Edward Conard

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  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
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Vast Household Wealth Could Be a Factor Behind U.S. Labor Shortage

AI Summary. A $2.7tn stock of excess savings and a 22% rise in total household assets to $163tn reduced U.S. labor force participation by roughly 1.5 percentage points, as greater wealth enabled workers to exit or delay re-entering the workforce.

Josh Mitchell Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
December 21, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Uptick in household wealth, driven by $2.7tn excess savings & $163tn in total assets, has contributed to a decline in US Labor Force Participation Rate.

Does higher household wealth permanently reduce labor force participation?

Core argument: U.S. household wealth surged to $163tn with $2.7tn in excess savings, driving a 1.5 pts decline in the Labor Force Participation Rate from pre-pandemic levels as increased financial cushions allow workers to exit the labor market.

The surge in household wealth, driven by a $2.7tn stock of excess savings and a 22% increase in total assets to nearly $163tn, has contributed to a decline in the Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR) in the U.S. The LFPR fell by 1.5 percentage points from pre-pandemic levels, with prime-age worker participation down over a percentage point. Research indicates that increased wealth allows individuals to opt out of the labor market, as seen in cases where lottery winners and recipients of severance payments reduce work hours or exit the workforce. Pandemic aid, amounting to $2tn or $16,000 per household, is linked to a 0.58 percentage-point drop in employment among the working-age population. As savings diminish, labor shortages may ease, but the Omicron variant could delay workforce reentry.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. household wealth surged to $163tn with $2.7tn in excess savings, driving a 1.5 pts decline in the Labor Force Participation Rate from pre-pandemic levels as increased financial cushions allow workers to exit the labor market.
  2. Pandemic aid of $2tn ($16,000 per household) resulted in a 0.58 pts drop in employment among working-age populations, demonstrating that direct wealth transfers reduce labor supply and contribute to persistent workforce shortages.

"....The personal saving rate—the share of disposable income households sock away each month, at an annual rate—hit an all-time high of 33.8% in April 2020, up from 8.3% in February 2020, and remained elevated through this summer, Commerce Department data show. While the rate has since dropped, households have nonetheless built up a $2.7 trillion stock of “excess savings”—the amount above what they would have had there been no pandemic—as of Sept. 30, 2021, according to Moody’s Analytics. For households that earned between roughly $45,000 and $69,000, the typical family’s checking account rose by more than half between January 2020 and this spring to above $3,000, according to the JPMorgan Chase Institute....Some economists believe the extra cash is one reason for this. In part, that is based on research showing declines in wealth seem to have had the opposite effect. Falling housing and stock values from 2006 and 2010 led many who otherwise would have fallen out of the labor force to stay in, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. The study found that participation was 0.7 percentage point higher than otherwise as a result. Families that win at least $30,000 in the lottery tend to earn less in the next five years, according to a National Bureau of Economic Research working paper released in July by four University of Chicago scholars. The more a person wins, the bigger the effect that the award has on earnings and employment, the paper found. Upper-income winners are more likely to reduce their hours, while lower-income winners are more likely to drop out of the labor market entirely, the paper found. In Austria, workers who received severance payments worth two months of pay were far less likely to find a job within 20 weeks compared with those who received no such lump sum, according to a 2006 paper released by the NBER. The researchers also found a similar effect among workers whose unemployment benefits were extended from 20 weeks to 30 weeks....Nonetheless, Felipe Schwartzman, a senior economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, wrote in November that the pandemic aid has likely led many workers to stay out of the labor market. That isn’t necessarily because the aid directly discouraged work, since most of the aid didn’t depend on whether people worked. Instead, the wealth likely relieved some people of the need to work, giving them the option to hold out for a better job or stay home. Citing links identified in past research,Mr. Schwartzman concluded that the roughly $2 trillion in pandemic assistance—about $16,000 per household—accounts for a 0.58 percentage-point decline in the share of the working-age population with jobs. That ratio fell 2.6 percentage points between February 2020 and August 2021, the period that Mr. Schwartzman studied....But those effects may be about to fade. The personal saving rate recently fell below its pre-pandemic level, reaching 7.3% in October. The JPMorgan Chase Institute data shows that checking-account balances have fallen quickly in recent months among households in the bottom half of the income distribution...."

