Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
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Tax luxury, not wealth or income

Scott Sumner The Money Illusion
Date Posted:
February 19, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Taxing high-end consumption, not income or wealth, is a more effective approach. A 70-80% tax on luxury consumption would not deter the superrich from work or investment, @ScottSumner argues, via @TheMoneyIllusion.

High-end consumption, often centered around positional goods, should be the focus of taxation rather than income or wealth. A consumption tax targeting expenditures over $50m annually would minimally deter the superrich from work or investment, as their primary motivations lie in philanthropy and business growth. For instance, a 70%-80% tax on luxury consumption would not significantly alter the relative status among the wealthy, as all would scale back proportionally. This approach ensures that lavish lifestyles are taxed without discouraging productive economic activities. Implementing a progressive consumption tax could involve a payroll tax for employees and an income tax with unlimited 401k privileges for the self-employed, ensuring taxes are paid upon consumption. This system could also address existing wealth stocks by placing them in 401k-type structures taxed at lower rates, thus maintaining economic incentives while curbing excessive luxury consumption.

Another FYI article.

"...You don’t want a punitive tax on income or wealth; you want a punitive tax on very high consumption—say beyond $50,000,000/year. Gates and Buffett would still be able to use their income for charity and investment purposes, with no almost deterrent effect from high taxes. They’d only be punished for an excessively lavish lifestyle. Now admittedly there might be a few billionaires that would be deterred by a high consumption tax, say Larry Ellison. But even there, the deterrent effect would be less than you might think. That’s because a lot of the high-end consumption is positional goods.... The high tax rates would not just apply to Larry Ellison, but to all the superrich. Thus if Larry had to scale back from a 500-foot yacht to a 400-footer, his closest rival would scale back from a 400-footer to a 320-footer. The relative ranking of consumption would be roughly unchanged. Ditto for real estate, where the exact same people would still live on the ocean in Malibu, but the price of land would fall to reflect the lower consumption of the superrich. Ditto for fine art. Larry Ellison can enjoy parties on a 400-foot yacht surrounded by young Ukrainian beauties just as much as he can enjoy parties on a 500-foot yacht, as long as his closest rivals only have 320-foot yachts. That’s how human brains work, and that’s why even a 70% or 80% tax on consumption doesn’t really deter work effort from the superrich, or at least not as much as conservatives fear...."
Scott Sumner, "Tax luxury, not wealth or income,"The Money Illusion, February 16, 2019, https://www.themoneyillusion.com/tax-luxury-not-wealth-or-income/

The Money Illusion: Tax luxury, not wealth or income

I favor very high marginal tax rates on the super rich, say 70% to 80%. But I am also opposed to all income taxes and all wealth taxes. Why?

Let’s start with the conservative argument that taxes on the super rich will deter work, saving, and investment, by reducing the incentive to build more wealth. Is it true? The answer will depend on the type of tax.

If you look at the behavior of superrich people like Bill Gates and Warren Buffett, they tend to spend only a few extra pennies on consumption, for each extra dollar they earn. Thus it does not seem like extra consumption is an important motivation for the superrich, beyond a certain point. So perhaps high taxes are not a disincentive.

Ah, but you might argue that they have other motivations. They like to be big time philanthropists, or they like to build their business empire up to greater and greater heights. That’s their real motivation, and a punitive tax rate would therefore discourage them from putting in the extra effort that we want to get from talented people. I agree.

But that proves my point! You don’t want a punitive tax on income or wealth; you want a punitive tax on very high consumption—say beyond $50,000,000/year. Gates and Buffett would still be able to use their income for charity and investment purposes, with no almost deterrent effect from high taxes. They’d only be punished for an excessively lavish lifestyle.

Now admittedly there might be a few billionaires that would be deterred by a high consumption tax, say Larry Ellison. But even there, the deterrent effect would be less than you might think. That’s because a lot of the high-end consumption is positional goods.

Let’s suppose that currently the biggest yacht is a 400-foot monster, and Larry Ellison wants a 500-foot one—to impress his friends. Also suppose that a steep consumption tax prevents Larry from getting this mega-yacht. You might argue that this reduces his utility, and would discourage his effort to make Oracle the best company it can be.

