Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

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  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
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  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
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How Much Would Creating a Child Allowance Reduce Work Among Parents?

Scott Winship American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
December 12, 2022
Is Database:
Database

.@swinshi notes that @JacobBastian25’s latest research underestimates the disemployment effects of an enhanced Child Tax Credit. Scott view of the disemployment effects support Bruce Myers and @kefincorinth CTC estimates @UChicago. @aei

.@swinshi notes that @JacobBastian25’s latest research underestimates the disemployment effects of an enhanced Child Tax...
In his reconciliation of his own results with those of the Chicago team, Bastian misattributes something on the order of 200,000 of the one-million-parent difference in predicted disemployment to married parents rather than to low-income single mothers. Relative to the Chicago team, he underestimates the disemployment of low-income single mothers by a similar amount. The evidence remains consistent with the Chicago team’s claims: a permanent expansion of the CTC that resembles the temporary child allowance created in 2021 could reduce employment among single mothers by about one million, an effect that would go a long way toward reversing the employment gains among single mothers since the policy reforms of the mid-1990s.

In Bastrain’s reconciliation of his own results with those of the Bruce Myer’s Chicago team, Bastian misattributes something on the order of 200,000 of the one-million-parent difference in predicted disemployment to married parents rather than to low-income single mothers. Relative to the Chicago team, he underestimates the disemployment of low-income single mothers by a similar amount. The evidence remains consistent with the Chicago team’s claims: a permanent expansion of the CTC that resembles the temporary child allowance created in 2021 could reduce employment among single mothers by about one million, an effect that would go a long way toward reversing the employment gains among single mothers since the policy reforms of the mid-1990s.

Bottom line, “…The evidence remains consistent with the Chicago team’s claims: a permanent expansion of the CTC that resembles the temporary child allowance created in 2021 could reduce employment among single mothers by about one million, an effect that would go a long ways toward reversing the employment gains among single mothers since the policy reforms of the mid-1990s….”

Scott notes three core flaws

“..In his reconciliation of his own results with those of the Chicago team, Bastian misattributes something on the order of 200,000 of the one-million-parent difference in predicted disemployment to married parents rather than to low-income single mothers. Relative to the Chicago team, he underestimates the disemployment of low-income single mothers by a similar amount. This is one reason why Bastian’s results suggest that Corinth et al. have overestimated disemployment effects among upper-income parents..”

“…Bastian’s assumed size for the key parameter in the child allowance debates—the participation elasticity for low-income single mothers, which describes the sensitivity of their employment to changes in the return to work—is almost surely too low. The midpoint of the range of credible elasticities for this group is higher, not lower, than assumed by the Chicago team. Indeed, that midpoint is exactly the same if we only use the elasticities implied by Bastian’s own studies. That makes the Chicago team’s disemployment effects relatively conservative. Bastian’s arguments that recent studies find lower elasticities or that the elasticity for low-income single mothers has fallen substantially over time do not stand up against his own research and that of others….”

“…Of Bastian’s other attempts to invalidate the Chicago team’s results, one suffers from Bastian’s understatement of the disemployment effect on low-income single mothers, one constitutes an illogical exercise in applying averages to subgroups to show results that seem implausible, and one is a markedly imprecise back-of-the-envelope exercise that can easily be modified to reinforce the Chicago team’s results….”

Scott Winship, “How Much Would Creating a Child Allowance Reduce Work Among Parents?,” American Enterprise Institute, December 9, 2022, https://www.aei.org/research-products/working-paper/how-much-would-creating-a-child-allowance-reduce-work-among-parents/

  • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Unemployment/Participation
Previous articleDecember 9, 2022Glencore Says This Time Is Different for Coming Copper ShortageGlencore’s CEO forecasts a cumulative gap between projected copper demand and supply of 50mm tons between 2022 and 2030, relative to the current demand of 25mm tons a year. @bloombergNext articleDecember 12, 2022Fusion Energy Breakthrough by US Scientists Boosts Clean Power Hopes.@ft reports that researchers at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory have achieved a net energy gain in a fusion power experiment – producing 2.5 megajoules of energy, about 120 per cent of energy used to trigger the fusion reaction.
Showing 47 database articles primarily about Taxation

Ongoing State Tax Revenue Implications of the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act

AI Summary. A one-time wealth tax on billionaires in California is projected to reduce ongoing state tax revenue by $3.53bn–$4.49bn per year, as departing billionaires permanently remove their income from the state's tax base, with cumulative losses exceeding the one-time revenue the tax would generate.

Jared Walczak California Tax Foundation
Date Posted:
April 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Walczak estimates the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act would reduce annual state tax revenues by ~$3.53B to $4.49B due to billionaire departures and associated spillovers. The NPV of these ongoing losses would be several times the wealth tax revenue.

Will California's Billionaire Tax Act lead to long-term revenue losses?

Core argument: California’s billionaire tax drives $3.53bn–$4.49bn in annual ongoing revenue losses, exceeding one-time collections and resulting in net fiscal harm.

