Edward Conard

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Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich

AI Summary. New estimates put the top 0.1%'s share of US wealth at 15%, up from 12.9% over a 15-year span, a smaller concentration than some earlier estimates but still leaving the top 1% holding nearly as much wealth as the bottom 90%. Pass-through business and public equity dominate top-end wealth, while pension and housing wealth dominate for the bottom 90%.

Matthew Smith, Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
October 19, 2021
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The top 0.1% share of wealth in the US increased from 12.9% to 15% btw 2001-2016, according to @MatthewSmith @nberpubs.

How concentrated is wealth at the top in America?

Core argument: Estimates put the top 0.1% share of US wealth at 15% in 2016, up from 12.9% in 2001, an increase smaller than some previous estimates, with the top 1% holding nearly as much wealth as the bottom 90%.

From 2001 to 2016, the top 0.1% share of wealth in the US increased from 12.9% to 15%, highlighting a significant concentration of wealth. This increase, while lower than some previous estimates, underscores the disparity where the top 1% holds nearly as much wealth as the bottom 90% or the P90-99 group. The primary sources of wealth for the top are pass-through business and public equity, whereas pension and housing wealth dominate for the bottom 90%. The top 0.01% sees C-corporation equity as the largest component, accounting for 40% of their wealth. These findings suggest that wealth concentration is less dramatic than earlier estimates but remains substantial, with implications for policy discussions on taxing the rich.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Estimates put the top 0.1% share of US wealth at 15% in 2016, up from 12.9% in 2001, an increase smaller than some previous estimates, with the top 1% holding nearly as much wealth as the bottom 90%.
  2. Pass-through business and public equity are the primary wealth sources for top US wealth holders, while pension and housing wealth dominate for the bottom 90%.
  3. C-corporation equity is the largest component of wealth for the top 0.01%, accounting for 40% of their wealth.

Research from Matthew Smith, Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick uses administrative tax to estimate wealth concentration/composition for the US. Their bottom line, “…the top 0.1% share of wealth has increased from 12.9% to 15% from 2001 to 2016. While this increase is lower than some prior estimates, wealth is very concentrated – the top 1% holds nearly as much wealth as either the bottom 90% or the P90-99″ class. We find that pass-through business and public equity wealth are the primary sources of wealth at the top, and pension and housing wealth account for almost all wealth for the bottom 90%….”

Core of paper, “…This paper uses administrative tax data to estimate top wealth in the United States. We assemble new data that links people to their sources of capital income and develop new methods to estimate the degree of return heterogeneity within asset classes. We combine this Data on fixed income and pass-through business returns with refined estimates of C corporation equity, housing, and pension wealth to deliver new capitalized wealth estimates. Our approach which builds on SZ and Piketty, Saez and Zucman (2018) (PSZ) as well as Bricker, Henriques and Hansen (2018) (BHH)|reduces bias because wealth and rates of return are correlated. We provide new wealth estimates, new evidence on the rates of return, and a systematic analysis of the issues most consequential for capitalization. We find less wealth concentration relative to the equal-returns, individual-level approach in PSZ, especially at the very top. Figure 1A shows that the top 0.1% wealth share in 2016 is 15% under our approach, and around 20% in PSZ. Top 1% and 0.01% shares fall by 24 percent and 36 percent, respectively, leaving the recent wealth estimates above the estate tax series and closer to the SCF. The growth in top wealth shares is also less dramatic, especially in the tail. For example, our approach reduces the growth in top 0.01% shares since 1989 by 45%. Nevertheless, wealth is very concentrated:the top 1% holds nearly as much wealth as either the bottom 90% or the P90-99″ class. In terms of top portfolios, we find a larger role for pass-through business wealth and a much smaller role for fixed income wealth than PSZ, consistent with the composition of top wealth in the SCF, estate tax data, and surveys of family offices of the ultrarich. Passthrough business and C-corporation equity wealth are the primary sources of wealth at the top. At the very top, C-corporation equity is the largest component, accounting for 40% of top 0.01% wealth, but pass-through business looms large at 29%. In contrast, pension and housing wealth account for almost all wealth of the bottom 90%…”