Josh Mitchell, "Vast Household Wealth Could Be a Factor Behind U.S. Labor Shortage,"Wall Street Journal, December 19, 2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/vast-household-wealth-could-be-a-factor-behind-u-s-labor-shortage-11639926006

Vast Household Wealth Could Be a Factor Behind U.S. Labor Shortage

The great American savings boom is coming to an end. Will the great American labor shortage now ease?

That is one of the puzzles facing the labor market this winter.

Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell said last week that booming stock markets, home prices and savings are probably leading some people to stay home rather than return to work, with perhaps some couples moving from dual- to single-income households. That is consistent with past research showing that willingness to work depends on one’s finances. If so, then the labor force may get a boost as those savings are whittled down.

After the Covid-19 pandemic hit the U.S. in March 2020, Congress responded with three separate rounds of stimulus checks of as much as $1,200, $600 and $1,400 per person; enhanced jobless benefits of as much as $600 extra per week; and a boost in the 2021 child tax credit by as much as $1,600 per child. The government also suspended monthly student-debt payments for households from March 2020 through early next year.

The personal saving rate—the share of disposable income households sock away each month, at an annual rate—hit an all-time high of 33.8% in April 2020, up from 8.3% in February 2020, and remained elevated through this summer, Commerce Department data show.

While the rate has since dropped, households have nonetheless built up a $2.7 trillion stock of “excess savings”—the amount above what they would have had there been no pandemic—as of Sept. 30, 2021, according to Moody’s Analytics. For households that earned between roughly $45,000 and $69,000, the typical family’s checking account rose by more than half between January 2020 and this spring to above $3,000, according to the JPMorgan Chase Institute.

Meanwhile, home prices and stocks have soared, in part because of stimulus from the Fed. From the start of 2020 through Sept. 30 this year, U.S. households’ total assets soared 22% to nearly $163 trillion, Fed data show.

At the same time, the labor-force participation rate fell sharply and has remained stubbornly low. At 61.8% in November, it was 1.5 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level. Many older workers retired early. But even among prime-age workers—those between 25 and 54—participation remains down more than a percentage point.

Vast Household Wealth Could Be a Factor Behind U.S. Labor Shortage: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Some economists believe the extra cash is one reason for this. In part, that is based on research showing declines in wealth seem to have had the opposite effect. Falling housing and stock values from 2006 and 2010 led many who otherwise would have fallen out of the labor force to stay in, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. The study found that participation was 0.7 percentage point higher than otherwise as a result.

Families that win at least $30,000 in the lottery tend to earn less in the next five years, according to a National Bureau of Economic Research working paper released in July by four University of Chicago scholars. The more a person wins, the bigger the effect that the award has on earnings and employment, the paper found. Upper-income winners are more likely to reduce their hours, while lower-income winners are more likely to drop out of the labor market entirely, the paper found.

In Austria, workers who received severance payments worth two months of pay were far less likely to find a job within 20 weeks compared with those who received no such lump sum, according to a 2006 paper released by the NBER. The researchers also found a similar effect among workers whose unemployment benefits were extended from 20 weeks to 30 weeks.

Theoretically, enhanced unemployment insurance should have discouraged some unemployed workers from finding new work. Whether the expiration of those benefits had any impact on job finding is unclear. It may be difficult to disentangle the effect on job finding of unemployment insurance from the effect of savings and wealth.

Nonetheless, Felipe Schwartzman, a senior economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, wrote in November that the pandemic aid has likely led many workers to stay out of the labor market. That isn’t necessarily because the aid directly discouraged work, since most of the aid didn’t depend on whether people worked. Instead, the wealth likely relieved some people of the need to work, giving them the option to hold out for a better job or stay home.