But here’s what you are missing. The high tax rates would not just apply to Larry Ellison, but to all the superrich. Thus if Larry had to scale back from a 500-foot yacht to a 400-footer, his closest rival would scale back from a 400-footer to a 320-footer. The relative ranking of consumption would be roughly unchanged. Ditto for real estate, where the exact same people would still live on the ocean in Malibu, but the price of land would fall to reflect the lower consumption of the superrich. Ditto for fine art.

Larry Ellison can enjoy parties on a 400-foot yacht surrounded by young Ukrainian beauties just as much as he can enjoy parties on a 500-foot yacht, as long as his closest rivals only have 320-foot yachts. That’s how human brains work, and that’s why even a 70% or 80% tax on consumption doesn’t really deter work effort from the superrich, or at least not as much as conservatives fear.

I’m not sure the best way to implement a progressive consumption tax. One could imagine two systems, one for employees of companies and one for the self-employed. Company employees would simply pay a progressive payroll (FICA) type tax. Very simple—no forms to fill out, even for LeBron James. A wage tax is identical to a consumption tax, in the long run.

The self-employed would pay an income tax with unlimited 401k privileges (which is effectively a consumption tax). So they’d only be taxed when they consumed their income. Income from any shares you own in your own company would be viewed the same as income earned by the self-employed—i.e. “wage income”.

The heirs of the rich would receive their inheritance in 401k-type accounts, and they’d pay taxes as they pulled the money out of those accounts to consume it.

There’s a difficult issue in determining how to tax existing stocks of wealth, at the point the new system goes into place. Perhaps a compromise where existing stocks of wealth above a certain threshold are put into a 401k-type structure, but taxed at a lower rate—in recognition of the fact that a part of the wealth has already been taxed.

If your country needs to raise large sums of money (and it shouldn’t-see Singapore), you need multiple tax systems; otherwise there will be too much evasion. These might include VATs, property taxes and carbon taxes. The property tax is a sort of tax on housing consumption, to make up for the fact that VATs don’t include housing. Currently, the superrich in places like New York pay a far lower rate of property tax than average homeowners, whereas they should pay a far higher rate. The fact that even liberal cities like New York are this regressive is an indication of the confused nature of our debate over taxes. Commenter “dtoh” has proposed a VAT where the poor are rebated what a poverty line person would spend on consumption, so that the tax is not regressive.

Read the debate in the blogosphere and you’ll see that people are horribly confused by taxes; they aren’t even debating the right issues. They talk piously about the need to tax capital income, which is the worst possible way to think about taxes. Meanwhile Larry Ellison will continue to enjoy his 500-foot yacht, with the extra 100 feet made of steel and employing labor that could have been used to provide dozens of cars for average people.

Sad!

PS. Some people like the following analogy. On Christmas Eve, people bring presents and put them under the tree. The next morning, people show up and grab presents from under the tree. Should we tax those who put them under the tree, or those who take them away the next morning? Based on how much you produce or how much you consume?

PPS. This post is on the superrich. I’m not sure how to handle the far more numerous ordinary rich-perhaps a 50% MTR on consumption. That sounds bad, but don’t forget the unlimited 401k privileges for the rich self-employed. That sort of tax would actually be less than 50% of one’s income. If they are rich wage earners, you can view the system as unlimited Roth IRA privileges.

PPPS. This post was a bit unfair to Larry Ellison, as he sold his 453-foot yacht to David Geffen and bought a smaller one, which could access more ports. And he has far more sophisticated taste than Trump. But I still maintain that high-end consumption is largely about positional goods.

  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
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Showing 13 database articles primarily about Incentives/Risk-Taking

Why Do Americans No Longer Work So Much More Than Non-Americans?

AI Summary. The gap in hours worked between Americans and non-Americans has narrowed by half since the 1990s, driven by declining U.S. work hours as expanded government health benefits reduced the need to work, while rising wages and lower barriers to employment increased hours worked in other advanced economies.