The Level of Top Wealth, “… Table 2 shows the number of individuals in each wealth group and the wealth thresholds defining each group. We then report average wealth and the share of total wealth for these groups when applying the equal-returns approach and ranking of PSZ. Panel A focuses on top wealth groups. The full population includes 239 million individuals whose average wealth is $364K in 2016. The top 1% includes 2.4 million individuals with wealth of at least $3.7M and average wealth equal to 32 times average wealth in the full population. In terms of shares, this group’s share of total wealth is 31.5% under our preferred approach, compared to 36.6% under PSZ equal returns. Similarly, for the top 0.1%, who have wealth exceeding $17.8M, our estimates reduce their share from 18.6% under equal returns to 15.0% in our preferred specification. Thus, the combined effect of accounting for estimated heterogeneity, updating Financial Accounts aggregates, estimating private business values, adding Forbes 400 data, and including unfunded pension wealth materially affects the estimated concentration of top wealth. These adjustments are increasingly important within the very top group, as the top 1% share falls by 14% (5:1=36:6), the top 0.1% share falls by 19% (3:6=18:6), and the top 0.01% share falls by 26% (2:5=9:5). Panel B focuses on intermediate wealth groups. A key result is that the bottom 90%, who collectively hold 34.3% of wealth, are allocated 5.6 p.p. more wealth than in PSZ. The P90-99″ class, a group with more than $717K but less than $3.73M in preferred wealth, hold 34.2% of total wealth, on par with the bottom 90% and more than the top 1%. Figure 11 compares Forbes 400 wealth to aggregate wealth according to our preferred specification for telescoping subgroups of the top 1%: P99-99.9, P99.9-99.99, and the top 0.01%. We report totals and counts of individuals in each group as well as results using tax units. The wealth threshold to be in the top 0.01% in 2016 is $84M for individuals and $124M for tax units. The figure provides perspective on the relative importance of accounting for Forbes wealth if capitalization alone misses their unrealized stock wealth in non-dividend-paying companies. The Forbes 400 have considerable wealth ($2.4T in 2016), but the total wealth of the P99-99.9 and P99.9-99.99 tax unit groups exceeds this amount by factors of 6.2 and 3.0, respectively. Of course, Forbes members are much wealthier on average: these groups respectively contain 1.5 million and 150 thousand tax units, whereas Forbes represents only 400. Our top 0.01% group contains $6.6T of wealth, which includes the impact of blending Forbes into our data…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 1

Matthew Smith, Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick, “Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich,” National Bureau Of Economic Research, October 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w29374

Individual-Level Rates of Return, “… Figure 4B presents fixed income rates of return for 2016.We calculate rates of return as the group-level ratio of total interest income divided by total interest-generating fixed income assets. We plot these returns ranking individuals by our estimate of total wealth. Rates of return increase from 0.80% for P0-90 to 0.77% for P90-99 to 0.89% for P99-99.9 to 1.65% for P99.9-99.99 to 3.43% for P99.99-100. Rates of return that rank by AGI or by non-interest wealth display moderately greater heterogeneity in absolute terms though the differences are similar in relative terms. Overall, these data reveal a striking amount of return heterogeneity with the P99.99-100 wealth groups receiving returns that are 3.3 times average returns. At the same time, top rates of return are considerably below the top boutique rates, which reflects the mix of high- and low-yielding fixed income assets held by
those at the top of the wealth distribution…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 2

“… Figure 4C shows the time series of top 0.01%, top 0.1%, top 1%, and bottom 99% rates of return ranked by our preferred wealth estimates. We compare these rates to the equal returns rate and to various capital market rates: the deposit rate from Savov, the 10-year US Treasury rate, and the Moody’s Aaa and Baa corporate bond rates. All interest rates reached a peak in the 1980s during the Volcker tightening and have been falling since then. In the years since 2000, the bottom-99% rate tracks the deposit rate closely, exceeding it by approximately 0.8% in the low-interest-rate period. The equal-returns yield, which fell from 9.5% in 1982 to 1.1% in 2016, exceeds the bottom-99% but is below the top-1% and top 0.1% rates. The top-1% rate tracks the 10-year US Treasury rate although is slightly lower since the Great Recession. The top-0.1% rate hovers between the 10-year US Treasury and the Aaa rate, moving toward the 10-year rate in the last few years of the sample. In our series, top-0.01% rate is below the riskier Baa corporate bond rate in almost all years and is slightly below the Aaa rate in 2016….”
Note they ~ mirror Sarin’s findings on the impact of social security“…For pension wealth, we capitalize an age-group specific combination of wages and pension distributions. This approach allows us to incorporate the life-cycle patterns in pension wealth and associated income flows. While less important for top wealth,pension wealth accounts for 63% of wealth for the bottom 90% and 36% for the P90-99 group. Although we do not account for the value of Social Security in our main specification, we show that doing so would further increase the role of this category of wealth and flatten the trend in measured wealth concentration….The life-cycle of pension wealth accumulation further complicates the capitalization approach. Figure 9A uses the SCF to plot average wages, pension income, and pension wealth in 2016 dollars, averaging across cohorts from 1989 to 2016. Wage income grows over the life cycle and then declines starting around age 55 to near zero by age 75. In contrast, pension income is nearly zero until age 60. Pension wealth has an inverse-U shape that reflects the accumulation and decumulation of savings. These life cycle dynamics result in flow-to-stock ratios that vary by age. Figure 9B summarizes this heterogeneity by plotting the ratio of wage and pension income to total pension wealth, respectively. The blue bars depict the population average and the red bars show the ratios for four age groups: below 45, 45 to 59, 60 to 74, and above 75. Wage income of adults younger than 45 amounts to 108% of their pension wealth on average, whereas average wages for those above age 75 are only 3% of their pension wealth. The patterns for pension income are reversed. The ratios for those between 45 and 74 are closer to the population averages in blue, with the 45 to 59 aged group having a wage to pension wealth ratio that is similar to the overall average, while those aged 60 to 74 have smaller wage to pension wealth ratios, reflecting larger retirement rates. Overall, the heterogeneity in pension wealth and ow-to-stock ratios across age groups means that an age-group-invariant approach will induce large errors…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 3