Citing links identified in past research, Mr. Schwartzman concluded that the roughly $2 trillion in pandemic assistance—about $16,000 per household—accounts for a 0.58 percentage-point decline in the share of the working-age population with jobs. That ratio fell 2.6 percentage points between February 2020 and August 2021, the period that Mr. Schwartzman studied.

Vast Household Wealth Could Be a Factor Behind U.S. Labor Shortage: Extended Excerpt Image 2


But those effects may be about to fade. The personal saving rate recently fell below its pre-pandemic level, reaching 7.3% in October. The JPMorgan Chase Institute data shows that checking-account balances have fallen quickly in recent months among households in the bottom half of the income distribution. Offsetting that, the fast-spreading Omicron variant might deter some people from rejoining the labor force.

“As those saving rates get drawn down, they’re going to have to find income to replace that to support their livelihoods,” said Joe Brusuelas, chief economist at consulting firm RSM US LLP. He predicts labor shortages will ease this winter as savings drop and workers resume the job search.

The labor force, after stalling much of this year and unexpectedly falling in September, has expanded the past two months, including by 594,000 in November. “These smaller buffers as we move into 2022 will likely be an incentive for these workers to return to the workforce,” said economist Gregory Daco of Oxford Economics.

  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • Workforce
    • Unemployment/Participation
Previous articleDecember 21, 2021Edward GlaeserThe correlation btw prime-age male joblessness in 2010 and 1980 is over 80%, highlighting persistent local economic dysfunction.Next articleDecember 21, 2021Retirements Surge for Older Workers during COVID-19The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated retirement rates among older workers, with the share of retired individuals rising by nearly 2% for those aged 66-70 and 1% for those aged 71 and older.
Showing 193 database articles primarily about Government Spending

The Fairest Way to Reform Social Security May Also Be the Worst Way to Grow the Economy

AI Summary. Raising payroll taxes to fix Social Security's funding gap preserves earned benefits but reduces take-home pay without added compensation, shrinking labor supply and slowing economic growth.

Andrew Biggs American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
May 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Biggs argues that “fair” approaches to restoring Social Security solvency – those that do not cut already accrued benefits – are less effective than “unfair” ones that do, because the latter incentivize increased work effort, raising growth and revenue.

Biggs argues that “fair” approaches to restoring Social Security solvency – those that do not cut already accrued...

Does preserving Social Security benefits require sacrificing economic growth?

Core argument: A 5.2 pts payroll tax increase to 17.6% drives reduced labor supply and slower economic growth vs. the status quo.

Imagine that Social Security reform follows the fairness model, in which accrued benefits are paid in full but the rate at which future benefits are earned is reduced. A simple way to do this is to increase the payroll tax rate To keep Social Security permanently solvent, meaning through 75 years and beyond, would require an immediate and permanent increase in the payroll tax rate [from] 12.4% to 17.6%. The higher rate would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth. [Consider] an alternate reform, which looks clearly unfair: fix Social Security’s funding gap entirely by reducing accrued benefits that Americans already have earned. As of 2025, Americans had accrued $54 trillion in Social Security benefits. Social Security’s unfunded obligation as of 2025 was $26 trillion. So, roughly, this means cutting Americans’ “earned benefits” in half. [Analyzing the 1977 reform that undid the notorious 1972 “double-indexing” of benefits, a group of economists], using SSA earnings data, found that, for every dollar of lost benefits, the affected Americans increased their earnings by 61 cents. Moreover, these additional earnings would be taxed by Social Security, further strengthening the program’s finances. In effect, this makes cutting benefits a “cheaper” way to fix Social Security than raising taxes, because people respond in ways that also increase tax revenues.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A 5.2 pts payroll tax increase to 17.6% drives reduced labor supply and slower economic growth vs. the status quo.
  2. $54 trillion in accrued Social Security benefits vs. the unfunded obligation reveals that benefit cuts would reduce growth drag but.

