysia, and Korea, growing about $500bn a year. It predicts this raises the risk of a non-linear dollar sell-off.
  • Setser On Kearney Reshoring Index — US imports from Southeast Asia have risen, but China's reported exports to the US exceed recorded US imports from China by about 10%, reflecting incentives to shift final assembly and to avoid tariffs. Trade data cannot show how much Chinese content is embedded in rising Southeast Asian imports.
  • Dollar Debasement Begins — The author argues that the dollar's value against emerging-market currencies is the most reliable leading indicator of the dollar's direction, and it has kept making new lows since the Federal Reserve's rate cut. The trade-weighted dollar against other advanced economies remains noisy and within its recent range.
  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
    • Trade (not deficits)
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