Level and composition of aggregate Wealth. “… Figure 2A decomposes aggregate wealth and plots the evolution of key components relative to national income.Other than pass-through business, each component is from the Financial Accounts. In 2016, national wealth amounts to 540% of national income. The largest component is pensions, which equals 203% of national income (of which 40 p.p. are unfunded defined benefit pensions).8 Housing net of mortgages is the next largest (117%), followed by fixed income assets (94%), pass-through business which includes proprietorship, partnership, and S-corporation equity (71%)|and C-corporation equity (67%). Combined C-corporation and pass-through business wealth gives 138%, fifty percent more than the amount of fixed income wealth and commensurate with funded pension wealth. Non-mortgage debt, which includes credit-card balances, debt secured by durable goods, student loans, and other loans, amounts to -16% of national wealth. Aggregate wealth is 77 percentage points of national income higher than in PSZ, of which 40 p.p., 15 p.p., 10 p.p., and 12 p.p. are from unfunded defined benefit pensions, our bottom-up pass-through estimates, adjustments to non-mortgage debt, and residual updates. At the aggregate level, wealth has increased from 346% in 1966 to 540% of national income. Of that increase, 124 percentage points are from pensions, 38 are from net housing, 22 from pass-through business, 18 are from fixed income, and -7 from C-corporation equity.

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 4


Level and composition of observed capital income.. “…. Figure 2B plots six types of capital income relative to national income from 1966 to 2016. Aggregate interest income of U.S. individuals increased in the late 1970s and boomed in the early 1980s. It then fell in the 1990s back to its initial share of national income. Since 2000, aggregate interest income has been falling and amounted to 0.6% of national income or $102 billion in 2016. Pension and pass-through income are now the largest sources of capital income. Pension income has risen tenfold from 0.7% to 6% of national income from 1966 to 2016.Pass-through income was 6.8% in 1966, fell to 4% in the early 1980s, and then recovered following the Tax Reform Act of 1986 to 7.3% in 2016. Aggregate dividend income of U.S. individuals amounts to 1.6% and has fluctuated mildly around that level over this period. In contrast, aggregate capital gains of U.S. individuals is much more volatile and ranges from 2% to over 8%. Aggregate property tax payments, which are capitalized to estimate housing assets, amount to approximately 1.2% and grew modestly during the 2000s housing cycle….”
Good factoid, “…Therefore, a dollar of interest income for a wealthy person corresponds to a different level of assets than for a poorer person. Figure 3A uses the 2016 SCF to decompose fixed income holdings into two broad categories: liquid assets, including currency, deposits, and money market funds; and less liquid assets, including bonds, non-money-market fixed income mutual funds, and other fixed income assets. Among fixed income assets, high net worth households have more of their fixed income assets in bonds and other securities. The top 0.1% hold less than 20% of their fixed income portfolio in liquid assets. Bonds and xed income mutual funds account for over 80%. In contrast, the bottom 90% hold more than 80% of their fixed income assets in liquid assets…”

Top wealth overtime, “…. Figure 1 plots our preferred estimates from 1966 to 2016 for the top 0.01%, top 0.1%, and the top 1%. For the top 0.1%, top wealth falls from 10% in the late 1960s to a low of 5.7% in 1978, then steadily rises to around 15% in recent years. Relative to the PSZ series, our preferred series not only shows a lower level in recent years but less growth since 1980. The PSZ top 0.1% series grew from 6.3% in 1978 to 18.6% in 2016; our preferred series grew from 5.7% to 15.0%. Focusing on the 1989-2016 period during which the SCF is available, the top 0.1% share grew 5.1% in our series, 4.3% in the SCF, and 8.1% in PSZ. The gap between the PSZ and preferred series is even larger in recent years for the top 0.01%. Our series and the PSZ series track each other closely before 2000, but they diverge in 2000, especially since 2007. In our series, the top-0.01% shares increase from 5.8% in 2001 to 6.2% in 2006 to 7.0% in 2016; in the PSZ series, the increase from 2001 to 2006 is similar but the increase from 2006 to 2016 is three times larger. For both of these top groups, our series closely tracks the harmonized SCF with Forbes in recent years. For the top 1%, we find a similar trend to the harmonized SCF with Forbes but a lower level. Since 2000, the SCF top 1% share is between the equal-returns series and our preferred series, though shows a sharper increase between 2013 and 2016 that appears to have partly reversed in the 2019 survey. Figure 13 plots time series versions of Figure 12 for the major asset classes for the top 0.01%, top 0.1%, and top 1% in our series, the PSZ equal-returns series, and the harmonized SCF. The figure helps provide a more systematic presentation of the composition of top wealth over time relative to the equal-returns approach. The figure also displays when different updates occur (1980s for pension and housing, 2001 for pass-through and fixed income with information-returns) and the corresponding effects, and how policy and macroeconomic conditions affect the concentration and composition of wealth. For the top 1%, we include estimates from the DFA for comparison…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 5


