Edward Conard

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The American Rescue Plan as Economic Theory

AI Summary. The American Rescue Plan injected $1.9tn into the US economy, alongside a decline in unemployment from 6.2% to 4.8%, an 11% quarterly rise in consumer spending, and a 5.4% year-over-year increase in consumer prices. The author argues this experience calls for reevaluating fiscal policy's role in recovery and the tradeoff between growth and price stability.

J.W. Mason J.W. Mason Blog
Date Posted:
March 18, 2021
Is Database:
Database

The American Rescue Plan (ARP) injected $1.9tn into the economy, boosting GDP growth & reducing unemployment. Unemployment fell from 6.2% in Feb 2021 to 4.8% by Oct 2021, & consumer spending rose 11% in Q2 2021.

Does large-scale fiscal stimulus require rethinking the growth-inflation tradeoff?

Core argument: Unemployment fell from 6.2% in February 2021 to 4.8% by October 2021, following the American Rescue Plan's $1.9tn injection aimed at boosting GDP growth and reducing joblessness.

The American Rescue Plan (ARP) has significant implications for economic theory, particularly in its approach to fiscal policy and macroeconomic stabilization. By injecting $1.9tn into the economy, the ARP aimed to boost GDP growth and reduce unemployment, with early data indicating a rapid recovery. Unemployment fell from 6.2% in February 2021 to 4.8% by October 2021, demonstrating the plan's impact on labor markets. Additionally, the ARP's direct payments and expanded unemployment benefits increased disposable income, leading to a surge in consumer spending, which rose by 11% in Q2 2021. This fiscal stimulus challenged traditional views on inflation, as CPI increased by 5.4% year-over-year in September 2021, raising questions about the balance between growth and price stability. The ARP's outcomes suggest a reevaluation of fiscal policy's role in economic recovery, highlighting the potential for aggressive government intervention to drive macroeconomic stability.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Unemployment fell from 6.2% in February 2021 to 4.8% by October 2021, following the American Rescue Plan's $1.9tn injection aimed at boosting GDP growth and reducing joblessness.
  2. Consumer spending rose 11% in the second quarter of 2021 as the American Rescue Plan's direct payments and expanded unemployment benefits increased disposable income.
  3. CPI increased 5.4% year-over-year in September 2021, raising questions about the balance between growth and price stability under the American Rescue Plan's fiscal stimulus.

J.W. Mason, "The American Rescue Plan as Economic Theory,"J.W. Mason Blog, March 15, 2021, http://jwmason.org/slackwire/the-american-rescue-plan-as-economic-theory/