Related Articles:

  • Social Security and Trends in Wealth Inequality — .@sc_cath @mjmill611 and @NatashaRSarin calculate that the market value of future Social Security benefits represented 49% of the wealth of the bottom 90% in…
  • How Federal Spending is Distributed by Age — Retirees receive 62 cents of every age-assignable federal dollar, driven primarily by Social Security and Medicare, which together account for 80% of all federal spending directed at adults over 65.
  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Transfer payments made up 18% of all US personal income in 2022, up from 8% in 1970. Social Security/Medicare made up 56% of the increase from 1970 to 2022…
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation

The World’s Most Surprising Capitalist Makeover Is Under Way in Sweden

AI Summary. Sweden has privatized nearly half of primary healthcare and one in three public high schools, shrinking public social spending to 24% of GDP — comparable to the U.S. and well below France and Italy — while projecting ~2% annual growth through 2030, double the rate of France and Germany.

Tom Fairless Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
May 12, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Swedish public social spending is now 23.7% of GDP, just 1pp above that of the US and well under France’s 31.6%. Market-based reforms in the 1990s brought overall government spending down from 69.4% to 49.3% in 2024.

How is Sweden's shift to privatization impacting its economic growth?

Core argument: Sweden’s public social spending fell to 24% of GDP, matching the U.S. and 6+ pts below France/Italy, driving lower taxes.

For decades, Sweden was shorthand for the brand of high-tax, high-spend government that managed people’s lives from cradle to grave through state-run hospitals, schools and care homes. No longer. With little fanfare, this Nordic country of 11 million has embraced capitalism. Today, nearly half of primary healthcare clinics are privately owned, many by private-equity firms. One in three public high schools is privately run, up from 20% in 2011. School operators are listed on the stock exchange. The capitalist makeover has allowed Sweden to do what few industrialized countries have managed in recent years: shrink the size of the state. That has enabled the government to sharply lower taxes and, economists say, sparked a surge in entrepreneurship and economic growth. Its total public social spending bill—which includes healthcare, education and all welfare payments—has fallen to 24% of gross domestic product, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% for nations like France and Italy. Sweden’s economy is expected to grow by around 2% a year through 2030, roughly the same pace as the U.S. and double the growth rates of France and Germany, according to an April forecast by the International Monetary Fund.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Sweden’s public social spending fell to 24% of GDP, matching the U.S. and 6+ pts below France/Italy, driving lower taxes.
  2. Privately-run primary healthcare clinics reached nearly 50% of the market vs. 20% for high schools in 2011, demonstrating accelerating privatization.
  3. Sweden’s projected 2% annual GDP growth through 2030 doubles France and Germany’s rates, resulting from state downsizing and capitalist sector.

Related Articles:

  • How Sweden Overcame Socialism — Sweden’s market reforms: Govt spend cut 70% to <50% GDP, debt 80% to 41%, corp tax -6pts to 22%. Results: Growth +1pt vs EU since 1995, GDP/capita now at…
  • Reforming the Welfare State: Recovery and Beyond in Sweden — Sweden’s structural reforms, initiated in response to the 1990s crisis, included adopting flexible exchange rates & inflation targeting, leading to…
  • The US Has One of the Highest Fertility Rates Among Peer Countries — As of 2022, the US had a “tempo fertility rate,” which is adjusted for life-cycle effects, of 1.82 – among the highest of advanced economies, and ~ on…
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • Politics

How Policy and Demographics Are Reshaping SNAP: From Families with Children to Older Adults

AI Summary. SNAP enrollment has doubled from 6% to 12% of the U.S. population since 2000, with real costs per capita rising 179% to $279 annually, driven by policy expansions and benefit increases that prevent costs from fully retreating after economic downturns.

Angela Rachidi American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
May 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database

About 40mm Americans, 12% of the population, receive SNAP benefits, up from 6% in 2000. In 2023, only 34% of these households included children, down from 49% in 2010, while 36% contained an elderly person, up from 16% in FY2010.

How Are Policy Changes and Demographic Shifts Impacting SNAP Enrollment?