Composition of top wealth, “…Tables 3A and 3B show the wealth composition in 2016 for each wealth group in our preferred approach. Pass-through business, C-corporation equity, and fixed income account for 26%, 32%, and 23% of top 0.1% wealth, respectively, with the rest in housing and pensions. At the very top, C-corporation equity is the largest component, accounting for 40% of top 0.01% wealth, but pass-through business looms large at 29%. In contrast, the wealth composition for the bottom 90% is 63% pensions and 23% in housing. The portfolios of the P90-99 are more balanced, with almost equal shares from fixed income (18%), C-corporation plus pass-through equity (21%), housing (25%), and a larger role for pensions (36%). Figure 12 plots the level and allocation of wealth across asset classes among the top 10%. We group individuals into percentile bins and further divide the top 1% into P99- 99.9, P99.9-99.99, and the top 0.01%. Each plot shows the share of total household wealth accruing to that group in a particular asset class. We compare our preferred estimates to the PSZ equal-returns approach and the harmonized SCF with Forbes. The figure displays where in the distribution and across assets differences in approach lead to differences in top wealth shares. Overall, the top 0.01% has 7.0% of total household wealth in our series, of which 1.3 p.p., 2.0 p.p., 2.8 p.p., and 0.9 p.p. are due to fixed income, pass-through business, public equity, and other categories, respectively. The largest difference between our series and the PSZ series is fixed income, for which the PSZ approach estimates fixed income assets of the top 0.01% account for 4.1% of total US household wealth. This difference is partially o set by our pass-through business estimate, which exceeds PSZ’s estimate of 1.1% of total household wealth by 0.9 percentage points. The estimates for the other asset classes are similar for the top 0.01%. In our series, those in the P99-99.9 hold a substantial amount of wealth that exceeds that held by the top 0.1% in terms of fixed income and have considerably more wealth in pensions and housing. For pass-through wealth, the P99-99.9 hold 2.9% of total household wealth, whereas the top 0.1% holds 3.9%. C-corporation equity is more concentrated, as the top 0.01% holds more wealth than the P99-99.9 and P99.9-99.99 groups despite representing 1/100th and 1/10th the number of individuals, respectively…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 6


“… Figure 14A plots top 1%, P90-99, and P0-90 wealth shares over this time period under both our preferred and the equal-return approaches. The difference in growth between the PSZ and preferred approaches is less pronounced for the top 1% than for the top 0.1% and top 0.01%, with the growth of the top 1% share from 2001 to 2016 falling from 5.4 to 4.2. percentage points. Overall, wealth is still concentrated: the top 1% holds nearly as much wealth as either the bottom 90% or the P90-99″ class. The evolution of the P0-90 versus P90-99 shares from 1965 to 2000 reflects the evolution of pensions, housing, and public equity and relative exposures for different groups. Aggregate pension wealth rises secularly over this time, which is most important for the bottom group. Housing wealth rises and falls in the 1980s, affecting the bottom group and the P90-99 groups significantly. Public equity wealth falls in the 1970s, remains low, and then resurges in the mid-1990s, which drives the time series for the top 1%. In more recent years, the bottom 90 group loses ground relative to both the top 1% and the P90-99. These results are consistent with findings from other data sets (e.g., Kuhn, Schularick, and Steins (2020)). Saez and Zucman (2016) also highlight the decline of P0-90 wealth driven by housing and an increase in debt. Our series shows a less dramatic decline due to the increased role for pensions, including unfunded defined benefit plans, smaller aggregate non-mortgage debt, as well as the more concentrated nature of housing wealth in our unequal-property-tax-rate series. Average wealth of the bottom 90 increased modestly by 17% from 2001 to 2016 (from $120K to $140K in 2016 dollars), whereas average wealth for P90-99 and the top 1% rose by 40% and 49% (from $1.0M to $1.4M and from $7.7M to $11.5M), respectively…”

Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich: Extended Excerpt Image 7