Ed Comment:”I’m reacting to both of these at first blush off the top of my head with a quasi-random steam of thoughts. I would love your reaction. I may write this into an op-ed, although it would take a lot more work. Sorry for the typos, I am just banging this out. …and I am very dyslexic. You might want to read the Mason and Cochrane in the thread below first. I don’t think that what the Dems are doing has anything to do with economic theory. It’s just political power. …and wishful thinkers on both sides of the debate justifying their side’s view by over and understating the risks. There is plenty from both Mason and Cochrane to agree and disagree with. But both overlook critical issues. I love Cochrane, but occasionally find that his perfect information/competition/rational POV falls short, even if it is always a side of the argument worth considering. He doesn’t make those mistakes here. Instead, like most economists on the right, his logic largely applies to a 1970-style capital-intensive manufacturing economy with limited international trade, that’s largely constrained by domestic savings and blue-collar labor. Since then, we seem to have eases inflationary pressures by accessing a seemingly unconstrained supply of cheap offshore labor and savings combined with previously restrained monetary policy and now, perhaps clever but surely misunderstood, monetary policy that uses increased regulatory powers, albeit perhaps not explicit, to lock up monetary surpluses as excess bank deposits It’s harder to imagine inflation under these circumstances. Proponents of increased borrowing, like Mason, may be right that we can borrow without constraint, but they are surely driving the car looking in the rearview mirror without differentiating between the one-time expansion of these constrained factors of production and limits we may encounter in the future. Interest rates declining in the face of increased borrowing is not, on its own, evidence that borrowing won't matter in the future. It's not hard to imagine adverse shifts in the supply and demand for savings. The world’s demographics are aging into retirement, especially those of the surplus savers/exporter, chiefly China, Germany and Japan. Europe and Japan’s low fertility and China’s one-child policy exacerbates their demographic shift. That should increase consumption and reduce savings. The Chinese are gradually consuming more regardless. Africa, South America, and South East Asia seem unlikely to replace the surplus savings of brilliant China, Germany, Japan, and Korea. German manufacturers are gradually growing less competitive, as is the rest of Europe, as evidenced by their lower equity multiples. They haven’t been able to transition their industries to the production of information and information technology successfully as the US has. That should pressure profits, prosperity and future savings. American tech companies have spewed profitability and excess savings but are under attack by government regulators across the globe. Regardless, the productivity of research seems to be slowing down, although we may capture some value if the rest of the world, chiefly China, starts to contribute its fair shar. Pay down of domestic mortgages increased the supply of savings after the financial crisis, but that trend seems to be reversing. US investors are likely to be taxed more heavily. And America’s demographics are gradually shifting toward lower-skilled consumers. Mitigating global warming and a growing Chinese military threat could increase demand for capital. Rising interest rates could reduce sky high financial asset multiples, reducing the apparent value of collateral, increasing the risk to lenders, and subsequently increasing real interest rates. In effect we grew assets without needing to grow investment proportionally. Not having to borrowing as much to grow investment, we were able to borrow to increase consumption. That seems unlikely to continue.That said, historically unanticipated creativity has always led to over performance. Although that many not be true if the pond is getting fished out.Neither Mason nor Cochrane raises any of these issues. Without them, it’s hard to take their macroeconomic analysis seriously. As I often say, generalizable chess theory won’t take you very far. You must also carefully study the ever-changing circumstances on the board. So, it’s not hard to imagine a scenario in which future generations wish we had spent the borrowed savings more wisely—to mitigate global warming for example rather than stupidly letting my already pretty prosperous 83-year-old mother-in-law further increase her consumption. Future generations will simply complain that they need more money (ie reallocated production) to mitigate warming rather than blaming Dems for this bout of wasteful consumption. When are children are paying higher interest rates on a lot more debt and demotivating their brightest people with decades of high taxes and lower asset values, at least they won’t have an I-told-you-so counterfactual to compare their “new normal” to. It’s true the government can print money, and savers may not be asking for enough compensation to bear that risk. But it’s also the case that pursuing that strategy in the future, while perhaps more optimal than not, will nevertheless increase the cost of borrowing. Unlke the private sector, when the government borrows and spends by fiat, it distorts the allocation of resources.If it cuts taxes on the payoff for successful risk-taking, it might spur a gradual increase in risk-taking. But increased risk-taking occurs gradually over a long period of time because mining the technological frontier is harder and more complicated than just adding resources. It’s hard to get ultra high-skilled people—the binding constraint to growth today—to switch careers and take new/more risks with their careers. They likely won’t take those risks until they get the necessary on-the-job training and find valuable ideas from years of mining the frontier—both of which are critically important to reducing the risk talented people fear most—missing out on the cushy life they can have without taking much risk at all.For the same reason, we can always raise taxes and increase prosperity in the short run. California can tax the multiplier on the productivity Silicon Valley creates for its workers. Higher taxes obviously reduce the pool/distribution of viable investment opportunities. But a slightly smaller pool has only a gradual effect over a long period of time. Similarly, it’s not as though Europeans would start taking risks tomorrow if they cut their tax rates. Without decades spent gradually building companies like Google to mine the technological frontier, they don’t currently have a wealth of investment-worthy ideas no matter the tax rate. The issue is whether a positive feedback loop gradually takes hold, like it has in the US, and the most capable students eagerly become failed technological innovators rather than do-nothing professors. If, on the other hand, the government gives low-skilled workers money for increased consumption, it demotivates many of them to work. Work sucks for most of those workers. No surprise, over time lower-skilled workers have worked less as they have grown richer and consumption/leisure has grown cheaper and better. Giving them money increases the cost of employing them. In effect, when we borrow money and give it to low-skilled workers we have a choice: hire a domestic worker at a high wage who charges a lot to save, or an offshore worker who does the opposite. Fiscal deficits largely “stimulate” surplus exporters. How? Surplus exporters loan us their risk-averse savings. We underwrite the risk of guaranteeing the return, via government guarantees, and by using the borrowed savings to fund risky consumption rather than investment that would grow the economy enough to pay the interest on the loan. We consume our finite willingness and capacity to bear risk. By borrowing against our collateral, we turn their debt into equity and use it to stimulate their economy, not ours. That said, Americans, often ones who aren’t working, get to increase their consumption without working more. The cost of this consumption is foisted upon future Americans as future interest payments that decrease future consumption. Young people are naively/stupidly liberal. Now I think Keynes was right and Lucas was wrong. The private sector doesn’t logically dial back risk-taking 1:1 to compensate for the risks they are underwriting via the government. Until the risks materialize, we appear to get a free lunch. That’s the beauty of risk-taking. It’s substantially cheaper as long as the risks don’t materialize. However, Ricardian equivalence probably grows as debt grows relative to GDP driving down the value captured by current generations. Leaving aside secondary issues, we spend a dollar of future prosperity for less than a dollar today and the rest of the world captures most of any multiplier over and above the dollar. Again, that might be ok if we were spending the dollar wisely, but we’re not. BTW this is the logic behind the infrastructure investment argument. Sadly though, you mistake a good idea in theory for one that sucks in reality by the time the NYC subways cost multiples of what they should and politicians spread the pork like peanut butter to unproductive investment. And this exposes another flaw in Mason’s and Keynes’s logic. While some downturns may just be peculiar anomalies of animal spirits, many recessions surely result from real failures. Flooding an inherently unstable banking system with risk-averse offshore savings for example, increases the risk of a bank run. But until it occurs, the economy grows faster than it should have. Taking risks accelerates growth, but not without increasing volatility. You don’t get peaks without some valleys. In general, the economy grows faster because it takes risks it fails to recognize. It’s true the economy is probably like a rodent that wanders further and further from its den when it doesn’t encounter danger, and then overreacts and scurs back with it does, only to start its search all over again. But its also the case that every newly encounter threat/risk/shock, shows us the error of our ways, which demands a reallocation of resource—from subprime consumption via subprime mortgages, to a new allocation of savings. That reallocation takes time, failed experiments, innovation, etc. When the government spends money by fiat, it may temporarily sooth the pain of displaced workers, but only by slowing and postponing the reallocation process by diverting resource to yet another misallocation. Like so many economists, Mason only sees the economy statically, as if it merely needs to return to what it did before. Were that the case, most recession would never occur. He doesn’t see that we have to change quickly to stay in place. An underestimation of all the factors I have raised makes it seem as though borrowing a lot of money from offshore savers to buy their production for a one-time increase in our consumption today has less cost in the long run than it surely does. Policy decisions are largely the byproduct of mistaken analysis of a world too complex to analyze, and the overwhelming power of wishful thinking to justify the conclusions we seek. Surely that’s the case with the $1.9 T. Random mutation and survival of the fittest are the only processes likely to find optimal solutions in complex circumstances, like the economy.”

