Edward Conard

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Any day now, expect the AFL-CIO to produce another hugely inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio, debunked in advance

Mark Perry American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
May 21, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The AFL-CIO’s reported CEO-to-worker pay ratio of 360:1 is inflated. A more accurate comparison reveals a ratio of 124:1, considering median CEO pay and full-time worker compensation including fringe benefits.

The AFL-CIO's reported CEO-to-worker pay ratio of 360:1 is significantly inflated due to flawed methodology, which compares total CEO compensation to the cash wages of part-time workers. A more accurate comparison, considering median CEO pay and full-time worker compensation including fringe benefits, reveals a ratio of 124:1. This discrepancy arises from the AFL-CIO's use of mean CEO compensation and exclusion of fringe benefits for workers, leading to an apples-to-oranges comparison. Adjusting for work hours and company size further reduces the ratio to as low as 83:1. Even if all S&P 500 CEO compensation were redistributed, it would result in a negligible increase of $1.34 per week for rank-and-file workers, highlighting the limited impact of such redistribution on worker earnings.

“…Bottom Line: The AFL-CIO can only get a distorted and wildly inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio of something like 360-to-1 every year with a flawed apples-to-oranges analysis that compares the total annual compensation of a small, select group of CEOs in their prime earning years heading America’s largest multi-national corporations, who probably typically work 50-60 hours per week or more, to the average annual cash wages of part-time rank-and-file employees who work less than 34 hours per week on average, often for small companies that aren’t anywhere close to the size of S&P 500 companies. According to this 2015 report from Business Insider, S&P 500 companies employ only 17% of workers in the US, so it’s not really fair to compare the salaries to S&P 500 CEOs to all of the rank-and-file US workers, since a large of majority of those workers aren’t employed by large multinational companies in the S&P 500.Once we make a more statistically valid apples-to-apples comparison, the CEO-to-worker compensation ratio falls by two-thirds from the AFL-CIO’s expected 364.5-to-1 ratio to 124-to-1 once we consider total (median) compensation for both CEOs and full-time (40 hours per week) rank-and-file workers employed by companies with 500 or more workers. If we assume a 60-hour work week for the average worker (to be comparable to the workweek of an average CEO), the CEO-to-worker compensation ratio falls by two-thirds to only 83-to-1 for median CEO pay. Further, even if we could confiscate 100% of the compensation of all S&P 500 CEOs, the typical rank-and-file worker would probably get about $1.34 per week in additional after-tax earnings. Big deal….”

Mark Perry, "Any day now, expect the AFL-CIO to produce another hugely inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio, debunked in advance," American Enterprise Institute, May 20, 2019, https://www.aei.org/carpe-diem/its-that-time-of-year-expect-afl-cio-to-produce-another-hugely-inflated-ceo-to-worker-pay-ratio-any-day-debunked-in-advance-2/

Any day now, expect the AFL-CIO to produce another hugely inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio, debunked in advance

Any day now, expect the AFL-CIO to produce another hugely inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio, debunked in advance: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Any day now, the AFL-CIO will report its annual CEO-to-worker pay ratio for 2018 based on a series of flawed statistical assumptions that results in a rather meaningless apples-to-oranges comparison and a wildly inflated ratio. See the labor oranization’s press release last year for CEO pay in 2017 and my criticisms of the AFL-CIO Executive Paywatch report here.

Ahead of this year’s annual AFL-CIO report on executive pay, the Wall Street Journal last week published its second new annual report on CEO compensation in 2018 for the S&P 500 companies along with several related articles here and here. Therefore, like last year, I’m able to preempt the AFL-CIO and publish a rebuttal to its anticipated massively inflated 360+ CEO-to-worker pay ratio before its analysis is released, instead of responding to their report after it has gone public and gets widely and blindly reported by the media without anyone (except John Merline of IBD in 2015 ) ever questioning “the statistical legerdemain used to produce it” (see below).