The rich are able to get better returns, “…We introduce two innovations to estimate fixed income wealth. First, we construct a novel data set on the universe of taxable interest sources linked to owners using de-identified ed data from income tax records spanning 2001-2016. These 3.2 billion source-owner observations allow us to disaggregate taxable interest income into subcomponents. This disaggregation reveals that rich individuals earn a much larger share of their interest income in the tax data in higher-yielding forms (such as boutique investment partnerships of distressed debt or mezzanine funds). Disaggregation also allows us to estimate interest rates more accurately than prior work. These data reveal a striking amount of return heterogeneity across wealth groups, with the top 0.01% group receiving returns that are 3.3 times average returns. In 2016, our estimates increase from nearly 1% within the bottom 99.9 to 1.6% for P99.9-99.99 to 3.4% for the top 0.01%…“

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A College-by-College Guide to Which Majors Pay Off — or Don’t

AI Summary. An analysis of federal aid recipients' tax-reported earnings finds the highest-earning bachelor's programs are concentrated at highly selective schools and in computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering. Nursing programs at several California schools produce graduates earning around $150,000 annually, placing them in the top 100 of nearly 25,000 programs analyzed.

Arfa Momin and Ron Lieber New York Times
Date Posted:
October 8, 2026
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A HEA Group analysis of the earnings of 2018 and 2019 college graduates four years after graduation finds earnings are widely dispersed across schools in higher-earning fields such as computer science and economics and have a narrow dispersion in lower-earning fields such as English and drama.

Which college majors and schools produce the highest-earning graduates?

Core argument: HEA Group’s analysis of nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs found computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering majors top the earnings list, with graduates of highly rejective schools including the Ivies, M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. dominating.

HEA Group tracked students who received federal financial aid and graduated during the 2017-18 and 2018-19 periods. The top of the earnings list is dominated by graduates of highly rejective schools — the Ivies and others, like M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. The majors that top the list are computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering. The income data come from whatever people reported on their federal tax returns. That means certain stock awards and other potential deferred compensation aren’t part of the totals. Nursing programs at a handful of California schools, including California State University, East Bay; San Francisco State University; and Samuel Merritt University, produce graduates earning around $150,000 annually, putting them in the top 100 out of the nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs the HEA Group analyzed nationwide. They stick out amid quantitative and science majors from institutions like the California Institute of Technology and Cornell.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. HEA Group’s analysis of nearly 25,000 bachelor’s programs found computer science, mathematics and electrical engineering majors top the earnings list, with graduates of highly rejective schools including the Ivies, M.I.T., Stanford and U.C.L.A. dominating.
  2. Nursing graduates of California State University, East Bay; San Francisco State University; and Samuel Merritt University earn around $150,000 annually, placing those programs in the top 100 amid quantitative and science majors from institutions like the California Institute of Technology and Cornell.
  3. HEA Group tracked federal financial aid recipients who graduated during the 2017-18 and 2018-19 periods, using income reported on federal tax returns, which excludes certain stock awards and other potential deferred compensation.

Related Articles:

  • Do Adults Have the Skills They Need to Thrive in a Changing World? — An international assessment of adult skills describes numeracy proficiency levels ranging from counting objects and adding small whole numbers at the lowest level, to extracting information from tables and graphs and performing basic arithmetic with money and percentages at Level 1, up to analysing complex mathematical information and critically evaluating whether data support a claim at Level 5.
  • Have Humans Passed Peak Brain Power? — The share of Americans reporting they read a book in the past year has fallen below half, alongside declining performance in numeracy and problem-solving in most countries. The share of adults unable to use mathematical reasoning to evaluate the validity of statements averages 25% in high-income countries and 35% in the US.
  • Standardized Test Scores and Academic Performance at a Public University System — A study of a large public urban university system finds that high school grade point average is a far stronger predictor of student academic success than SAT scores, contrasting with analyses of highly selective colleges that found the SAT superior. Under-represented minority students were less likely to graduate within six years at every grade point average level.
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To Have and Have Not: The Determinants of Social Status in England, 1600-2026

AI Summary. Analysis of English genealogical records and marriage registries estimates that the underlying correlation in social status across generations is close to 0.8, with status correlation detectable even among relatives nine generations apart. The authors find this persistence unchanged over four centuries, concluding that policies aimed at raising social mobility have not altered it.

Gregory Clark Southern Denmark University
Date Posted:
October 6, 2026
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Database

Clark estimates that the intergenerational correlation of relative socioeconomic status in England remained ~0.8 btw 1600 and 2026. The pattern of correlations across near and distant relatives fits a model of genetic inheritance with strong assortative mating.

How persistent is social status across generations in England?

Core argument: Drawing on a genealogical database of 436,185 English people spanning 1600–2026 and records of about 1.7 million English marriages from 1837–2022, the authors estimate the underlying intergenerational correlation in social status at close to 0.8, higher than conventional measures indicate.

