Edward Conard

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Has the Stock Market Become Less Representative of the Economy?

Frederik Schlingemann National Bureau of Economic Growth
Date Posted:
October 13, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The correlation btw firms’ employment and market capitalization has significantly declined since 1973, indicating a growing disconnect btw the stock market and the broader economy.

From 1973 to 2019, the correlation between firms' employment and market capitalization has significantly declined, indicating a growing disconnect between the stock market and the broader economy. In the 1970s, employment explained over 50% of the variation in market capitalization, but by the 2010s, this figure dropped to 21.8%. The percentage of non-farm workers employed by public firms fell from 41.4% in 1973 to 29.0% in 2019. While value added remains a better predictor of market capitalization, explaining 68.2% of its variation in the 1970s and 67.7% in the 2010s, the stock market's representativeness concerning employment has worsened over time, reflecting structural shifts in the economy and the rise of intangible capital investments.

Has the Stock Market Become Less Representative of the Economy?: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Frederik Schlingemann and René Stulz, "Has the Stock Market Become Less Representative of the Economy?," National Bureau Of Economic Growth, October 2020, https://www.nber.org/papers/w27942

Core of their employment argument, “…. how much the stock market reflects the economy is an empirical question. Employment is a reliable benchmark for the state of the economy.Employment data for the whole economy is available for our sample period, does not depend on accounting rules, and is collected by the Federal government irrespective of whether a firm is public or not. For public corporations, employment is available for most corporations annually since the early 1970s. We find that, from 1973 to 2019, the percentage of employees working for public firms is highest at the start of the sample period and falls sharply in the 1980s. At the beginning of that period, more than 41.4 percent of non-farm workers in the private sector work for public firms, but in 2019, that percentage is 29.0 percent. In 2019, the percentage of non-farm workers in the private sector working for public firms is the lowest for our sample period for industrial firms and for all firms, including financial firms, it is the lowest except for 1989 and 1990. We create a measure of unrepresentativeness to capture how poorly market capitalization proxies for a firm’s contribution to employment over time. For each firm, we measure the absolute value of the difference between the firm’s market capitalization as a share of the market capitalization of the stock market and the firm’s employment share among public firms defined as the firm’s employment divided by the employment of all stock market firms. The measure of unrepresentativeness is proportional to the sum of these differences. Intuitively, it is the difference between a portfolio that holds the stock market and a portfolio with weights equal to the employment weights of firms. The unrepresentativeness measure increases as the two portfolios differ more. We call this measure our employment unrepresentativeness measure. This measure follows a w-shape, with its lowest values in the 1980s and 1990s and its highest values in the 1970s, around 2000, and in the recent past. The stock market is more unrepresentative at the end of our sample period with respect to employment than at any time except around the year 2000. Another way to show that market capitalizations are not instructive about firms’ contribution to employment is to estimate how much of the variation in market capitalizations can be explained by variation in employment. We find that from 1973 to 2019 a firm’s employment never explains as little of its market capitalization as in 2019. In most years in the 1970s and early 1980s, firm employment explains more than 50% of the variation in market capitalization. In each of the last four sample years but one, firm employment explains less than 20% of the variation in market capitalization…”

Core of their value added argument, “…Assessing a firm’s contribution to GDP is more fraught with difficulties. A firm’s value added depends on the total compensation it pays to its employees. However, most firms do not disclose how much they pay to their employees separately…. we find that the contribution of public firms to GDP is higher in the 1970s than in the 2000s.This result is insensitive to the approximations we make. Using the same approach to measure unrepresentativeness as with employment, we construct a measure of unrepresentativeness for value added. The stock market’s unrepresentativeness for value added follows a w-shape with unrepresentativeness high early in the sample period, around 2000, and late in the sample period. In contrast to employment, the unrepresentativeness at the end of the sample period is less than at the beginning of the sample period….We find that variation in value-added best explains the variation in market capitalization in the late 1970s and early 1980s. While employment explains less of the variation in market capitalization in the 2010s than in the 1970s, the same is not the case for value added. The variation in value-added explains the variation in market capitalization less well at the end of the sample period than in a number of years, but it explains it better than in the period from 1988 (1991 for industrial firms) to 2003…”