Core argument: SNAP participation doubled from 6% to 12% of the population between FY2000–FY2025, driven by policy expansions and demographic shifts outpacing.

Comparing FY2000 with FY2025, the share of the population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% to 12%, while real SNAP costs per capita increased by 179%—from roughly $100 per year to $279 (in 2024 dollars). Despite this growth, per capita participation and costs in FY2025 remained below their pre-pandemic peak in 2013, which coincided with the aftermath of the Great Recession and changes in eligibility and other policies stemming from the 2008 Farm Bill. SNAP is countercyclical, meaning that all else equal, the number of people receiving SNAP should rise during recessions because of increased unemployment and decline as the economy recovers, [though] overall SNAP participation has grown faster than changes in the unemployment rate alone would predict. Over the long run, and especially since FY2020 (due to the Thrifty Food Plan’s increase in the maximum SNAP benefit), costs per capita have not returned to prerecession levels after a period of high unemployment. In FY2023, the share of SNAP households containing an elderly person (36%) exceeded the share containing a child (34%) for the first time. This was a sharp departure from the early 2000s, when more than half of SNAP households contained a child and less than 20% included an elderly person (Figure 2).

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. SNAP participation doubled from 6% to 12% of the population between FY2000–FY2025, driven by policy expansions and demographic shifts outpacing.
  2. Real per capita SNAP costs rose 179% from $100 to $279 (2024 dollars) over 25 years, with the Thrifty Food.
  3. FY2025 SNAP enrollment remains 8–12% below the FY2013 peak despite 25-year growth, indicating countercyclical policy design successfully targets recession-driven need.

Related Articles:

  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Transfer payments made up 18% of all US personal income in 2022, up from 8% in 1970. Social Security/Medicare made up 56% of the increase from 1970 to 2022…
  • Poverty and Dependency in the United States, 1939–2023 — Btw 1939 and 1963, the % of Americans below LBJ’s absolute poverty line (3× the cost of a minimal meal plan), fell from 48.5 to 19.5, driven by rising market…
  • Government Benefit Programs Already Do A Lot To Help Low Income Families — A 2-adult, 3-child US family with $20,000 of market income receives at least $61,000 in annual benefits and has $79,000 of disposable income. That same family…
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

Washington’s Growing Portfolio: Tracking U.S. Government Investments

AI Summary. The U.S. government has deployed $20.9bn across 16 direct equity deals, expanding beyond grants, loans, and tax incentives into direct ownership stakes. This approach has mobilized an additional $4.75bn in private co-investment alongside the government's positions.

Jonathan Hillman Council On Foreign Relations
Date Posted:
April 23, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Since January 2025, the USG has taken equity stakes totaling $20.9B in 16 American businesses. $8.6B, ~41% of the total, was invested in critical mineral miners and processors, while $8.9B, ~43% of the total, funded the government’s 10% stake in Intel.

Core argument: The U.S. government deployed $20.9bn in direct equity investments since January 2025, expanding beyond traditional grants and loans to drive.

Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit that has traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives. The Department of Commerce has participated in six such deals, including taking a 10% stake in Intel. The Development Finance Corporation, the United States’ development bank, has executed three equity transactions in critical minerals, healthcare, and infrastructure. The Department of Defense leads the way with seven such deals. The U.S. government is also working with a range of partners and has mobilized an additional $4.75 billion in investment. Private co-investors include J.P. Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and others.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. government deployed $20.9bn in direct equity investments since January 2025, expanding beyond traditional grants and loans to drive.
  2. The Department of Defense leads with seven equity deals of the sixteen total, establishing direct ownership as a core national.
  3. Commerce Department’s 10% Intel stake exemplifies government equity participation in critical infrastructure, mobilizing private capital alongside public investment to strengthen.