A large genealogical database of [436,185] English people 1600-2026, as well as detailed records of [~1.7mn marriages] in England 1837-2022, [reveals] social status is much more persistent across generations than conventionally measured. The [inferred] underlying correlation in status across generations is close to 0.8, implying that even relatives as distant as nine generations apart still show correlation in social status. [Ratios of correlations among siblings, parents, aunts/uncles and cousins cancel common measurement-error attenuation: raw parent-child correlations average .39, versus .77 for inferred underlying persistence. Independently, surnames selected as elite by 1858-87 wealth yield a per-generation status persistent coefficient of b=.82 for occupational status and .80 for house value]. The strength of status persistence remains unchanged 1600-2026.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Drawing on a genealogical database of 436,185 English people spanning 1600–2026 and records of about 1.7 million English marriages from 1837–2022, the authors estimate the underlying intergenerational correlation in social status at close to 0.8, higher than conventional measures indicate.
  2. The estimated correlation in social status implies that relatives as distant as nine generations apart still show correlated status, with the strength of persistence unchanged from 1600 to 2026.
  3. The authors argue that the Industrial Revolution, the Demographic Transition, the emancipation of women, universal voting, and the modern welfare state have not increased English social mobility rates, and that resources poured into raising mobility have achieved nothing.

Related Articles:

  • The Inheritance Of Social Status: England, 1600 to 2022 — Using a genealogical database of 422,374 English people with rarer surnames, the authors find social status persists strongly even among distant relatives, with status correlations declining by a constant factor of 0.79 per step in the lineage across all status measures and eras studied. The authors argue this constancy suggests social interventions have modest effects.
  • The Myth of Nordic Mobility: Social Mobility Rates in Modern Denmark and Sweden — Correcting for measurement error by using relative rather than absolute correlations among relatives, the authors estimate that educational intergenerational mobility in Denmark and Sweden is much lower than conventionally measured, with parent-child and sibling correlations much higher. They argue Nordic education spending and income compression have at best modestly reduced families' role in children's educational outcomes.
  • For Whom the Bell Curve Tolls: A Lineage of 400,000 English Individuals 1750-2020 Shows Genetics Determines Most Social Outcomes — A study of 402,000 English individuals across 1750–2020 estimates an intergenerational occupational status correlation of 0.88 and a genetic correlation between spouses of 0.76, which the authors interpret as a strong genetic basis for the persistence of social status. The authors argue that highly assortative mating around status genetics limits what policy can do to raise social mobility.
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Heritability and Social Interaction in Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from the Population of Twins in the United States

AI Summary. The authors estimate the heritability of labor market outcomes by comparing the excess similarity of same-sex over opposite-sex twins with the corresponding difference among ordinary siblings. They caution that social interaction between twins, assortative mating, genetic dominance, population stratification, or indirect parental effects can bias such estimates upward or make them reflect non-genetic influences.

David Card, Jesse Rothstein and Moises Yi National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
September 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Analysis of 44,500 twin pairs suggests ~one-third of the variation in log earnings is due to genetic differences – likely an upper bound, because same-sex twins may influence one another and share more similar environments than ordinary same-sex siblings.

How reliable are twin-based estimates of heritability in earnings?

Core argument: The authors identify heritability of U.S. labor market outcomes from a difference-in-differences comparing same-sex versus opposite-sex twins against the corresponding difference among ordinary siblings, adjusting for the estimated share of same-sex twins who are identical.

Our model identifies heritability from the difference-in-differences of same-sex vs. opposite-sex twins vs. siblings. [Specifically], the model attributes to genetic differences the excess similarity of same-sex over opposite-sex twins over and above the corresponding difference among ordinary siblings, adjusting for the estimated share of same-sex twins who are identical. The ordinary-sibling comparison is intended to remove family influences that differ between sons and daughters. Social interactions may lead to an over-estimate of the genetic component in earnings. The estimated heritability of outcomes may be biased in the presence of assortative mating, genetic dominance, population stratification, or violations of the assumption that the home environment is shared to the same degree for MZ as for DZ twins. Even when estimated without bias, heritability need not indicate direct genetic effects – it also may reflect indirect or cultural effects (e.g., effects of the parents’ genes on a child’s outcomes, not operating through the child’s own genes. Twins may [also] influence each other directly – for example in their choice of jobs -- inflating the correlation in their outcomes.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The authors identify heritability of U.S. labor market outcomes from a difference-in-differences comparing same-sex versus opposite-sex twins against the corresponding difference among ordinary siblings, adjusting for the estimated share of same-sex twins who are identical.
  2. Social interactions between twins, such as influencing each other’s job choices, may inflate the correlation in their outcomes and lead to an over-estimate of the genetic component in earnings.
  3. Estimated heritability may be biased by assortative mating, genetic dominance, population stratification, or unequal sharing of the home environment between identical and fraternal twins, and even unbiased estimates may reflect indirect or cultural effects such as parents’ genes.