Conclusions, “….we examine how listed firms contribute to the economy over time and how their market capitalization is related to their contribution to the economy. We find that stock market firms as a group contribute less to employment and to GDP than in the 1970s. Since 1973, industrial stock market firms never contribute as little to employment as they do in 2019 and all firms on the stock market contribute less than in 2019 only two years.Though the contribution to GDP of stock market firms is less in recent years than in the 1970s, the decline in contribution to GDP is less than the decline in contribution to employment. Our estimates for the contribution of listed firms to GDP come with some important caveats. Listed firms generally do not disclose their employment expenses, so that we have to approximate them using approaches developed in the recent literature. Further, though listed firms disclose employment, they do not generally disclose separately domestic and foreign employment. As a result, our estimates of employment and value added for listed firms are estimates for worldwide employment and worldwide value added of these firms. To the extent that foreign activities of firms increase over time, our estimates likely understate the decrease in the contribution of listed firms to the US economy. It is well-known that the relative importance of investments in intangible capital has increased over time. These investments are mostly expensed under GAAP. Though we can adjust firm income for investment in intangible capital, we cannot adjust employment for employees who work on projects that increase invested capital. If we adjust income for investment in intangible capital, our conclusions about the evolution of the contribution of value added of listed firms to GDP are unchanged. We measure how representative the market capitalization of firms is of their contribution to the economy. We find that our measure of unrepresentativeness follows a w shape for both employment and value added: the measure is high in the 1970s, around 2000, and at the end of the sample period.For labor, unrepresentativeness increases over time, but not for value added. We also find that the relation between firm market capitalization and firm employment collapses during our sample period. In the 1970s, employment explains 50.7% on average of the variation in market capitalization across firms. In the 2010s, it explains 21.8% on average.A firm’s value added explains much more its market capitalization than its employment. This is true throughout our sample period. Strikingly, there is no consistent degradation in the ability of value added to explain the variation in market capitalization across firms. In the 1970s, value added explains 68.2% of the variation in market capitalization in average. In the 2010s, it explains 67.7%.Perhaps not surprisingly, the top market capitalization firm evolves in the same way as the market as a whole. In the 1950s, the top market capitalization firm was the top employer in the country. In the 2010s, it is the 40th. However, the top market capitalization firm is in the top ten of firms by value added in the 2010s as in the 1970s. The evolution we document is largely the result of the decline of manufacturing in the US. Not all firms are equally suited to be public firms. Small firms and service firms are much less likely to be listed on stock exchanges. Over our sample period, employment by the manufacturing industry falls sharply in importance while employment by the service industries grows dramatically in importance. A large fraction of the employees of manufacturing firms work for public firms. A small fraction of employees of service firms work for public firms. As a result, the fraction of employees working for public firms falls….”

This was a very interesting factoid (see their Table 5 below), “…. Strikingly, from 1950 to 2019, only seven distinct firms have the top market capitalization in at least one year. Only two of these firms, General Motors and AT&T, ever have the largest number of employees in the US. The percentage of US non-farm payrolls represented by the largest market capitalization firm declines steadily over time, so that it is at its lowest in the 2000s. The percentage of US GDP represented by the largest market capitalization firm is also lower in the 2000s than before 1980. The contribution of the top market capitalization firm to the economy in 2019 is a fraction of GM’s contribution in 1953. …”

They find representativeness is worst when the market is most highly valued and worsens over time for employment, but not for value added. “…we measure the extent to which a firm’s market capitalization reflects its concurrent contribution to the economy. We show a strong downward trend in the extent to which a firm’s market capitalization reflects its concurrent contribution to employment. With value added, market capitalizations are least instructive about a firms’ contemporaneous contribution to GDP around 2000, but market capitalizations appear to be as instructive about firms’ contribution to GDP in the 1970s as in the 2010s…..In the 1970s, employment explains 50.7% on average of the variation in market capitalization across firms. In the 2010s, it explains 21.8% on average.A firm’s value added explains much more its market capitalization than its employment. This is true throughout our sample period. Strikingly, there is no consistent degradation in the ability of value added to explain the variation in market capitalization across firms. In the 1970s, value added explains 68.2% of the variation in market capitalization in average. In the 2010s, it explains 67.7%...”

New NBER argues that there is a declining correlation btw a firm's share of employment and its share of stock market value.

Ed Comment: not surprised. When google, Microsoft, apple and Facebook are rocketing in value with no employees.

  • Business Cycle
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Showing 218 database articles primarily about Business Cycle

3% vs. 60%

AI Summary. Direct lending represents roughly 3% of total U.S. household and business debt, a fraction of the 60% share mortgages held at the peak of the housing bubble.

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
April 8, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Torsten Sløk notes the direct lending market is ~$2T or 3% of household and non-financial debt outstanding. To provide context, he shows that in 2006, on the eve of the crisis, mortgages accounted for ~60% of such debt.

Core argument: Direct lending represents a small but growing alternative to traditional bank financing for businesses and households.

The direct lending market is roughly $2 trillion, or about 3% of total debt outstanding for US households and businesses. By comparison, mortgages accounted for about 60% of total household and corporate debt at the peak of the housing bubble in 2006.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Direct lending represents a small but growing alternative to traditional bank financing for businesses and households.
  2. The mortgage market’s dominance has shifted dramatically since the 2006 housing peak, reducing systemic risk concentration.
  3. Non-bank lenders now capture meaningful market share in credit provision across the economy.