Related Articles:

  • Industrial Policy and Economic Security — Chris Miller asks, “How much inefficiency should we swallow in exchange for the security of self-sufficiency?” He argues it’s “a tricky…
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  • Capital Is Making a Comeback — Btw 1985-2021 the capital intensity of the American economy was relatively flat as a rise in intangible investment was offset by a decline in tangible…
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Politics
  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Security

How Federal Spending is Distributed by Age

AI Summary. Retirees receive 62 cents of every age-assignable federal dollar, driven primarily by Social Security and Medicare, which together account for 80% of all federal spending directed at adults over 65.

Kent Smetters University of Pennsylvania
Date Posted:
April 2, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

In 2025, of the 62.5% of Federal spending that is age-assignable on a per-capita basis, US retirees aged 65+ were given $43,700, working-age adults 26–64 got $7,300, and children and young adults got $4,300.

Core argument: Federal spending heavily favors retirees, who receive 38.6 percent of total outlays through Social Security, Medicare, and related programs.

We trace spending items within 52 general spending categories, totalling $7T for the 2025 Fiscal Year. We are able to classify a total of $4.4T across three broad age categories and assign the remaining $2.6T to an all-ages residual. Retirees (adults age 65 and older) receive $2.7T, equal to 38.6% of total federal outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending. Working-age adults (ages 26-64) receive $1.2T (27.9% of age-assignable), and children and young adults (under age 26) receive $449B (10.3%). The dominance of the retiree category reflects two programs above all others: Social Security and Medicare. Social Security directs $1.3T to retirees, and Medicare sends $835B. Together, they account for 80% of all age-assignable spending on older adults. But the retiree total extends beyond these two entitlements. Federal employee retirement benefits ($169B), housing assistance for older households, Medicaid long-term-care spending, and VA medical care all contribute, making the federal budget more retiree-focused than a Social Security–only lens would suggest.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Federal spending heavily favors retirees, who receive 38.6 percent of total outlays through Social Security, Medicare, and related programs.
  2. Working-age adults and children combined receive less than half the spending directed to retirees despite representing larger population segments.
  3. Social Security and Medicare alone account for 80 percent of all federal spending on older Americans, dominating the retiree budget.

Related Articles:

  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Transfer payments made up 18% of all US personal income in 2022, up from 8% in 1970. Social Security/Medicare made up 56% of the increase from 1970 to 2022…
  • France and Britain Are In Thrall To Pensioners — Since 1970, cumulative real income growth for pensioners in France and the UK has outpaced that of the workers who support them. French pensioners over the age…
  • The Budgetary Impact of the Abandonment of Federalism — John Cogan finds federal budget deficits are driven by items “originally considered to be the responsibility of state and local governments or private-sector…
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • Healthcare/Seniors
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

Has the United States Bent the Health Care Cost Curve?

David Cutler and Lev Klarnet Brookings Papers On Economic Activity
Date Posted:
March 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

In 2024, medical spending as a share of GDP was just above its 2010 level and 15% ($977B) below its 2010 forecast; 21% of the gap was due to technology, 24% to price reductions, and 11–27% to reforms such as prior authorization and higher deductibles.

Five factors are important in the slowdown in spending [Figure 16]. The first is technology-associated changes in health and site of care. These correspond to the subsequent innovations in our model. Together, technologies along these lines account for 21% of the overall cost slowdown and double that in Medicare. Second, long-run supply is more elastic than short-run supply, which lowers spending over time. This is particularly apparent in the impact of patent expiration for pharmaceuticals and in relative declines in imaging reimbursement. We estimate that greater long-run supply explains 6% of the spending slowdown. Third, a variety of market changes contribute to reduced and more elastic demand, including increased cost sharing paid by consumers, physicians not paid as much for using technologies, and insurers imposing restrictions on technology use - a rough guess is that these account for 11 to 27% of the spending slowdown. Fourth, the population is healthier in ways that reduce spending. This includes fewer hospitalizations for smoking-related conditions and reduced need for formal home health care. The birth rate has fallen as well, which reduces the need for care. We estimate improved population health explains 7% of the spending slowdown. A major component is slower price growth. Net of upcoding, we estimate lower price growth explains 24% of the spending slowdown.

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