Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
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The Federal Reserve Says Millennials Are Broke. Pew Says Millennials Are Loaded. Which Is It?

Henry Grabar Slate
Date Posted:
May 20, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The Federal Reserve says millennials are broke, but Pew says they’re loaded. The truth likely lies somewhere in btw, with millennials facing financial challenges despite higher incomes. @HenryGrabar

The Federal Reserve and Pew Research present contrasting views on millennial wealth, highlighting a complex economic landscape. According to the Federal Reserve, millennials face financial challenges, with the median net worth of households headed by those born in the 1980s being 34% lower than previous generations at the same age. Additionally, average net worth for young adult households in 2016 was 20% lower than boomers in 1989 and 40% lower than Gen X in 2001. Conversely, Pew's analysis indicates that millennial households earn more than young households at any time in the last 50 years, with a median adjusted income of $69,000 in 2017. However, this income is not as competitive when compared to national averages, and many millennials still live with parents, skewing household data. These findings suggest that while millennials may have higher incomes, their wealth accumulation is hindered by high debt levels and economic conditions.

Okay, I've yet to find a good piece of academic/governemnt research adjudicating btw the Pew and Federal Reserve analysis, this Grabar's piece was useful when the reports came out.

a) Okay will run down Strain's data. b) CBO generally uses PCE, though they may use CPI in some circumstances

"... First, “household income” is a pretty limited proxy for wealth, especially when you consider that millennials are better educated and (not unrelatedly) have a high ratio of debt to income. According to a May study from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, the median net worth of households whose heads were born in the 1980s (older millennials) is 34 percent lower than that for people their age in the past. A recent Federal Reserve Board study corroborates this, reporting that average net worth for young adult households in 2016 is 20 percent lower than that of boomers in 1989 and 40 percent lower than that of Gen X in 2001. (The saving grace for millennials: the idea that student debt will get paid off by the increased future earnings associated with a college education.)Second, while millennials’ household income is higher, it’s not great compared with what everyone else is making. In 1978, according to the Fed study from this month, young boomer households were making on average $77,500 in 2016 dollars—compared with the $88,000 national average. In 1998, the average Gen X household made $73,500 versus the national average of $103,800. In 2014, the average millennial household made $78,200—more than Gen X, but less as a percentage of the national household average of $112,000. Relatively speaking, then, millennials are underperforming. Third, household roles are changing. Millennial women work more than their Gen X counterparts did 17 years ago, and they make more money. The median income for young women is up by nearly a third since 1975, to $29,429. The median income for young men has fallen. If you isolate for female-headed households, the trajectory looks great. If you forget the household concept and just look at all young people’s individual income, the numbers were worse in 2015 than they were in 1975.(Things have improved a bit since then, granted.)Fourth, lots of millennials still live with mom and dad—somewhere between one in five and one in four young Americans live with their parents. That’s a big change from previous generations, and it means the pool of “households” is a little skewed. According to census data, nearly 75 percent of the 8.4 million millennials living at home in 2015 made less than $30,000 a year. That share drops to 63 percent among those living with roommates, and 45 percent among those living independently. In other words, there’s a whole segment of millennial households that aren’t getting counted in Pew’s sunny data, mostly because they’re too poor to move into their own place. Mom is buying the avocados...."
Henry Grabar, "The Federal Reserve Says Millennials Are Broke. Pew Says Millennials Are Loaded. Which Is It?"Slate, December 12, 2018, https://slate.com/business/2018/12/millennial-households-are-making-more-money-than-their-parents-or-grandparents-did-but-dont-get-optimistic.html

The Federal Reserve Says Millennials Are Broke. Pew Says Millennials Are Loaded. Which Is It?

On Tuesday, a Pew Research Center analysis of census data revealed a counterintuitive piece of good news about millennials: Relatively speaking, we’re in the money.

According to Pew, households headed by Americans ages 22 to 37 earn more, adjusted for inflation, than young households at any time in the last 50 years.

Avocado toasts all around!

The median adjusted income for millennial households last year was $69,000, according to Pew, putting 2017 narrowly ahead of 2000 as the best recorded year of household income for young people.

But wait: Didn’t the Federal Reserve Board just report last week that, as my colleague Jordan Weissmann put it, “millennials are, in fact, the brokest generation”? (Yes, they did.) So what’s going on here?