This paper estimates ongoing annual reductions in state tax revenue under scenarios based on announced and anticipated billionaire departures. The analysis considers direct impacts on individual income and, to a much lesser extent, sales tax collections, along with spillover effects. We identify 212 California billionaires using the Forbes billionaire list and classify each based on whether their wealth is primarily held in publicly traded equity, a privately held operating business, financial fund management, or a diversified mix of sources. We use classification-specific assumptions of income loss subject to a given billionaire’s departure, assuming that only 5% of public founders’ income will remain California source after a departure, compared to 55 percent for private operating business owners, 35% for financial management, and 15% for diversified wealth. Under our primary scenarios, the wealth tax yields ongoing reductions of $3.53 billion to $4.49 billion per year in income, sales, and other tax collections. Calculations based exclusively on the nine publicly identified billionaire emigres yield $2.77 billion in recurring revenue loss and can be regarded as a lower bound. Actual out-migration almost certainly already exceeds that which has been publicly reported, and continued departures should be expected should the initiative advance.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. California’s billionaire tax drives $3.53bn–$4.49bn in annual ongoing revenue losses, exceeding one-time collections and resulting in net fiscal harm.
  2. Billionaire out-migration reduces individual income tax collections by multiples of direct wealth tax revenue, leading to structural state budget deficits.

Related Articles:

  • The Net Present Value of the Billionaire Tax Act: An Assessment of the Fiscal Effects of California’s Proposed Wealth Tax — A simulation study of the proposed CA wealth tax on billionaires, finds a 71% chance that it will have a negative NPV, with a mean of −$24.7 billion. The PV of…
  • What’s Missing in the Fed’s Data about Ultrarich Portfolios — Federal Reserve wealth data overstates the role of public stocks in top portfolios because private corporations and private equity funds are counted alongside publicly traded shares, making the ultra-wealthy appear more like stock market investors than business owners.
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — I debate @JasonFurman—Pres. Obama’s Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors—at Harvard over the effect of tax increases on the expected value of innovative…
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Politics
  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking

Massachusetts Loses Billions in Income After Millionaire Tax

Greg Ryan Bloomberg
Date Posted:
March 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Net outflows of adjusted gross income from Massachusetts increased 8% y/y in 2023 to $4.2B, after a 4% surtax on income over $1mm took effect. Top earners leaving the state were responsible for 70% of the outflow.

Residents exiting Massachusetts took a net of $4.2 billion in adjusted gross income with them in 2023, one of the largest totals in the country, after a tax on millionaires took effect. The amount was an 8% year-over-year increase, according to Internal Revenue Service data, even as the total number of taxpayers leaving the state slowed. This was the first year that residents were subject to a 4% surtax on incomes over $1 million after voters approved the levy in 2022 to fund schools and transportation. Despite the tax’s implementation, the number of residents moving out of Massachusetts who reported income of $200,000 or more — the top bracket tracked in the IRS data — fell year-over-year. Net outflows from Massachusetts long predate the millionaires tax, especially to Florida and New Hampshire, its northern neighbor, which has no tax on wages or capital gains. Total lost income was also higher in 2021 than 2023. The state’s millionaires-tax collections have increased every year since 2023 and so far in fiscal 2026 have jumped 19% year-over-year to $1.3 billion.

Related Articles:

  • The Net Present Value of the Billionaire Tax Act: An Assessment of the Fiscal Effects of California’s Proposed Wealth Tax — A simulation study of the proposed CA wealth tax on billionaires, finds a 71% chance that it will have a negative NPV, with a mean of −$24.7 billion. The PV of…
  • Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California — After a 2012 increase in marginal tax rates of up to 3% for high-income California households 0.8% of the impacted tax base left the state in 2013 and others…
  • The Robin Hood State Is Coming For The Rich — Advanced economies have become increasingly redistributive. “While the share of US taxable income going to the top 1% of earners soared, their share of…
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • Politics

Who Is Paying for the 2025 U.S. Tariffs?

Mary Amiti, Chris Flanagan, Sebastian Heise, and David Weinstein Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
February 13, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

A FRBNY analysis finds that ~90% of tariffs’ economic burden was borne by American firms and consumers in the first 8 months of 2025. Between January and November, however, that incidence declined 8pp as firms reorganised supply chains.

94% of the tariff incidence was borne by the U.S. in the first eight months of 2025. This result means that a 10% tariff caused only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices. The tariff pass-through into import prices has declined in the latter part of the year. That is, a larger share of the tariff incidence was borne by foreign exporters by the end of the year. In November, a 10% tariff was associated with a 1.4 percent decline in foreign export prices, suggesting an 86% pass-through to U.S. import prices. Given that the average tariff in December was 13% our results imply that U.S. import prices for goods subject to the average tariff increased by 11% (13 times 0.86) more than those for goods not subject to tariffs. These higher import prices caused firms to reorganize supply chains.