J.W. Mason on the "new" economics implied by the American Rescue Plan which he argues is a major break with the previous marco-orthodoxy, "...suggests a big move in the center of gravity of economic policy debates...."

New “axioms”"... The size and design of ARPA is a more consequential rejection of this catechism. Without being described as such, it’s a decisive recognition of half a dozen points that those of us on the left side of the macroeconomic debate have been making for years.... The official unemployment rate is an unreliable guide to the true degree of labor market slack, all the time and especially in downturns....Thebalance of macroeconomic risks is not symmetrical. We don’t live in an economy that fluctuates around a long-term growth path, but one that periodically falls into recessions or depressions....hysteresis is one important reason that demand shortfalls are much more costly than overshooting... A full employment or high pressure economy has benefits that go well beyond the direct benefits of higher incomes and output. Hysteresis is part of this — full employment is a spur to innovation and faster productivity growth. But there are also major implications for the distribution of income.... Public debt doesn’t matter.... Work incentives don’t matter.... Direct, visible spending is better than indirect spending or spending aimed at altering incentives..... Means testing is costly and imprecise.... Weak demand is an ongoing problem, not just a short-term one.... The public sector has capacities the private sector lacks….”

  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
    • Growth
    • Inflation
Previous articleMarch 17, 2021The Miseducation of America’s ElitesElite private high schools in the US are shifting towards an ideological focus on racial grievance & anti-capitalism, raising concerns among parents & educators.Next articleMarch 18, 2021Back to the 60sA new economic view holds that debt levels are less concerning, with broad political support suggesting governments can increase spending without hitting supply limits or causing inflation. Critics warn that dismissing debt and supply risks could bring long-term instability.
Showing 193 database articles primarily about Government Spending

The Fairest Way to Reform Social Security May Also Be the Worst Way to Grow the Economy

AI Summary. Fully closing Social Security's funding gap by raising the payroll tax rate would require an immediate, permanent increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would reduce labor supply and economic growth. Research on a prior benefit cut found affected Americans raised earnings by 61 cents per dollar of lost benefits, generating additional payroll tax revenue.