First, “household income” is a pretty limited proxy for wealth, especially when you consider that millennials are better educated and (not unrelatedly) have a high ratio of debt to income. According to a May study from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, the median net worth of households whose heads were born in the 1980s (older millennials) is 34 percent lower than that for people their age in the past. A recent Federal Reserve Board study corroborates this, reporting that average net worth for young adult households in 2016 is 20 percent lower than that of boomers in 1989 and 40 percent lower than that of Gen X in 2001. (The saving grace for millennials: the idea that student debt will get paid off by the increased future earnings associated with a college education.)

Second, while millennials’ household income is higher, it’s not great compared with what everyone else is making. In 1978, according to the Fed study from this month, young boomer households were making on average $77,500 in 2016 dollars—compared with the $88,000 national average. In 1998, the average Gen X household made $73,500 versus the national average of $103,800. In 2014, the average millennial household made $78,200—more than Gen X, but less as a percentage of the national household average of $112,000. Relatively speaking, then, millennials are underperforming.

Third, household roles are changing. Millennial women work more than their Gen X counterparts did 17 years ago, and they make more money. The median income for young women is up by nearly a third since 1975, to $29,429. The median income for young men has fallen. If you isolate for female-headed households, the trajectory looks great. If you forget the household concept and just look at all young people’s individual income, the numbers were worse in 2015 than they were in 1975. (Things have improved a bit since then, granted.)

Fourth, lots of millennials still live with mom and dad—somewhere between one in five and one in four young Americans live with their parents. That’s a big change from previous generations, and it means the pool of “households” is a little skewed. According to census data, nearly 75 percent of the 8.4 million millennials living at home in 2015 made less than $30,000 a year. That share drops to 63 percent among those living with roommates, and 45 percent among those living independently. In other words, there’s a whole segment of millennial households that aren’t getting counted in Pew’s sunny data, mostly because they’re too poor to move into their own place. Mom is buying the avocados.

See the attached email/link. If hourly nonsupervisory wages grew 5% from 1973 until today but 20% from 1990 until today, then wages must have fallen 12.5% (=1-) from 1973 until 1990. Is that true? I’d like to see the data he is referring too (not just a link where I have to do the work myself). Does the same data base contain benefits? If so, I’d like to see that too. How does the CBO bridge from their (pretax and transfer) data to this data? Does the CBO use CPI or PCE?

If hh incomes have grown 50ish% since their starting point as the CBO claims, it’s hard to believe that millennia aren’t earning the same or more at the same point in their life than prior generations given how large each demographic is relative to the whole. If one group’s earning are down (relative the other groups at the same point in their lifetime), the others would have to be way ahead. Does CBO decompose their data by generations?

Did you ever ask pew (and ernie), and the st louis fed why their numbers were so different? If not, you should.

We have recent stuff on this from Pew, the Federal Reserve and Ernie.

Pew's looked at household incomes in December of last year and found each new generation seems to be doing better than prior ones at most ages, at least in real household money income. "....The median adjusted income in a household headed by a Millennial was $69,000 in 2017. That is a higher figure than for nearly every other year on record, apart from around 2000, when households headed by people ages 22 to 37 earned about the same amount - $67,600 in inflation-adjusted dollars. (A recent study by the Federal Reserve, which also looked at Millennials’ income, used a different methodology and data source.)..."

Richard Fry, "Young adult households are earning more than most older Americans did at the same age," Pew Research Center, December 11, 2018, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/12/11/young-adult-households-are-earning-more-than-most-older-americans-did-at-the-same-age/

Ernie adjusted the Pew household money income for education levels which is also worth noting. Quick write ups follow in descending order.

(note this male head of household number doesn't adjust for single/married or educational attainment)

Ernie Tedeschi adjust the Pew numbers for education attainment which is also worth noting:

However they don't have "apple core" comparison that looks at generational incomes net say the cost of housing, education and child care.

They also found that despite the same preferences"... We showed that millennials do have lower real incomes than members of earlier generations when they were at similar ages, and millennials also appear to have accumulated fewer assets. The comparisons for debt are somewhat mixed, but it seems fair to conclude that millennials have levels of real debt that are about the same as those of members of Generation X when they were young and more than those of the baby boomers....."

The same Fed study found that consumption habits (in terms of car ownership, preference for owning over renting) have not changed generational, "... we find little evidence that millennial households have significantly different tastes and preferences than households of previous generations..."

For context the Fed used laborearningsand found lower real income then their comps (say baby boomers @ the same point during the life cycle) "... In the economic sphere, millennials appear to have paid a price for coming of age during the Great Recession: Millennials tend to have lower income than members of earlier generations at comparable ages, although the income of young households has not changed much; the difference likely reflects, in part, the rising labor force participation of women....."...Specifically, the real average full-time labor earnings of a millennial male household head in 2014 were about the same as those for a comparable male Generation X household head in 1998 and over 10 percent lower than those for a comparable male baby boomer household head in 1978...."