Related Articles:

  • IQ Differences of Identical Twins Reared Apart Are Significantly Influenced by Educational Differences — An analysis of 87 identical-twin pairs raised apart with individual IQ and biographical data finds that pairs with similar schooling had an average IQ gap of 5.8 points and a correlation of 0.87, while educationally dissimilar pairs averaged a 12.8-point gap and a 0.75 correlation.
  • The Inheritance Of Social Status: England, 1600 to 2022 — Using a genealogical database of 422,374 English people with rarer surnames, the authors find social status persists strongly even among distant relatives, with status correlations declining by a constant factor of 0.79 per step in the lineage across all status measures and eras studied. The authors argue this constancy suggests social interventions have modest effects.
  • A Chip Off the Old Block? Genetics and the Intergenerational Transmission of Socioeconomic Status — Linking Dutch genetic data to tax records, the authors estimate that moving a person 10 percentiles higher in a genetic index raises their own income by 0.9 percentiles and their child's by 0.7 percentiles. They attribute about 50% of this to transmitted genes and the rest to environmental pathways.
  • Inequality
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Recent Trends in Personal Income & Wage Inequality

AI Summary. In New York City, income shares at the top of the distribution rose faster than nationally, with nearly two-thirds of real income growth accruing to the top 1% versus under 40% nationally, a divergence driven predominantly by non-wage income. Real median income fell, and real average income for the bottom 90% was essentially flat.

Jonathan Siegel and Jason Bram Office of the New York City Comptroller
Date Posted:
September 8, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Btw 2019 and 2024, pre-tax, pre-transfer real median income in New York City fell 3.2%. The top .1% tax units, ~ households, (mean income ~$24mm) saw real growth of ~25%, whereas the bottom 90% (mean income ~$45,000) fell 0.8%.

Is rising income concentration in a major city driven by non-wage income?

Core argument: Nearly two-thirds of New York City's real income growth between 2019 and 2024 accrued to the top 1%, compared with under 40% nationally, a result that holds when volatile capital gains are excluded.

Between 2019 and 2024, the New York City’s income shares at the top of the distribution rose faster than the nation's, and nearly two-thirds of the real income growth over the period accrued to the top 1%, compared with under 40% nationally. The result also holds when volatile capital gains are excluded. Real median income fell over the period, and real average income for the bottom 90% of tax units was essentially flat. Adjusted for local prices (but not for transfer programs), the purchasing power of income for the lower 90% of New Yorkers is close to one-fifth below that of the bottom 90% nationally. The divergence at the top is predominantly a story of non-wage income. Wage and salary income shows a much milder widening, and occupational wage data that exclude bonuses show base pay growing faster in lower-wage occupations than in higher-wage ones, and within many occupational groups wages are converging rather than growing more unequal.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Nearly two-thirds of New York City's real income growth between 2019 and 2024 accrued to the top 1%, compared with under 40% nationally, a result that holds when volatile capital gains are excluded.
  2. Real median income in New York City fell between 2019 and 2024 and real average income for the bottom 90% of tax units was essentially flat, with local-price-adjusted purchasing power for the lower 90% of New Yorkers close to one-fifth below that of the bottom 90% nationally.
  3. The divergence at the top of New York City's distribution is predominantly a story of non-wage income, with wage and salary income widening much more mildly and occupational wage data excluding bonuses showing base pay growing faster in lower-wage occupations than higher-wage ones.

Related Articles:

  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — New York state's share of US taxpayers reporting over $1m in income fell from 12.7% in 2010 to 8.7% in 2022, and the Citizens Budget Commission estimates state and city income tax receipts from that group would have been $13bn higher had the share held. Job growth has concentrated in lower-paid health care and social assistance.
  • Where is Standard of Living the Highest? Local Prices and the Geography of Consumption — The authors estimate that geographical differences in cost of living are especially large for low-income US households, and that expensive cities offer college graduates a standard of living similar to affordable cities while offering less-educated households a lower one. A high school dropout household moving from the most affordable to the most expensive commuting zone would see consumption fall 18.5%.
  • The Demographic Trends That Shaped Mamdani’s Win — In New York City's mayoral race, Mamdani's average margin was 30 points in precincts with a median age under 45, and voters under 45 made up 43% of in-person ballots versus 36% in the prior governor's race. He won by over 50 points in neighborhoods where the white population share grew and the Black or Hispanic share declined.
  • Inequality
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

US Corporate Profits Surge To Record As Worker Payouts Wilt

AI Summary. US pre-tax corporate profits reached an annualised $4.8tn, or 18% of national income, the highest share since the aftermath of World War II, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data. Employees' share from wages and benefits fell to 60%, the lowest since the 1950s, with the decline gaining pace in recent years.

Myles McCormick Financial Times
Date Posted:
August 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Corporate profits have risen to 18% of national income, their highest share since 1947, while labor’s share has fallen to 60%, a low not seen since the 1950s. The decline in labor’s share has accelerated over the past year.