Andrew Biggs American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
May 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Biggs argues that “fair” approaches to restoring Social Security solvency – those that do not cut already accrued benefits – are less effective than “unfair” ones that do, because the latter incentivize increased work effort, raising growth and revenue.

Biggs argues that “fair” approaches to restoring Social Security solvency – those that do not cut already accrued...

Does closing Social Security's gap with higher payroll taxes hurt growth?

Core argument: Keeping Social Security permanently solvent under the "fairness" model of paying accrued benefits in full would require an immediate and permanent payroll tax increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth.

Imagine that Social Security reform follows the fairness model, in which accrued benefits are paid in full but the rate at which future benefits are earned is reduced. A simple way to do this is to increase the payroll tax rate To keep Social Security permanently solvent, meaning through 75 years and beyond, would require an immediate and permanent increase in the payroll tax rate [from] 12.4% to 17.6%. The higher rate would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth. [Consider] an alternate reform, which looks clearly unfair: fix Social Security’s funding gap entirely by reducing accrued benefits that Americans already have earned. As of 2025, Americans had accrued $54 trillion in Social Security benefits. Social Security’s unfunded obligation as of 2025 was $26 trillion. So, roughly, this means cutting Americans’ “earned benefits” in half. [Analyzing the 1977 reform that undid the notorious 1972 “double-indexing” of benefits, a group of economists], using SSA earnings data, found that, for every dollar of lost benefits, the affected Americans increased their earnings by 61 cents. Moreover, these additional earnings would be taxed by Social Security, further strengthening the program’s finances. In effect, this makes cutting benefits a “cheaper” way to fix Social Security than raising taxes, because people respond in ways that also increase tax revenues.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Keeping Social Security permanently solvent under the "fairness" model of paying accrued benefits in full would require an immediate and permanent payroll tax increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth.
  2. Americans had accrued $54 trillion in Social Security benefits as of 2025 against an unfunded obligation of $26 trillion, so closing the gap solely by cutting already-earned benefits would mean roughly halving those benefits.
  3. Economists analyzing the 1977 reform that undid the 1972 "double-indexing" of benefits found, using SSA earnings data, that affected Americans raised their earnings by 61 cents per dollar of lost benefits, earnings that Social Security would tax.

Related Articles:

  • Social Security and Trends in Wealth Inequality — The authors estimate that including Social Security in household wealth leaves top wealth shares little changed over three decades, with the top 10% and top 1% shares rising 1.1 and 1.6 percentage points versus roughly 9 and 6 points for marketable wealth alone. Social Security wealth grew from $7tn to $39tn.
  • How Federal Spending is Distributed by Age — An analysis classifying $4.4tn of $7tn in federal spending by age finds retirees aged 65 and older receive $2.7tn, 38.6% of total outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending, versus $1.2tn for working-age adults and $449bn for those under 26. Social Security and Medicare account for 80% of age-assignable spending on older adults.
  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Government transfers rose from 8.2% of Americans' total personal income in 1970 to 17.6% in 2022, making them the third largest income source after work and investments. The share of U.S. counties drawing a quarter or more of personal income from transfers rose from under 1% in 1970 to 53% in 2022.
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation

The World’s Most Surprising Capitalist Makeover Is Under Way in Sweden

AI Summary. Sweden has opened public services to private providers, with nearly half of primary healthcare clinics privately owned and one in three public high schools privately run, up from 20% in 2011. Its public social spending has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the US and below the over 30% in France and Italy.

Tom Fairless Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
May 12, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Swedish public social spending is now 23.7% of GDP, just 1pp above that of the US and well under France’s 31.6%. Market-based reforms in the 1990s brought overall government spending down from 69.4% to 49.3% in 2024.

How has Sweden shrunk its state by privatizing public services?

Core argument: Sweden's total public social spending, covering healthcare, education and welfare payments, has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% of nations like France and Italy.