Serdar Birinci, Loukas Karabarbounis, and Kurt See National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
April 7, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Work hours of Americans and Europeans were ~ equal in the early 1970s, but by the mid 1990s, Europeans worked much less than Americans. Half of this hours gap had vanished by 2019. The drop in US hours was collinear with an ~ doubling of Medicaid enrollment.

Core argument: American work hours declined after 2000 primarily because expanded health benefits reduced employment incentives for non-workers.

Whereas Americans and Europeans were working roughly the same hours in the early 1970s, by the mid 1990s, Americans were working much more than Europeans. We update Prescott’s observations on hours worked for advanced economies and document that about half of the hours gap in the 1990s has reversed by the end of the 2010s. While the decline in the U.S. hours is well documented in the literature, the increase in non-U.S. hours in the past two decades, both relative to the United States and in absolute levels, has not yet been analyzed systematically. The convergence in hours worked is concentrated on the extensive margin and is observed for both men and women. We offer a comparative study on the convergence of hours worked and ask, “Why do Americans no longer work so much more than non-Americans?” [Employing both nonstructural correlation analysis and a structural model of labor supply, we suggest that] U.S. hours per person declined after the 2000s because of the rise of benefits provided to the non-employed. Among these benefits, we find the most important role for health benefits and, in particular, Medicaid. For non-U.S. countries, the rise of labor supply is generally accounted for by a rise of wages and falling fixed costs and disutility of work.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. American work hours declined after 2000 primarily because expanded health benefits reduced employment incentives for non-workers.
  2. European and other developed nations increased work hours due to rising wages and lower barriers to employment participation.
  3. The transatlantic work-hour gap that peaked in the 1990s has substantially reversed over the past two decades.

Related Articles:

  • Hours Worked and Lifetime Earnings Inequality — Richard Rogerson and team infer 20% of the inequality in lifetime earnings among American men can be explained by differences in hours worked, and that 90% of…
  • Comparing EU-to-US Output Per Hour — Overall GDP per hour worked in Europe is about 82% of US levels. German productivity per hour worked is on par with the US, and lower per capita GDP is…
  • Europeans ‘Less Hard-Working’ Than Americans, Says Norway Oil Fund Boss — The CEO of Norway’s $1.6T oil fund notes that US companies have outpaced their European rivals in innovation and technology; “There’s a mindset issue in…
  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Unemployment/Participation

What’s Missing in the Fed’s Data about Ultrarich Portfolios

AI Summary. Federal Reserve wealth data overstates the role of public stocks in top portfolios because private corporations and private equity funds are counted alongside publicly traded shares, making the ultra-wealthy appear more like stock market investors than business owners.

Owen Zidar and Eric Zwick The Everywhere Millionaire
Date Posted:
April 6, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Zidar and Zwick find SCF data show ownership share in private businesses make up between 45–50% of top 0.1% American wealth, and ~80% of US households worth $30mm+ are business owners.

Core argument: The ultra-wealthy derive substantial wealth from private business ownership, not primarily from public stock holdings as commonly assumed.

“Private businesses” make up a declining and now-modest share of top 0.1% wealth in the Federal Reserve’s Distribution of Financial Accounts (DFA), with corporate equities dominating portfolios at the very top. The misleading implication is that the rich are primarily stockholders. In fact, they are not. The issue, we learned, is that the DFA’s “private business” category is much narrower than what most people mean by the term. It covers only proprietor’s equity in noncorporate businesses — partnerships and sole proprietorships. Not S-corporations. Not other private corporations. Not financial partnerships like private equity or hedge funds. Just noncorporate, nonfinancial businesses. Private corporations are valued separately, but the Fed can’t distinguish households’ holdings of private corporate equity from their holdings of publicly traded stocks. They’re all lumped together into “corporate equities.” The Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) tells a different story about what the top 0.1% actually owns. Private business shows up as roughly 45 to 50% of top wealth — far larger than the DFA’s “private business” label suggests. About 80% of households worth $30 million or more are business owners.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The ultra-wealthy derive substantial wealth from private business ownership, not primarily from public stock holdings as commonly assumed.
  2. Federal data limitations obscure the true composition of top earners’ portfolios by combining private and public corporate equity into one.
  3. Accurate wealth distribution analysis requires distinguishing between private business stakes and public market investments to understand inequality drivers.