As I have reported annually every May since 2014, here is a summary of the main flaws in the “methodology” used by the AFL-CIO to produce its wildly inflated 360+ CEO-to-worker pay ratios year after year:

The AFL-CIO uses the mean (average) CEO compensation figure each year, which is always much higher than the more realistic and more typical median CEO compensation. Based on the Wall Street Journal‘s CEO pay database in 2017, the mean compensation for S&P 500 CEOs was $13.5 million, which was 13.4% higher than the more realistic median pay of $11.9 million for the typical CEO in that year. For 2018, the Wall Street Journal is reporting that the median compensation for S&P 500 CEOs last year was $12.4 million, a 4.2% increase from the median compensation in 2017. (The Wall Street Journal did not provide a complete database of CEO compensation for 2018, so it’s not possible to report the mean compensation this year for S&P 500 CEOs using WSJ data.)
Applying the 4.2% increase in median pay in 2018 for median compensation, I predict that the AFL-CIO will be reporting average CEO compensation in 2018 of something like $14.5 million (it reported $13.94 million for CEO compensation in 2017, which was higher than the $13.5 million average according to the Wall Street Journal). In that case, the expected average CEO compensation reported by the AFL-CIO of $14.5 million will be about 17% higher than the more realistic compensation of $12.4 million for a typical S&P 500 CEO as reported by the WSJ using median pay.
The AFL-CIO compares total CEO compensation (base salary plus all additional forms of compensation including cash bonuses, stock awards, option awards, pension benefits, etc.) for executives in their prime earning years managing the world’s largest corporations to cash-only pay for part-time rank-and-file workers of all ages working for companies of all sizes (including small grocery stores, independent small restaurants, etc.).

The analysis below summarizes my corrections for those statistical flaws above that are used by the AFL-CIO annually to get an exaggerated, inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio:

In previous years, the AFL-CIO reported the methodology it uses to calculate annual worker pay as follows:

The average annual income earned by rank-and-file workers is taken from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Employment Statistics survey. Specifically, it is the average hours and earnings of production and nonsupervisory employees on private nonfarm payrolls. The average weekly pay is multiplied by 52.

Based on the AFL-CIO’s methodology, here’s how average worker pay will be updated and calculated for 2018. The AFL-CIO will use an average hourly wage of $22.70 for production and non-supervisory workers last year (BLS data here) and an average workweek of only 33.7 hours (BLS data here) for the average rank-and-file worker. Assuming 52 weeks of work per year: $22.70 per hour x 33.7 hours per week x 52 weeks ≈ $39,779 average annual cash-only earnings for the typical part-time worker in 2018. Conveniently, the fringe benefits that all rank-and-file workers, even part-time workers, receive as part of their total compensation are always completely ignored by the AFL-CIO.

Therefore, the AFL-CIO engages in some questionable statistical chicanery by sloppily reporting an apples-to-oranges comparison of: a) total CEO compensation for only about 500 CEOs working full-time in their prime earning years to b) the cash wages only for 1o4.3 million rank-and-file workers of all ages working for companies of all sizes, who work an average of less than 34 hours per week, and are therefore working part-time, not full-time, on average. But you would never know that from the AFL-CIO’s website because the average hourly pay and average hourly workweek of rank-and-file workers are never reported, and I guess nobody has ever bothered to check to find out that the AFL-CIO is using average annual cash-only income (excluding fringe benefits) for a mix of full-time and part-time employees whose average workweek was only 33.7 hours last year.

For 2018, the CEO-to-worker pay would be about 312-to-1 ($12,400,000 ÷ $38,640) comparing the Wall Street Journal‘s reported median compensation of $12.4 million for S&P 500 CEOs to the annual cash wages for part-time workers using the AFL-CIO’s methodology, see graph above. Assuming that the AFL-CIO reports average CEO compensation of $14.5 million in 2018, we can expect its new forthcoming CEO-to-worker pay ratio to be around 364.5-to-1 for 2018 (see graph above), slightly higher than the 361-to-1 ratio it reported for 2017. Using a more realistic estimate of the compensation for an S&P 500 CEO (median instead of mean) reduces the CEO-to-worker pay ratio by more than 14%. But that’s not the most important correction to make, so let’s now adjust for hours worked and add fringe benefits for rank-and-file workers to make a more accurate comparison since CEO pay is based on total compensation including all fringe benefits.