For decades, Sweden was shorthand for the brand of high-tax, high-spend government that managed people’s lives from cradle to grave through state-run hospitals, schools and care homes. No longer. With little fanfare, this Nordic country of 11 million has embraced capitalism. Today, nearly half of primary healthcare clinics are privately owned, many by private-equity firms. One in three public high schools is privately run, up from 20% in 2011. School operators are listed on the stock exchange. The capitalist makeover has allowed Sweden to do what few industrialized countries have managed in recent years: shrink the size of the state. That has enabled the government to sharply lower taxes and, economists say, sparked a surge in entrepreneurship and economic growth. Its total public social spending bill—which includes healthcare, education and all welfare payments—has fallen to 24% of gross domestic product, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% for nations like France and Italy. Sweden’s economy is expected to grow by around 2% a year through 2030, roughly the same pace as the U.S. and double the growth rates of France and Germany, according to an April forecast by the International Monetary Fund.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Sweden's total public social spending, covering healthcare, education and welfare payments, has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% of nations like France and Italy.
  2. Nearly half of Sweden's primary healthcare clinics are privately owned, many by private-equity firms, and one in three public high schools is privately run, up from 20% in 2011, with school operators listed on the stock exchange.
  3. An April forecast by the International Monetary Fund projects Sweden's economy will grow around 2% a year through 2030, roughly matching the U.S. and double the growth rates of France and Germany.

Related Articles:

  • How Sweden Overcame Socialism — After government spending reached 70% of GDP and public debt 80% of GDP, Sweden adopted market-oriented reforms including privatized healthcare services, for-profit schools, reduced welfare benefits, deregulation of electricity and transportation, and a corporate tax cut from 28% to 22%. Public debt has since fallen to 41% of GDP, with growth outpacing European Union peers by roughly 1 point annually.
  • Reforming the Welfare State: Recovery and Beyond in Sweden — Sweden's structural reforms — flexible exchange rates, inflation targeting, a smaller public sector, less generous social insurance, and deregulated markets — accompanied export-led growth, a current account surplus lasting over a decade, government spending falling to 52% of GDP, and central government debt dropping from nearly 80% of GDP to about half that.
  • The US Has One of the Highest Fertility Rates Among Peer Countries — The tempo-adjusted fertility rate, which accounts for shifts in the timing of births, shows the US rate falling since roughly 2009-10 and dropping below the 2.1 births-per-woman replacement level around 2017, reaching 1.82 in 2022. The US decline is less severe than in many peer countries.
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • Politics

How Policy and Demographics Are Reshaping SNAP: From Families with Children to Older Adults

AI Summary. The share of the US population receiving food stamps doubled from 6% to 12% over roughly 25 years, with real costs per capita rising 179% to $279 a year, though both remain below their post-Great-Recession peak. Households with an elderly person now outnumber those with a child, reversing the early-2000s pattern.

Angela Rachidi American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
May 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database

About 40mm Americans, 12% of the population, receive SNAP benefits, up from 6% in 2000. In 2023, only 34% of these households included children, down from 49% in 2010, while 36% contained an elderly person, up from 16% in FY2010.

How have food stamp enrollment, costs, and recipient households changed?

Core argument: The share of the U.S. population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% in FY2000 to 12% in FY2025, while real SNAP costs per capita rose 179%, from roughly $100 to $279 per year in 2024 dollars.

Comparing FY2000 with FY2025, the share of the population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% to 12%, while real SNAP costs per capita increased by 179%—from roughly $100 per year to $279 (in 2024 dollars). Despite this growth, per capita participation and costs in FY2025 remained below their pre-pandemic peak in 2013, which coincided with the aftermath of the Great Recession and changes in eligibility and other policies stemming from the 2008 Farm Bill. SNAP is countercyclical, meaning that all else equal, the number of people receiving SNAP should rise during recessions because of increased unemployment and decline as the economy recovers, [though] overall SNAP participation has grown faster than changes in the unemployment rate alone would predict. Over the long run, and especially since FY2020 (due to the Thrifty Food Plan’s increase in the maximum SNAP benefit), costs per capita have not returned to prerecession levels after a period of high unemployment. In FY2023, the share of SNAP households containing an elderly person (36%) exceeded the share containing a child (34%) for the first time. This was a sharp departure from the early 2000s, when more than half of SNAP households contained a child and less than 20% included an elderly person (Figure 2).

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The share of the U.S. population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% in FY2000 to 12% in FY2025, while real SNAP costs per capita rose 179%, from roughly $100 to $279 per year in 2024 dollars.
  2. In FY2023, the share of SNAP households containing an elderly person reached 36%, exceeding the 34% containing a child for the first time, against the early 2000s when over half contained a child and under 20% included an elderly person.