Related Articles:

  • Top Wealth in America: New Estimates and Implications for Taxing the Rich — The top 0.1% share of wealth in the US increased from 12.9% to 15% btw 2001-2016, according to @MatthewSmith @nberpubs.
  • They’re Rich but Not Famous—and They’re Suddenly Everywhere — At the end of 2022, ~430,000 American households had a net worth of at least $30mm, of which ~74,000 were worth $100mm or more. As of Q3 2025, ~72% of the top…
  • Capitalists in the Twenty-First Century — Most income at the top of the US income distribution is non-wage income, primarily derived from private business profits, according to @MatthewSmith…
  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
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One Hundred Years in the U.S. Stock Markets

Hendrik Bessembinder Arizona State University
Date Posted:
March 19, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Btw January 1926 and December 2025, 60% of US firms had negative total returns relative to T-bills. 46 firms accounted for half of the $91T in net wealth creation over the period, and 1,082 firms, 3.7%, accounted for 100% of net wealth creation.

Two central conclusions emerge from this study of long-term investment outcomes in the CRSP data. First, stocks publicly traded in the U.S. markets were, despite periodic volatility, a tremendous source of wealth enhancement, totaling some $91 trillion by my calculations over the 100-year period. Second, long-term stock market outcomes demonstrate strong positive skewness, and the success of the overall markets is attributable to a substantial extent to very strong outcomes for a relatively few firms. This skewness is of practical importance. Financial planning is often based on expected or mean future returns. The outcome of such an exercise is informative, but it should be recognized that in a skewed distribution most possible future outcomes are less than the expected or mean outcome. While the distribution of possible outcomes to diversified portfolios is less skewed than for individual stocks, positive skewness is present at long time horizons in any case. Analyses focused on the median outcome, or better yet on the entire distribution of potential outcomes, are more informative. The historical U.S. stock return data shows that both buy-and-hold returns and dollar based measures of shareholder wealth enhancement are dominated by relatively few high performing firms.

Related Articles:

  • Which U.S. Stocks Generated the Highest Long-Term Returns? — Hendrik Bessembinder finds that from 1925 to 2023 51.6% of equities had a negative return; however, 17 stocks had cumulative returns greater than $50,000 per…
  • Long-Term Shareholder Returns: Evidence From 64,000 Global Stocks — Hendrik Bessembinder finds that the best-performing 1,526 global firms (2.4% of total) accounted for all of the $75.7T in net global stock market wealth…
  • Entire Market Structure Exposed To A Big Move — An uptick in the share of S&P 500 firms moving >10% in a single day, with a lower correlation of returns across firms and bigger gaps between winners…
  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
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    • US Business Dynamism
  • Productivity

The Net Present Value of the Billionaire Tax Act: An Assessment of the Fiscal Effects of California's Proposed Wealth Tax

Benjamin Jaros, Joshua Rauh, Greg Kearney, John Doran, et al. Stanford University
Date Posted:
March 9, 2026
Is Database:
Database

A simulation study of the proposed CA wealth tax on billionaires, finds a 71% chance that it will have a negative NPV, with a mean of −$24.7 billion. The PV of permanently lost income tax revenue more than offsets the one-time wealth tax collection.

The California Billionaire Tax Act of 2026 proposes a one-time 5% tax on the worldwide net worth of individuals exceeding $1 billion. This measure applies to tangible and intangible assets, including those held through trusts and certain recent transfers. Our proxy for these taxable assets in this dataset is the “Net Worth” of each California-based billionaire listed in the 2025 Forbes Billionaires listing. Our preferred revenue estimate implies that approximately 55% of the billionaire income tax base has or will avoid the tax, nearly double the 30.7% break-even threshold under even [proponent’s optimistic] assumption of six confirmed departures at a 1.5% real discount rate, and approaching the 61.4% threshold at 3%. The wealth tax has positive net present value only if the one-time revenue exceeds the present value of foregone income taxes from departing billionaires. We simulate draws from uniform distributions over the plausible ranges for discount rates, revenue from the wealth tax, and lost income tax collections; 71% of draws yield a negative net present value, with a mean of [-]$24.7 billion, with a median of −$19.1 billion, and standard deviation of $38.4 billion. [See Figure 3 in gallery]. These estimates are conservative in that we exclude all non-income-tax fiscal spillovers, including lost sales tax, property tax, and business activity, such as employing other income taxpayers.