Are corporate profits taking a record share of national income from workers?

Core argument: US pre-tax corporate profits reached an annualised $4.8tn in the second quarter, or 18% of national income, the highest share since the aftermath of the second world war, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data.

Pre-tax earnings hit an annualised $4.8tn in the second quarter, or 18% of national income, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data, the highest share since the aftermath of the second world war. Employees’ share from wages and benefits fell to 60%, the lowest level since the 1950s. “Regardless of what measure you look at, workers, in terms of employee compensation, have been receiving an increasingly small share of national income over time,” said Abiel Reinhart, an economist at JPMorgan. The decline in labour’s share of income has gained pace in the past five years and especially over the past 12 months.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US pre-tax corporate profits reached an annualised $4.8tn in the second quarter, or 18% of national income, the highest share since the aftermath of the second world war, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data.
  2. Employees' share of national income from wages and benefits fell to 60%, the lowest level since the 1950s, with the decline gaining pace over the past five years and especially the past 12 months.
  3. Abiel Reinhart, an economist at JPMorgan, said that regardless of the measure used, workers have been receiving an increasingly small share of national income over time.

Related Articles:

  • The Post‑COVID Decline in the Labor Share — The share of US national income paid to workers fell 1.6 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, reaching a post-war low. The authors find this decline stems mainly from changes within industries rather than shifts in activity across sectors, following cyclical patterns seen in earlier recessions.
  • Are US Corporate Profit Margins Too High? — US after-tax non-financial corporate profit margins remain elevated by historical standards, estimated at 7.6% versus a post-1949 high of 8.2%, while employee pay as a share of non-financial corporate gross value added has fallen from 66% to 56%. One argument holds that subdued demographic growth leads companies to prioritize maximizing margins over expanding capacity.
  • Why the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes! — The measured corporate labor share fell from 63% in 1978 to 58% in 2017, but the authors estimate that tax-driven reclassification of wages as S corporation profit and the shift of high-labor-share firms into partnerships account for about 1.6 percentage points, roughly a third of the decline.
  • Inequality
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
  • Politics
  • Workforce

The Rise Of The Deserving Rich

AI Summary. An analysis of about 7,000 billionaires over the past 25 years classifies wealth as "uncompetitive" when it derives from inheritance or from sectors such as gambling, construction, defence, and raw materials that often depend on political access. The authors find half of global billionaire wealth now comes from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors, an all-time high.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

An Economist analysis of the wealth of 7,000 billionaires finds that over the past decade, the share of billionaire wealth “derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high.”

Is a growing share of billionaire wealth self-made in competitive industries?

Core argument: For the first time, half the wealth of the world's billionaires is reasonably fairly earned, with the share derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors reaching an all-time high over the past decade.

Drawing on data from Forbes, a magazine, Hurun, a research firm, and Gapminder, a Swedish foundation, we have assembled a list of about 7,000 billionaires from the past 25 years. We call a billionaire’s wealth “uncompetitive” when it mainly comes from industries such as gambling, construction, defence, and raw materials. These sectors often depend on political access. We count inheritors in the “uncompetitive” category. From 2001, when our data begin, to 2014, the uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth rose slightly. Yet over the past decade, the share derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high. For the first time, half the wealth of the world’s billionaires is reasonably fairly earned. And since 2021, the total wealth derived from uncompetitive sectors has declined.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. For the first time, half the wealth of the world's billionaires is reasonably fairly earned, with the share derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors reaching an all-time high over the past decade.
  2. A list of about 7,000 billionaires from the past 25 years, assembled from Forbes, Hurun and Gapminder data, classifies wealth as "uncompetitive" when it mainly comes from industries such as gambling, construction, defence and raw materials, which often depend on political access.
  3. The uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth, which counts inheritors, rose slightly from 2001 to 2014, and the total wealth derived from uncompetitive sectors has declined since 2021.

Related Articles:

  • AI is the Democratic Party’s Next Villain — Mentions of billionaires in Democratic fundraising emails quadrupled to a peak above 20% of all emails sent and have held near 15%, making anti-billionaire messaging a mainstay. Anti-AI populism remains far smaller and is entering Democratic rhetoric not as a jobs or safety issue but as something billionaires are building.
  • America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade — Just under half of Americans say capitalism is working very or somewhat well, down from 60% about a decade ago, according to a Wall Street Journal-NORC survey. Only 12% say democracy is working very or extremely well, and 16% say average citizens have considerable influence on politics.
  • The Economics of Inequality in High-Wage Economies — Information technology created investment opportunities exceeding the supply of properly trained talent, while trade with low-wage economies, low-skilled immigration, trade deficits, and aging demographics eased constraints on low-skilled labor and risk-averse savings. The author argues this framework, rather than rising cronyism, explains high returns to success, slowing productivity growth, and low interest rates.
  • Inequality
  • Politics
  • Workforce
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