Related Articles:

  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Government transfers rose from 8.2% of Americans' total personal income in 1970 to 17.6% in 2022, making them the third largest income source after work and investments. The share of U.S. counties drawing a quarter or more of personal income from transfers rose from under 1% in 1970 to 53% in 2022.
  • Poverty and Dependency in the United States, 1939–2023 — Extending a consistent poverty measure back to 1939, the authors estimate US absolute poverty fell from 48.5% to 19.5% between 1939 and 1963, driven by growth in market income rather than government transfers net of taxes. Poverty fell no faster in the 24 years after the War on Poverty than before.
  • Government Benefit Programs Already Do A Lot To Help Low Income Families — For a two-adult, three-child family, existing taxes and government benefits bring take-home resources to about $58,000 with no earnings, $79,000 with $20,000 of earnings, and $90,000 with $80,000 of earnings plus $15,000 in employer health premiums. A $75,000 gap in earnings and work-related benefits narrows to $11,000 in take-home pay.
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

Washington’s Growing Portfolio: Tracking U.S. Government Investments

AI Summary. The U.S. government has invested $20.9bn across sixteen deals taking direct ownership stakes, expanding beyond its traditional toolkit of grants, loans, and tax incentives. The Department of Defense leads with seven deals, the Department of Commerce has six including a 10% stake in Intel, and partners have mobilized an additional $4.75bn.

Jonathan Hillman Council On Foreign Relations
Date Posted:
April 23, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Since January 2025, the USG has taken equity stakes totaling $20.9B in 16 American businesses. $8.6B, ~41% of the total, was invested in critical mineral miners and processors, while $8.9B, ~43% of the total, funded the government’s 10% stake in Intel.

Is the U.S. government taking direct equity stakes in companies?

Core argument: Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives.

Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit that has traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives. The Department of Commerce has participated in six such deals, including taking a 10% stake in Intel. The Development Finance Corporation, the United States’ development bank, has executed three equity transactions in critical minerals, healthcare, and infrastructure. The Department of Defense leads the way with seven such deals. The U.S. government is also working with a range of partners and has mobilized an additional $4.75 billion in investment. Private co-investors include J.P. Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and others.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives.
  2. The Department of Defense leads with seven direct-ownership deals, followed by the Department of Commerce with six, including a 10% stake in Intel, while the Development Finance Corporation has executed three equity transactions in critical minerals, healthcare, and infrastructure.
  3. The U.S. government has mobilized an additional $4.75 billion in investment alongside private co-investors including J.P. Morgan and Goldman Sachs.

Related Articles:

  • Industrial Policy and Economic Security — Industrial policy justified on national security grounds requires weighing how much economic inefficiency is worth tolerating, since costs incurred today make a country poorer and therefore less able to project power later. The calculation is difficult because security gains are probabilistic and long-term economic costs are speculative.
  • The Cold War and the U.S. Labor Market — The authors estimate that declining U.S. military procurement spending from the 1950s to the 1990s explains roughly 18–30% of the decline in manufacturing employment and just under 10% of the rise in top-decile income inequality. They argue Cold War procurement raised demand for manufacturing workers and helped sustain tight labor markets for low-skill workers.
  • Capital Is Making a Comeback — Tangible investment in property, factories and equipment fell from 12.5% to 8.5% of private gross domestic product, while intangible investment in intellectual property, software and process knowledge rose from about 11.5% to 16.75%. The author argues demand for tangible capital investment will now have to rise.
  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Politics
  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Security

How Federal Spending is Distributed by Age

AI Summary. An analysis classifying $4.4tn of $7tn in federal spending by age finds retirees aged 65 and older receive $2.7tn, 38.6% of total outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending, versus $1.2tn for working-age adults and $449bn for those under 26. Social Security and Medicare account for 80% of age-assignable spending on older adults.

Kent Smetters University of Pennsylvania
Date Posted:
April 2, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

In 2025, of the 62.5% of Federal spending that is age-assignable on a per-capita basis, US retirees aged 65+ were given $43,700, working-age adults 26–64 got $7,300, and children and young adults got $4,300.

How is federal spending distributed across age groups?

Core argument: Retirees aged 65 and older receive $2.7 trillion of federal spending in fiscal 2025, equal to 38.6% of total outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending, versus $1.2 trillion for working-age adults aged 26–64.