Related Articles:

  • A Note On Tariffs From The Real World — Cochrane relays an exchange with a CEO of a large retailer. “We have to raise prices roughly 10–15% to cover tariffs. [We] will start to see the margin hits a…
  • U.S. to Cut Tariffs on Bananas, Coffee and Other Goods From Four Countries — The White House is planning to cut tariffs on goods from Ecuador, Argentina, El Salvador and Guatemala that are not produced domestically, such as coffee and…
  • Tariffs Are Generating Meaningful New Revenue — The current tariff regime will raise ~$2.8T net new revenue through 2034, conventionally scored, according to a CRFB estimate. “Those who wish to reduce or…
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
  • GDP
    • Trade (not deficits)

Supply and The Mam

Michael Cembalest J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
February 5, 2026
Is Database:
Database

At ~15%, NYC has the highest combined city-state personal tax rate in the US, and the top marginal corporate income tax rate at 17.4%. The city also has the highest industrial, retail and multifamily property taxes per square foot of 10 major cities.

NYC has the highest combined city-state personal tax rate in the US and the highest all-in corporate income tax rate at 17.4% (state plus city plus MTA surcharge). According to the [Citizens Budget Commission], New York State is the highest tax jurisdiction in the US based on tax collections per capita and #2 on tax collections per $1,000 of personal income. NYC has the highest industrial, retail and multifamily property taxes per square foot of ten major cities.

Related Articles:

  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — Since January 2020, private sector real hourly earnings have fallen 9% in New York City, while increasing 3% nationally, as large firms based in NYC move jobs…
  • The Stationary Bandits of New York City — New York City’s elevated infrastructure costs relative to peers such as Paris are due to “stationary bandits” extracting wealth from the “tradable private…
  • Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California — After a 2012 increase in marginal tax rates of up to 3% for high-income California households 0.8% of the impacted tax base left the state in 2013 and others…
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Government Spending
  • Politics

Laffer Curves Are Flat

Rachel Moore, Brandon Pecoraro and David Splinter Joint Committee on Taxation
Date Posted:
January 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

JCT calculations suggest that properly constructed individual income tax Laffer curves are flat over wide ranges. Modeling shifting across business types and interactions btw various taxes under 2022 law, they find revenue is ~ constant for top rates btw 37% and 55%.

Laffer curves estimated with more realistic taxes are flatter, suggesting less potential revenue gains from top rate increases and a lower revenue-maximizing top rate. Standard simplifications miss meaningful behavioral margins such as shifting across tax bases and sectors. Interactions between federal individual income taxes and other taxes produce even flatter Laffer curves and smaller revenue gains from higher top rates. Panel A of Figure 2 shows how federal individual income tax revenues change as the top tax rate varies along the x-axis. With a broad base, total income enters the tax function as a single base, applying the top rate to all income even though much of it qualifies for lower preferential tax rates. With a narrow base, only wage income enters the tax function, which fails to apply the top tax rate to any capital income. The true tax base lies between the narrow and the broad base. The Laffer curve estimated using the tax calculator and true base reaches a more modest peak (only 1.3% more tax revenue) at a top tax rate of 47%. Notably, this additional federal income tax revenue is only about 0.1% of GDP. Relative to both the narrow and broad bases, the true base implies smaller potential revenue gains and a lower revenue-maximizing top tax rate.

Related Articles:

  • Taxing Top Wealth: Migration Responses and Their Aggregate Economic Implications — In Sweden and Denmark, a 1pp increase in the mean wealth tax reduced the stock of rich taxpayers by 2%. When an entrepreneur subject to the wealth tax…
  • California’s Billionaire Tax Plan Will Backfire — In 1950, sales taxes accounted for ~60% of California’s revenue, and personal income taxes accounted for 11%. In recent years, the personal income tax share…
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — I debate @JasonFurman—Pres. Obama’s Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors—at Harvard over the effect of tax increases on the expected value of innovative…
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy

California’s Billionaire Tax Plan Will Backfire

Michael Moritz Financial Times
Date Posted:
January 13, 2026
Is Database:
Database

In 1950, sales taxes accounted for ~60% of California’s revenue, and personal income taxes accounted for 11%. In recent years, the personal income tax share has risen to ~60%, with the top 1% of California taxpayers responsible for ~40% of the revenue.

In 1950, sales taxes accounted for ~60% of California’s revenue, and personal income taxes accounted for 11%. In recent...
In 1957, Fairchild Semiconductor, the company that spawned Silicon Valley, was formed by eight men — only one of whom was born in California. At the start of that decade the state’s population was about 10.5mn and only about 11% of its revenue of $1.1bn came from personal income taxes. The sales and use tax (levied on products not services) accounted for almost 60%. Today, California’s population is about 39.5mn while its budget is about $320bn (not including the $174bn the state receives from Washington for social welfare programmes). Since 1990, the budget has grown at an average rate of 6% a year. Compared to the 1950s, the source of the state’s revenue has entirely flipped. In recent years personal income taxes have contributed more than 60% of the total. This revenue rests on a foundation of jelly. In 2022, the top 1% of California taxpayers — just 170,000 payers — coughed up about 40% of all the state’s personal income tax revenues. Worse still, these payments are highly contingent on unpredictable capital gains.

Related Articles:

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  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • Politics
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