  • Inequality
  • Workforce
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Previous articleMay 18, 2019The Myth of Wage Stagnation@WSJ @PhilGramm @JohnEarly Inflation mismeasurement hides true compensation gains. Real compensation has grown by at least 69.5% since 1972, not accounting for employer-provided benefits and quality improvements.Next articleMay 21, 2019Richard Carranza held white-supremacy culture training for school adminsNY Post @SusanEdelman reports Richard Carranza’s training for school administrators focused on dismantling “white-supremacy culture” by challenging individualism & objectivity, sparking controversy over racial favoritism in staffing decisions.
Showing 156 database articles primarily about Inequality

US Corporate Profits Surge To Record As Worker Payouts Wilt

AI Summary. U.S. corporate pre-tax profits reached an annualized $4.8tn, or 18% of national income—the highest share since the post-WWII era—while workers' wages and benefits fell to 60% of national income, the lowest since the 1950s.

Myles McCormick Financial Times
Date Posted:
August 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Corporate profits have risen to 18% of national income, their highest share since 1947, while labor’s share has fallen to 60%, a low not seen since the 1950s. The decline in labor’s share has accelerated over the past year.

Are record corporate profits coming at workers' expense?

Pre-tax earnings hit an annualised $4.8tn in the second quarter, or 18% of national income, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data, the highest share since the aftermath of the second world war. Employees’ share from wages and benefits fell to 60%, the lowest level since the 1950s. “Regardless of what measure you look at, workers, in terms of employee compensation, have been receiving an increasingly small share of national income over time,” said Abiel Reinhart, an economist at JPMorgan. The decline in labour’s share of income has gained pace in the past five years and especially over the past 12 months.

Related Articles:

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  • Are US Corporate Profit Margins Too High? — In Q1 2026, US after-tax non-financial margins were estimated at 7.6%, just short of the post-1949 high of 8.2% in Q2 of 2021. Tan Kai Xian argues US corporate…
  • Why the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes! — Tax code changes account for roughly one-third of the decline in the worker share of U.S. business income since 1978, as firms shift from corporate to pass-through structures to reclassify wages as profits and reduce tax burdens.
  • Inequality
  • GDP
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The Rise Of The Deserving Rich

AI Summary. Billionaire wealth from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has reached an all-time high, with fairly earned wealth now accounting for half of total billionaire wealth globally, while wealth from politically connected industries has declined since 2021.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

An Economist analysis of the wealth of 7,000 billionaires finds that over the past decade, the share of billionaire wealth “derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high.”

Does self-made wealth now dominate billionaire fortunes globally?

Core argument: For the first time in the 25-year dataset, half of global billionaire wealth derives from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors, marking a structural shift away from politically connected and inherited fortunes.

Drawing on data from Forbes, a magazine, Hurun, a research firm, and Gapminder, a Swedish foundation, we have assembled a list of about 7,000 billionaires from the past 25 years. We call a billionaire’s wealth “uncompetitive” when it mainly comes from industries such as gambling, construction, defence, and raw materials. These sectors often depend on political access. We count inheritors in the “uncompetitive” category. From 2001, when our data begin, to 2014, the uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth rose slightly. Yet over the past decade, the share derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high. For the first time, half the wealth of the world’s billionaires is reasonably fairly earned. And since 2021, the total wealth derived from uncompetitive sectors has declined.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. For the first time in the 25-year dataset, half of global billionaire wealth derives from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors, marking a structural shift away from politically connected and inherited fortunes.
  2. The uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth—spanning gambling, construction, defence, raw materials, and inheritance—rose modestly from 2001 to 2014 but has declined in absolute terms since 2021.
  3. Inherited wealth, though typically lawfully held, represents a policy failure in wealth distribution, as heirs’ fortunes reflect birth advantage rather than competitive value creation.

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  • America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade — American confidence in capitalism has fallen from 60% to under 50% over the last decade, while only 12% believe democracy is working well and just 35% believe the economy offers a fair path to prosperity.
  • The Economics of Inequality in High-Wage Economies — Inequality is mostly the result of an increasing premium on returns from risk and high-skilled labor ushered in by technological disruption and the feedback…
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Another Reason the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes!

AI Summary. A shift of ~$200bn in worker pay into corporate profits as stock-based compensation could explain roughly one-third of the long-run decline in labor's share of income, as stock ownership allows high earners to receive tax-preferred pay recorded as profits rather than wages.

Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick The Everywhere Millionaire
Date Posted:
July 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Zidar & Zwick suggest about one‑third of the post‑1970s drop in labor’s share is due to stock‑based pay to workers, in addition to the one‑third they already attribute to pass‑through income. That leaves only around one‑third for genuine shifts in technology, power, etc.

Does tax-preferred stock compensation explain the labor share decline?

Core argument: $200bn in missing labor compensation since the late 1970s drives roughly one-third of the labor share decline, reflecting tax-advantaged stock.

In our data for 2017, after adjustments for the rise of pass-throughs, we report employee compensation of $7.2 trillion and corporate value added of $12.2 trillion. The unadjusted corporate profits number (which excludes partnership profits) is $1.7 trillion. If we could find around $200 billion of “missing” labor compensation, that would account for about a third of the fall in the labor share since the late 1970s. Thus, if workers owned a bit above 10% of those corporate profits via stock compensation, then that would cover the difference. Distributing this amount across the top 10% of public company employees, of which there are 4.2 million, this ownership would imply an additional $40,000 or so in pay. The aggregate numbers are thus quite plausible in terms of how much pay might have shifted to corporate profits serving as tax-preferred payments to high earners.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. $200bn in missing labor compensation since the late 1970s drives roughly one-third of the labor share decline, reflecting tax-advantaged stock.
  2. Top 10% of public company employees ($40k additional implicit pay via equity ownership) concentrate gains that would equal $200bn aggregate.
  3. $12.2tn corporate value added vs. $7.2tn employee compensation reveals labor’s shrinking claim on output, as tax-preferred equity arrangements redirect worker.

Related Articles:

  • Why the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes! — Tax code changes account for roughly one-third of the decline in the worker share of U.S. business income since 1978, as firms shift from corporate to pass-through structures to reclassify wages as profits and reduce tax burdens.
  • Human Capitalists — Equity Based Compensation ~45% Of Total Comp Of High-Skilled Labor, Including It In Labor Share Cuts Decline of Labor Share Since The 1980’s By 60%.
  • Capitalists in the Twenty-First Century — Most income at the top of the US income distribution is non-wage income, primarily derived from private business profits, according to @MatthewSmith…
  • Inequality
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
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    • Wages/Income

Do Past Wealth Gaps Explain Modern Inequality? Evidence From Immigration To The United States

AI Summary. European immigrants who arrived with nearly no wealth converged to similar wealth levels as earlier European settlers within a few generations, while Black, Cuban, Mexican, and Puerto Rican households remained substantially behind, indicating that initial wealth gaps do not uniformly predict long-run inequality across all groups.

Brian Marein Wake Forest University
Date Posted:
June 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Except possibly at the very top of the distribution which SIPP cannot measure, the wealth of “new” Southern and Eastern European immigrants to the US has fully caught up with “old” immigrants. Wealth converges quickly once earnings inequality vanishes.

Does initial wealth explain persistent inequality across immigrant groups?

Core argument: By 1920, 50% of white adults were foreign-born or had foreign-born parents, yet Southern and Eastern European descendants achieved wealth.

Inferring the determinants of long-run inequality from group-level data is complicated by the arrival of 30 million Europeans during the Age of Mass Migration (roughly 1850 to 1924), who are by construction included in average white wealth despite having no direct claim to the wealth accumulated by earlier Americans. By1920, nearly half of white adults were either foreign-born or had foreign-born parents. Using the United States Immigration Commission Reports (commonly known as the Dillingham Commission Reports), I document that immigrants at the turn of the twentieth century arrived with almost no wealth. [Thus] a large share of the white population started from a substantial wealth disadvantage. Northwestern Europeans comprised the overwhelming majority of earlier immigrants, dating back to the initial European settlement of North America, while Southern and Eastern Europeans predominated at the turn of the twentieth century. If initial wealth disadvantages persisted across generations, one would expect households of Southern or Eastern European ancestry to possess less wealth than those of Northwestern European ancestry, since their families arrived later and started with substantially fewer resources. In fact, they do not. On average, they are wealthier.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. By 1920, 50% of white adults were foreign-born or had foreign-born parents, yet Southern and Eastern European descendants achieved wealth.
  2. European immigrants arrived at the turn of the twentieth century with nearly zero wealth, yet their descendants’ wealth distributions converged.
  3. White ancestry groups exhibit nearly identical wealth distributions by 1980–1990 despite staggered arrival times spanning 270+ years, while Black, Cuban.