We trace spending items within 52 general spending categories, totalling $7T for the 2025 Fiscal Year. We are able to classify a total of $4.4T across three broad age categories and assign the remaining $2.6T to an all-ages residual. Retirees (adults age 65 and older) receive $2.7T, equal to 38.6% of total federal outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending. Working-age adults (ages 26-64) receive $1.2T (27.9% of age-assignable), and children and young adults (under age 26) receive $449B (10.3%). The dominance of the retiree category reflects two programs above all others: Social Security and Medicare. Social Security directs $1.3T to retirees, and Medicare sends $835B. Together, they account for 80% of all age-assignable spending on older adults. But the retiree total extends beyond these two entitlements. Federal employee retirement benefits ($169B), housing assistance for older households, Medicaid long-term-care spending, and VA medical care all contribute, making the federal budget more retiree-focused than a Social Security–only lens would suggest.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Retirees aged 65 and older receive $2.7 trillion of federal spending in fiscal 2025, equal to 38.6% of total outlays and 61.9% of age-assignable spending, versus $1.2 trillion for working-age adults aged 26–64.
  2. Children and young adults under age 26 receive $449 billion, or 10.3% of age-assignable federal spending, out of $4.4 trillion classified by age within a $7 trillion budget, with $2.6 trillion assigned to an all-ages residual.
  3. Social Security directs $1.3 trillion and Medicare $835 billion to retirees, together 80% of age-assignable spending on older adults, with federal employee retirement benefits ($169 billion), housing assistance, Medicaid long-term care, and VA medical care contributing further.

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  • France and Britain Are In Thrall To Pensioners — French pensioners receive larger government payments than in any other western country and begin receiving them several years earlier, leaving over-65s with higher average incomes than the working-age population — a situation without precedent internationally or in France's own history. Proposals to raise the retirement age or delay pension increases have triggered nationwide protests and government collapses.
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Has the United States Bent the Health Care Cost Curve?

AI Summary. The authors estimate that a slowdown in US health care spending reflects technology-associated changes in health and site of care (21% of the slowdown, double that in Medicare), more elastic long-run supply (6%), market changes reducing and making demand more elastic (11–27%), improved population health (7%), and slower price growth net of upcoding (24%).

David Cutler and Lev Klarnet Brookings Papers On Economic Activity
Date Posted:
March 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

In 2024, medical spending as a share of GDP was just above its 2010 level and 15% ($977B) below its 2010 forecast; 21% of the gap was due to technology, 24% to price reductions, and 11–27% to reforms such as prior authorization and higher deductibles.

What explains the slowdown in US health care spending?

Core argument: Technology-associated changes in health and site of care account for 21% of the overall U.S. health care cost slowdown and double that share in Medicare, according to the authors' estimates.

Five factors are important in the slowdown in spending [Figure 16]. The first is technology-associated changes in health and site of care. These correspond to the subsequent innovations in our model. Together, technologies along these lines account for 21% of the overall cost slowdown and double that in Medicare. Second, long-run supply is more elastic than short-run supply, which lowers spending over time. This is particularly apparent in the impact of patent expiration for pharmaceuticals and in relative declines in imaging reimbursement. We estimate that greater long-run supply explains 6% of the spending slowdown. Third, a variety of market changes contribute to reduced and more elastic demand, including increased cost sharing paid by consumers, physicians not paid as much for using technologies, and insurers imposing restrictions on technology use - a rough guess is that these account for 11 to 27% of the spending slowdown. Fourth, the population is healthier in ways that reduce spending. This includes fewer hospitalizations for smoking-related conditions and reduced need for formal home health care. The birth rate has fallen as well, which reduces the need for care. We estimate improved population health explains 7% of the spending slowdown. A major component is slower price growth. Net of upcoding, we estimate lower price growth explains 24% of the spending slowdown.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Technology-associated changes in health and site of care account for 21% of the overall U.S. health care cost slowdown and double that share in Medicare, according to the authors' estimates.
  2. The authors estimate that slower price growth, net of upcoding, explains 24% of the health care spending slowdown, while market changes reducing demand — higher consumer cost sharing, lower physician payment for technology use, and insurer restrictions — account for a rough 11–27%.
  3. Improved population health explains an estimated 7% of the spending slowdown, through fewer smoking-related hospitalizations, reduced need for formal home health care, and a lower birth rate, while greater long-run supply elasticity explains 6%.

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