Questions: a) How would the CEO-to-worker pay ratio change if we: a) calculate average worker pay for full-time workers, b) compare the average pay for a rank-and-file worker who works the same number of hours that a typical CEO works, e.g., 50 or 60 hours per week, c) compare total compensation of both CEOs and rank-and-file workers working full-time including fringe benefits for the rank-and-file, and d) consider only those workers who are employed by companies with 500 or more workers to consider the workers most likely to actually work for an S&P 500 company? The graph above summarizes how the CEO-to-worker pay ratio would change, here are the details:

1. Correcting for the AFL-CIO’s Statistical Shortcomings/Legerdemain

a. Using the WSJ data, a typical S&P 500 CEO earned $12.4 million last year. Assuming a 40-hour workweek for full-time workers employed by private companies with 500 or more workers, who received average hourly compensation of $49.85 last year including fringe benefits (BLS data here, Table 8), and annual total compensation of $99,700, we would get CEO-to-worker compensation ratio of only 124-to-1, or less than half of the previously calculated 312-to-1 ratio. In other words, expect the AFL-CIO’s CEO-to-worker pay ratio to be conveniently inflated again this year by a factor of more than 2X by using cash wages only for part-time workers and comparing it to the total compensation for S&P CEOs! Talk about bogus statistical chicanery! And year after year, the media never questions the AFL-CIO’s totally flawed methodology and parrots the inflated and wildly exaggerated CEO-to-worker pay ratios.

b. Since we can realistically assume that no S&P 500 CEO works only 40 hours per week, let’s assume a 50-hour workweek for full-time rank-and-file workers to make a more realistic comparison, and use hourly compensation of $49.85 like above and annual total compensation of $124,625 for workers employed by companies with 500 or more employees. That would result in a CEO-to-worker compensation ratio of only 99.5-to-1 see graph above.

c. To make it an even more realistic comparison to the average workweek of an S&P 500 CEO, let’s assume a 60-hour workweek for full-time rank-and-file workers and annual total compensation of $114,348 we would get CEO-to-worker compensation ratios of 83-to-1.

Conclusion: By considering both total compensation (including fringe benefits) for both CEOs (and using median CEO pay) and rank-and-file workers working for large companies with more than 500 workers, and by considering longer workweeks for rank-and-file workers that would be more comparable to the hours worked by a typical CEO of a major multi-national corporation in the S&P 500, we can get a more accurate apples-to-apples comparison. Those more accurate comparisons result in CEO-to-worker compensation ratios of between 124-to-1 (for rank-and-file workers averaging 40-hour workweeks) to as low as 83-to-1 for rank-and-file workers putting in 60-hour weeks that might be the most comparable to the workweek of a typical S&P 500 CEO.

Let’s keep this analysis in mind in the coming weeks when the AFL-CIO’s reports something like last year’s 361-to-1 CEO-to-worker pay ratio that will generate sensationalized media coverage even though it is hugely exaggerated by a factor of more than 2X and probably more realistically inflated by a factor of more than 4-to-1!

2. Confiscation and Redistribution of CEO Pay

And what’s the whole point of the AFL-CIO’s annual reports on wildly inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratios? The sub-title of the AFL-CIO’s Executive Paywatch report in 2017 pretty much sums it up: “More for Them, Less for Us.”

The AFL-CIO’s message seems to be that if CEOs weren’t being so generously over-compensated, then the rank-and-file workers would be doing much better and making higher wages. For example, according to the AFL-CIO in 2015:

America is supposed to be the land of opportunity, a country where hard work and playing by the rules would provide working families with a middle-class standard of living. But in recent decades, corporate CEOs have been taking a greater share of the economic pie while workers’ wages have stagnated.