Related Articles:

  • Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California — After a 2012 increase in marginal tax rates of up to 3% for high-income California households 0.8% of the impacted tax base left the state in 2013 and others…
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — I debate @JasonFurman—Pres. Obama’s Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors—at Harvard over the effect of tax increases on the expected value of innovative…
  • The Robin Hood State Is Coming For The Rich — Advanced economies have become increasingly redistributive. “While the share of US taxable income going to the top 1% of earners soared, their share of…
  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • Politics
  • Productivity
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

The Limits of New York’s “Tax the Rich” Policy

E. J. McMahon Manhattan Institute
Date Posted:
March 9, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Btw 2010 and 2022, New York State’s share of realized capital gains among income millionaires declined 5.1pp to 8.9%, while Florida’s increased 8.7pp to 16.7% – above California’s 14.9%.

As the nation emerged from the Great Recession in 2010, the capital gains of income millionaires were disproportionately concentrated in the four most populous states: California, New York, Texas, and Florida. Between 2010 and 2022, taxpayers earning $1 million or more in these states accounted, on average, for 50% of the nation’s total capital gains realizations. At the start of the period, California led all states, with 16% of capital gains among all U.S. income millionaires. New York ranked second, at 14%, while Texas and Florida trailed at 8.7% and 8%, respectively. The next 12 years saw a significant shift in the rankings. By 2022, Florida had topped the list, with 16.7% of capital gains income among millionaire earners, followed by California at 14.9% and Texas at 9.7%. New York had dropped to fourth place, with 8.9%—essentially changing places with Florida.

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  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — Since January 2020, private sector real hourly earnings have fallen 9% in New York City, while increasing 3% nationally, as large firms based in NYC move jobs…
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  • Incentives/Risk-Taking
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
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  • Productivity
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

The Robin Hood State Is Coming For The Rich

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
February 19, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Advanced economies have become increasingly redistributive. “While the share of US taxable income going to the top 1% of earners soared, their share of post-tax income has risen only slightly; the 1% paid 40% of income tax in 2022, up from 33% in 2001.”

The vigour of the Robin Hood state varies across countries. In America more redistribution has merely offset rising pre-tax inequality. According to the Congressional Budget Office, for example, 2022—the most recent year for which detailed data are available—was the fourth-most unequal year on record, as measured by the Gini coefficient of taxable income, behind only 2021, 2020 and 2012. But inequality after taxes and transfers was lower than in 2000, 2005-07, 2012, 2014, and 2017-18 and 2021. It was also only a shade higher than in 1986. Even as the share of America’s taxable income going to the top 1% of earners has soared, their share of post-tax income has risen only slightly. Today’s combination of higher pre-tax inequality and higher tax rates on top earners has left governments astonishingly dependent on the wealthiest for their revenue. In America, the 1% paid 40% of income tax in 2022, up from 33% in 2001.

Related Articles:

  • Income Inequality in the United States: Using Tax Data to Measure Long-Term Trends — Gerald Auten and David Splinter have updated their income inequality estimate and find that the after-tax income share of the top 1% in the US has been steady…
  • Across The Rich World, Fiscal Crises Loom — At current 5-year yields, stabilizing debt/GDP would require a reduction in the primary deficit of 2.3% of GDP in the UK and the US, and 3% in France. Maturing…
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — I debate @JasonFurman—Pres. Obama’s Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors—at Harvard over the effect of tax increases on the expected value of innovative…
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    • Government Spending
    • Taxation
  • Politics
  • Productivity
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
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