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Top 10% of Earners Drive a Growing Share of US Consumer Spending

Jonnelle Marte Bloomberg
Date Posted:
September 17, 2025
Is Database:
Database

Mark Zandi finds Americans in the top 10% of the income distribution accounted for 49.2% of consumer spending in Q2, the highest level since 1989.

Consumers in the top 10% of the income distribution accounted for 49.2% of total spending in the second quarter, up from 48.5% in the first quarter, reaching the highest level in data going back to 1989, according to an analysis of Federal Reserve data by Mark Zandi, chief economist for Moody’s Analytics. In contrast, the bottom 80% of the income distribution, or consumers making less than roughly $175,000 a year, have seen their spending merely keep pace with inflation since the pandemic.

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Litigation Nation, Engineering Empire

Jonathon Sine Cogitations
Date Posted:
September 2, 2025
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Jonathon Sine argues China “is moving beyond its breakneck industrial prime, facing similar dilemmas to those America confronted in the 1960s and 70s.” The ratio of science/engineering to humanities undergraduate majors is 2:1 in both the PRC and US.

Dan Wang’s “big idea” [is] “China is an engineering state, building big at breakneck speed, in contrast to the United States’ lawyerly society, blocking everything it can, good and bad.” I re-group US college majors according to Chinese disciplines to allow for rough comparison. Surprisingly, the ratio of science/engineering to humanities/social sciences is 2:1, the same as in China (if one groups management with science/engineering, as I also do for China). As with China today, America’s breakneck building phase was decidedly winding down by the 1960s. Urbanization went from 40% in 1900 to 70% by 1960, and grew much more incrementally over the next 60 years to 85% by 2020. The country simply did not need to continue building dams, expressways, and energy production facilities at breakneck pace. It became much more a matter of maintaining and upgrading (which has not gone well, at least according to the American Society of Civil Engineers’ report card). The American [building/investment slowdown that started after the 1970s] may be more about structural economic shifts than lawyers.

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  • America’s Housing Affordability Crisis and the Decline of Housing Supply — Why are constant-quality house prices 15% above their pre-2007 peak? Ed Glaeser notes that US housing grew just 0.6% annually in the 2010s, down from 4% in the…
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How America’s AI Boom Is Squeezing The Rest Of The Economy

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
August 19, 2025
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

As AI-related investment has risen since 2023, residential and nonresidential investment have declined or flatlined. This may suggest that a relatively rate-insensitive AI buildout is crowding out more interest-sensitive forms of investment.

Something like a sixth of the 2% rise in American real GDP over the past year has come from investments in computer and communications equipment, including chips, and data centres. Add in the grid upgrades to power AI models, plus the intellectual-property value of the software itself, and one estimate puts the boom’s contribution to real GDP growth at 40%. The trouble is that the very sector powering so much of America’s economic growth is squeezing the rest of its output. Housebuilders, for instance, cannot afford to be blithe about higher borrowing costs. Data centres have also constrained the rest of the economy by keeping energy prices high. Average American electricity bills have risen by 7% so far in 2025, at least in part due to the extra strain data centres have put on the grid. Real consumption has flatlined since December. Housebuilding has slumped, as has non-AI business investment.

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Is it Over?

Joseph Wang Fed Guy Blog
Date Posted:
August 18, 2025
Is Database:
Database

Following tepid reactions to the release of GTP-5, Joe Wang observes, “It is looking more like companies are spending hundreds of billions on rapidly depreciating GPUs that produce a commoditized product that most clients only modestly benefit from.”

GPT-5 users widely expressed disappointment in the capabilities of the new release, which seemed in some ways a step back. This sentiment is reflected in benchmarks that show a modest improvement in capabilities since the significant improvement in version 4 released two years ago. In addition, the benchmarks suggest a broader convergence in the capabilities of AI models. Commentary suggests this could be due to inherent limitations in the LLM technology and exhaustion of new training data. AI is fascinating technology, but it may not justify the enormous sums spent in its pursuit. It is looking more like companies are spending hundreds of billions on rapidly depreciating GPUs that produce a commoditized product that most clients only modestly benefit from. The entire macro landscape would look very different without the support of the AI boom.

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    • Innovation/Research
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US Households and Firms Are in Great Shape

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
March 31, 2025
Is Database:
Database

​​Torsten Sløk notes that US household and banking sector debt has fallen to its lowest level in decades as a % of GDP, while corporate leverage has moved sideways. “The bottom line is that the private sector in the US is in incredibly good shape.”

Household sector leverage and banking sector leverage have declined significantly since 2008. Over the same period, federal government leverage has increased significantly, and corporate leverage has moved sideways. The bottom line is that the private sector in the US is in incredibly good shape.

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