The AFL-CIO has fallen here hook, line and sinker for the zero-sum, fixed pie fallacy, one of the most common economic mistakes that falsely assumes that there’s a static fixed pie and therefore one party can gain (get a bigger slice) only at the expense of another (who’s left with a smaller slice). But let’s assume that there is a “fixed pie of wages” and do some confiscation and redistribution of CEO compensation to see how that would affect average rank-and-file worker pay.

Q: If the average CEO of an S&P 500 company received $14.5 million last year, then as a group, those 500 CEOs received about $7.25 billion in total compensation in 2018. If the AFL-CIO could wave a magic wand and confiscate that entire amount and redistribute $7.25 billion to the current 104.3 million rank-and-file workers, what would each one get?

A: An annual increase in pay of $69.50 for each rank-and-file worker before taxes, or about $1.34 more per week and about only 3 cents per hour. In other words, complete confiscation and redistribution of S&P 500 CEO compensation would make almost no difference for the average rank-and-file worker.

Bottom Line: The AFL-CIO can only get a distorted and wildly inflated CEO-to-worker pay ratio of something like 360-to-1 every year with a flawed apples-to-oranges analysis that compares the total annual compensation of a small, select group of CEOs in their prime earning years heading America’s largest multi-national corporations, who probably typically work 50-60 hours per week or more, to the average annual cash wages of part-time rank-and-file employees who work less than 34 hours per week on average, often for small companies that aren’t anywhere close to the size of S&P 500 companies. According to this 2015 report from Business Insider, S&P 500 companies employ only 17% of workers in the US, so it’s not really fair to compare the salaries to S&P 500 CEOs to all of the rank-and-file US workers, since a large of majority of those workers aren’t employed by large multinational companies in the S&P 500.

Once we make a more statistically valid apples-to-apples comparison, the CEO-to-worker compensation ratio falls by two-thirds from the AFL-CIO’s expected 364.5-to-1 ratio to 124-to-1 once we consider total (median) compensation for both CEOs and full-time (40 hours per week) rank-and-file workers employed by companies with 500 or more workers. If we assume a 60-hour work week for the average worker (to be comparable to the workweek of an average CEO), the CEO-to-worker compensation ratio falls by two-thirds to only 83-to-1 for median CEO pay. Further, even if we could confiscate 100% of the compensation of all S&P 500 CEOs, the typical rank-and-file worker would probably get about $1.34 per week in additional after-tax earnings. Big deal.

When it’s released, the 2018 CEO-to-worker pay ratio reported by the AFL-CIO gets my annual “Biggest Blindly Accepted Statistical Fairy Tale of the Year Award.” Well no, it’s actually a tie with the gender wage gap myth and the incessantly repeated “77 cents on the dollar” statistical falsehood. What’s disappointing is that much of the mainstream media seem to blindly accept both of these statistical falsehoods without ever challenging the “statistical legerdemain” that are used to produce and perpetuate these statistical myths. One exception was this excellent article in 2015 by Investor’s Business Daily’s John Merline, (“Do CEOs Make 300 Times What Workers Get? Not Even Close“) who concluded:

What’s not understandable is why the mainstream press keeps repeating the massively inflated 300-to-1 number without noting the statistical legerdemain that produced it.

MP: Post will updated appropriately once the AFL-CIO releases its Executive Paywatch 2019 report based on 2018 data.

  • Inequality
  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income
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Showing 157 database articles primarily about Inequality

Recent Trends in Personal Income & Wage Inequality

AI Summary. New York City's top 1% captured nearly two-thirds of real income growth between 2019 and 2024, versus under 40% nationally, driven by capital gains, dividends, and business income rather than wages.

Jonathan Siegel and Jason Bram Office of the New York City Comptroller
Date Posted:
September 8, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Btw 2019 and 2024, pre-tax, pre-transfer real median income in New York City fell 3.2%. The top .1% tax units, ~ households, (mean income ~$24mm) saw real growth of ~25%, whereas the bottom 90% (mean income ~$45,000) fell 0.8%.

Is capital income concentration widening faster in major cities than nationally?