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  • 00 to 2022 — Gregory Clark @PNASNews finds that social status in England was strongly correlated across generations between 1600 and 2022, consistent with a theory of…
  • Changing Opportunity: Sociological Mechanisms Underlying Growing Class Gaps and Shrinking Race Gaps in Economic Mobility — Raj Chetty @OppInsights finds that a white child born into the bottom household income quintile in 1992 had a 29.7% chance of remaining there, up from 24.9% in…
  • Inequality
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The Great $110 Trillion Wealth Transfer Won’t Happen Any Time Soon

AI Summary. Bequeathable wealth in the U.S. rose from 256% to 424% of GDP between 1997 and 2021, with 97% of that increase concentrated in households headed by someone 55 or older. The wealthiest 10% of that age group drove 75% of the total gain, meaning inherited wealth is becoming increasingly concentrated

Rachel Louise Ensign and James Benedict Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
May 5, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The age at which Americans are inheriting money has risen. According to Federal Reserve surveys, btw 1998 and 2010, Americans in their late 50s were most likely to report receiving an inheritance; by 2013–2022, that age had ticked up to the mid 60’s.

Will the concentration of inherited wealth impact economic equality?

Core argument: Bequeathable wealth surged to 424% of GDP in 2021 from 256% in 1997, with 97% of gains concentrated in households.

Fed data [indicates] that what is known as the bequeathable wealth rose from 256% of gross domestic product in 1997 to 424% in 2021, the last year of available data. A staggering 97% of that increase was due to wealth gains in households where the head of household was 55 or older. Older Americans may keep accumulating wealth, especially if the stock market keeps rising. But some will spend it on living costs and expensive long-term care, leaving less for heirs. When they die, many will leave their money to their spouses, who are often in their same generation. This year, around $1.3 trillion is expected to be passed onto spouses, compared with about $2 trillion to heirs in Gen X and younger generations, according to projections from research firm Cerulli Associates.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Bequeathable wealth surged to 424% of GDP in 2021 from 256% in 1997, with 97% of gains concentrated in households.
  2. The wealthiest 10% of households age 55+ captured 75% of total bequeathable wealth gains since 1997, resulting in widening inequality.
  3. Boomers accumulated $1tn+ in wealth during Q4 alone, outpacing all other generational groups, as stock and business valuations drive outsized.

Related Articles:

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  • Inequality
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Has Generational Progress Stalled? Income Growth Over Five Generations of Americans

AI Summary. Generational income growth in the United States has slowed across five successive generations, with each cohort earning less relative to the previous one by their late 30s.

Kevin Corinth and Jeff Larrimore Demography
Date Posted:
April 23, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

As measured by the 36–40 cohort across generations, Americans’ real market income has continued to rise but at a slower pace. Accounting for taxes and transfers partially offsets the slowdown in the growth of market income.

Core argument: Income growth for Americans in their late 30s declined 50% from the Silent Generation (born 1928–1945) to Millennials (born 1981–1996).

We zoom in on a focal age range in peo­ple’s late 30s—an age at which we observe the five gen­er­a­tions from the Greatest Generation (born 1901–1927) through the Millennial Generation (born 1981–1996)—and assess both whether gen­er­a­tional prog­ress is positive and the extent to which the rate of growth is speeding up or slowing down. Focusing first on median market income, there are two notable takeaways that apply for both the individual/couple and the household sharing units.The first is that generational progress has clearly slowed since the Baby Boom Generation, although it remains positive. Second, despite the perception that slowing generational progress is a recent phenomenon, the substantial slowdown did not start with Millennials but began a generation earlier with Generation X. Looking at the patterns formed in household market income by generation, the income of Baby Boomers in their late 30s was 31% above that for similarly aged adults in the Silent Generation. Progress slowed substantially for Generation X—their incomes increased by 10% relative to Baby Boomers—and then ticked up for Millennials, whose incomes rose by 15% relative to Generation X. Although market income is an important indicator of progress, it does not reflect the full set of resources that individuals have available for consumption. The slowdown in generational progress is softened when accounting for taxes and transfers.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Income growth for Americans in their late 30s declined 50% from the Silent Generation (born 1928–1945) to Millennials (born 1981–1996).
  2. Wage growth deceleration across five generations results in widening inequality, with top earners capturing disproportionate income gains while median earners.
  3. Workforce participation shifts and wage stagnation for Millennials vs. prior generations lead to delayed wealth accumulation and reduced intergenerational economic.

Related Articles:

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    • Wages/Income
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