Core argument: Nearly two-thirds of New York City’s real income growth from 2019–2024 accrued to the top 1%, versus under 40% nationally, driven by faster-rising capital gains, dividends, and business income rather than wage divergence.

Between 2019 and 2024, the New York City’s income shares at the top of the distribution rose faster than the nation's, and nearly two-thirds of the real income growth over the period accrued to the top 1%, compared with under 40% nationally. The result also holds when volatile capital gains are excluded. Real median income fell over the period, and real average income for the bottom 90% of tax units was essentially flat. Adjusted for local prices (but not for transfer programs), the purchasing power of income for the lower 90% of New Yorkers is close to one-fifth below that of the bottom 90% nationally. The divergence at the top is predominantly a story of non-wage income. Wage and salary income shows a much milder widening, and occupational wage data that exclude bonuses show base pay growing faster in lower-wage occupations than in higher-wage ones, and within many occupational groups wages are converging rather than growing more unequal.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Nearly two-thirds of New York City’s real income growth from 2019–2024 accrued to the top 1%, versus under 40% nationally, driven by faster-rising capital gains, dividends, and business income rather than wage divergence.
  2. The bottom 90% of New York City earners hold purchasing power roughly one-fifth below their national counterparts after adjusting for local prices, even before accounting for transfer programs.

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  • Where is Standard of Living the Highest? Local Prices and the Geography of Consumption — For non-college Americans, high local prices mean lower living standards. “A high school drop-out household moving from the least expensive commuting zone to…
  • The Demographic Trends That Shaped Mamdani’s Win — Voters under the age of 45, 46% of registered voters in New York City, made up ~43% of voters in the mayor’s race. In neighborhoods where the nonwhite…
  • Inequality
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

US Corporate Profits Surge To Record As Worker Payouts Wilt

AI Summary. U.S. corporate pre-tax profits reached an annualized $4.8tn, or 18% of national income—the highest share since the post-WWII era—while workers' wages and benefits fell to 60% of national income, the lowest since the 1950s.

Myles McCormick Financial Times
Date Posted:
August 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Corporate profits have risen to 18% of national income, their highest share since 1947, while labor’s share has fallen to 60%, a low not seen since the 1950s. The decline in labor’s share has accelerated over the past year.

Are record corporate profits coming at workers' expense?

Pre-tax earnings hit an annualised $4.8tn in the second quarter, or 18% of national income, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data, the highest share since the aftermath of the second world war. Employees’ share from wages and benefits fell to 60%, the lowest level since the 1950s. “Regardless of what measure you look at, workers, in terms of employee compensation, have been receiving an increasingly small share of national income over time,” said Abiel Reinhart, an economist at JPMorgan. The decline in labour’s share of income has gained pace in the past five years and especially over the past 12 months.

Related Articles:

  • The Post‑COVID Decline in the Labor Share — The labor share of income has fallen 1.6 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, reaching an all-time post-war low, driven by within-industry dynamics rather than shifts in activity across sectors.
  • Are US Corporate Profit Margins Too High? — In Q1 2026, US after-tax non-financial margins were estimated at 7.6%, just short of the post-1949 high of 8.2% in Q2 of 2021. Tan Kai Xian argues US corporate…
  • Why the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes! — Tax code changes account for roughly one-third of the decline in the worker share of U.S. business income since 1978, as firms shift from corporate to pass-through structures to reclassify wages as profits and reduce tax burdens.
  • Inequality
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
  • Politics
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The Rise Of The Deserving Rich

AI Summary. Billionaire wealth from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has reached an all-time high, with fairly earned wealth now accounting for half of total billionaire wealth globally, while wealth from politically connected industries has declined since 2021.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

An Economist analysis of the wealth of 7,000 billionaires finds that over the past decade, the share of billionaire wealth “derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high.”

Does self-made wealth now dominate billionaire fortunes globally?

Core argument: For the first time in the 25-year dataset, half of global billionaire wealth derives from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors, marking a structural shift away from politically connected and inherited fortunes.

Drawing on data from Forbes, a magazine, Hurun, a research firm, and Gapminder, a Swedish foundation, we have assembled a list of about 7,000 billionaires from the past 25 years. We call a billionaire’s wealth “uncompetitive” when it mainly comes from industries such as gambling, construction, defence, and raw materials. These sectors often depend on political access. We count inheritors in the “uncompetitive” category. From 2001, when our data begin, to 2014, the uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth rose slightly. Yet over the past decade, the share derived from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors has surged to an all-time high. For the first time, half the wealth of the world’s billionaires is reasonably fairly earned. And since 2021, the total wealth derived from uncompetitive sectors has declined.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. For the first time in the 25-year dataset, half of global billionaire wealth derives from self-made entrepreneurs in competitive sectors, marking a structural shift away from politically connected and inherited fortunes.
  2. The uncompetitive share of billionaire wealth—spanning gambling, construction, defence, raw materials, and inheritance—rose modestly from 2001 to 2014 but has declined in absolute terms since 2021.
  3. Inherited wealth, though typically lawfully held, represents a policy failure in wealth distribution, as heirs’ fortunes reflect birth advantage rather than competitive value creation.

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  • America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade — American confidence in capitalism has fallen from 60% to under 50% over the last decade, while only 12% believe democracy is working well and just 35% believe the economy offers a fair path to prosperity.
  • The Economics of Inequality in High-Wage Economies — Inequality is mostly the result of an increasing premium on returns from risk and high-skilled labor ushered in by technological disruption and the feedback…
  • Inequality
  • Politics
  • Workforce

Another Reason the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes!

AI Summary. A shift of ~$200bn in worker pay into corporate profits as stock-based compensation could explain roughly one-third of the long-run decline in labor's share of income, as stock ownership allows high earners to receive tax-preferred pay recorded as profits rather than wages.

Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick The Everywhere Millionaire
Date Posted:
July 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Zidar & Zwick suggest about one‑third of the post‑1970s drop in labor’s share is due to stock‑based pay to workers, in addition to the one‑third they already attribute to pass‑through income. That leaves only around one‑third for genuine shifts in technology, power, etc.

Does tax-preferred stock compensation explain the labor share decline?

Core argument: $200bn in missing labor compensation since the late 1970s drives roughly one-third of the labor share decline, reflecting tax-advantaged stock.

In our data for 2017, after adjustments for the rise of pass-throughs, we report employee compensation of $7.2 trillion and corporate value added of $12.2 trillion. The unadjusted corporate profits number (which excludes partnership profits) is $1.7 trillion. If we could find around $200 billion of “missing” labor compensation, that would account for about a third of the fall in the labor share since the late 1970s. Thus, if workers owned a bit above 10% of those corporate profits via stock compensation, then that would cover the difference. Distributing this amount across the top 10% of public company employees, of which there are 4.2 million, this ownership would imply an additional $40,000 or so in pay. The aggregate numbers are thus quite plausible in terms of how much pay might have shifted to corporate profits serving as tax-preferred payments to high earners.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. $200bn in missing labor compensation since the late 1970s drives roughly one-third of the labor share decline, reflecting tax-advantaged stock.
  2. Top 10% of public company employees ($40k additional implicit pay via equity ownership) concentrate gains that would equal $200bn aggregate.
  3. $12.2tn corporate value added vs. $7.2tn employee compensation reveals labor’s shrinking claim on output, as tax-preferred equity arrangements redirect worker.

Related Articles:

  • Why the Labor Share Keeps Falling: Taxes! — Tax code changes account for roughly one-third of the decline in the worker share of U.S. business income since 1978, as firms shift from corporate to pass-through structures to reclassify wages as profits and reduce tax burdens.
  • Human Capitalists — Equity Based Compensation ~45% Of Total Comp Of High-Skilled Labor, Including It In Labor Share Cuts Decline of Labor Share Since The 1980’s By 60%.
  • Capitalists in the Twenty-First Century — Most income at the top of the US income distribution is non-wage income, primarily derived from private business profits, according to @MatthewSmith…
  • Inequality
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Do Past Wealth Gaps Explain Modern Inequality? Evidence From Immigration To The United States

AI Summary. European immigrants who arrived with nearly no wealth converged to similar wealth levels as earlier European settlers within a few generations, while Black, Cuban, Mexican, and Puerto Rican households remained substantially behind, indicating that initial wealth gaps do not uniformly predict long-run inequality across all groups.

Brian Marein Wake Forest University
Date Posted:
June 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Except possibly at the very top of the distribution which SIPP cannot measure, the wealth of “new” Southern and Eastern European immigrants to the US has fully caught up with “old” immigrants. Wealth converges quickly once earnings inequality vanishes.

Does initial wealth explain persistent inequality across immigrant groups?

Core argument: By 1920, 50% of white adults were foreign-born or had foreign-born parents, yet Southern and Eastern European descendants achieved wealth.

Inferring the determinants of long-run inequality from group-level data is complicated by the arrival of 30 million Europeans during the Age of Mass Migration (roughly 1850 to 1924), who are by construction included in average white wealth despite having no direct claim to the wealth accumulated by earlier Americans. By1920, nearly half of white adults were either foreign-born or had foreign-born parents. Using the United States Immigration Commission Reports (commonly known as the Dillingham Commission Reports), I document that immigrants at the turn of the twentieth century arrived with almost no wealth. [Thus] a large share of the white population started from a substantial wealth disadvantage. Northwestern Europeans comprised the overwhelming majority of earlier immigrants, dating back to the initial European settlement of North America, while Southern and Eastern Europeans predominated at the turn of the twentieth century. If initial wealth disadvantages persisted across generations, one would expect households of Southern or Eastern European ancestry to possess less wealth than those of Northwestern European ancestry, since their families arrived later and started with substantially fewer resources. In fact, they do not. On average, they are wealthier.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. By 1920, 50% of white adults were foreign-born or had foreign-born parents, yet Southern and Eastern European descendants achieved wealth.
  2. European immigrants arrived at the turn of the twentieth century with nearly zero wealth, yet their descendants’ wealth distributions converged.
  3. White ancestry groups exhibit nearly identical wealth distributions by 1980–1990 despite staggered arrival times spanning 270+ years, while Black, Cuban.

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The Great $110 Trillion Wealth Transfer Won’t Happen Any Time Soon

AI Summary. Bequeathable wealth in the U.S. rose from 256% to 424% of GDP between 1997 and 2021, with 97% of that increase concentrated in households headed by someone 55 or older. The wealthiest 10% of that age group drove 75% of the total gain, meaning inherited wealth is becoming increasingly concentrated

Rachel Louise Ensign and James Benedict Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
May 5, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The age at which Americans are inheriting money has risen. According to Federal Reserve surveys, btw 1998 and 2010, Americans in their late 50s were most likely to report receiving an inheritance; by 2013–2022, that age had ticked up to the mid 60’s.

Will the concentration of inherited wealth impact economic equality?

Core argument: Bequeathable wealth surged to 424% of GDP in 2021 from 256% in 1997, with 97% of gains concentrated in households.

Fed data [indicates] that what is known as the bequeathable wealth rose from 256% of gross domestic product in 1997 to 424% in 2021, the last year of available data. A staggering 97% of that increase was due to wealth gains in households where the head of household was 55 or older. Older Americans may keep accumulating wealth, especially if the stock market keeps rising. But some will spend it on living costs and expensive long-term care, leaving less for heirs. When they die, many will leave their money to their spouses, who are often in their same generation. This year, around $1.3 trillion is expected to be passed onto spouses, compared with about $2 trillion to heirs in Gen X and younger generations, according to projections from research firm Cerulli Associates.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Bequeathable wealth surged to 424% of GDP in 2021 from 256% in 1997, with 97% of gains concentrated in households.
  2. The wealthiest 10% of households age 55+ captured 75% of total bequeathable wealth gains since 1997, resulting in widening inequality.
  3. Boomers accumulated $1tn+ in wealth during Q4 alone, outpacing all other generational groups, as stock and business valuations drive outsized.

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