Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
Buy the Books
  • Macro Roundup
  • About Roundup
  • About Ed Conard
  • Highlights
  • Topics
  • Subscribe
Edward Conard
  • twitter
  • facebook
  • linkedin
  • youtube
  • Email
  • Text Message (SMS)
  • Twitter/X
  • LinkedIn
  • Facebook
  • WhatsApp Message
Subscribe to Macro Roundup Emails
  • Mentions 521
  • Primary focus 129
Showing 129 database articles primarily about Wages/Income
Currently filtering by:
  • Remove Wages/Income
  • Remove "primary topics only" restriction
  • Remove 'Database'
Show all 7,218 articles
For whatever topics you select (currently: Wages/Income):
Choose search scope

Your importance filter 'Database' shows fewer articles.

Remove filters to see full article counts

Productivity Growth and Workers Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata

Chad Syverson National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
August 13, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Research by @ChadSyverson finds workers generally move from lower to higher productivity firms, but this trend is driven by younger, higher-skilled workers, who are more likely to transition to higher productivity firms.

Analysis of job transitions reveals that while workers generally move from lower to higher productivity firms, this trend is primarily driven by younger, higher-skilled workers. Approximately 49% of job changes result in moves to less productive firms, indicating significant churn. Direct job-to-job transitions, which account for 37% of all transitions, are more likely to lead to productivity gains, contributing nearly 80% of aggregate productivity improvements. Younger and skilled workers, particularly females, are more likely to transition to higher productivity firms, underscoring their pivotal role in driving productivity growth. However, frequent job changers contribute minimally to productivity gains, highlighting the complexity of labor market fluidity and its impact on aggregate productivity.

Using evidence from Chile Chad Syverson finds that when workers change firms they generally move from lower to higher productivity employers raising aggregate productivity, but that mean hides a great deal of churn in both directions. They use earnings as a proxy for skill level.

Three core findings, First, "...while on average individual job transitions move workers from lower-productivity to higher-productivity firms, the fraction of all job changes that flow up the productivity ladder is only marginally higher than those in the opposite direction. Almost half (49% in our preferred specification) of all job changes move workers towards firms that have lower productivity levels than their prior employer. Thus net labor reallocation towards higher-productivity firms hides a very large degree of job churning whose productivity implications mostly cancel...."

Second, "....we show that the fraction of up-the-productivity-ladder transitions varies significantly across job flow types and across firm productivity levels. They are more likely for direct job-to-job transitions than for those passing thorough non-employment spells. This is consistent with standard job-search theory, in the sense that movements resulting from on-the-job search should lead to better quality jobs more likely to be available at higher productivity firms. They are also more likely to occur between firms at the high end of the productivity distribution, with up-the-ladder transitions originating from low productivity firms happening less frequently than implied by a model of completely random movements...."

Third, "... the job transitions of younger workers, workers with high skills, and female workers are more likely to be to higher-productivity firms and correspond to larger productivity gains. In fact, young skilled workers provide the plurality of net labor reallocation to higher productivity firms. The net contributions of other large groupings are modest or even negative. Workers with the highest turnover rates contribute proportionally little to aggregate productivity growth...."

They note that their results imply that labor market churn for lower skilled workers likely isn't productivity enhancing, "... Overall, our findings sound a note of caution, or at least modesty in interpretation, about the connections between labor market fluidity and aggregate productivity growth. While fluidity enables reallocation of resources to more productive firms, many of the observed job transitions appear to happen for reasons that are orthogonal to industry or aggregate productivity growth. The flip side of this coin is that there may be a substantial amount of untapped potential for labor reallocations to enhance productivity growth...."

The data, "...First, we drop all firms that have only one employee for an entire year, as it seems likely that they represent some form of self-employment rather than an actual firm with workers in the spirit of our exercise. We also drop all workers employed in those firms. This is about 1.7% of the initial set of 48 million monthly worker-job matches. Second, we want to avoid spurious job transitions in which workers move to a “new” firm with a different tax ID that is actually directly linked to the previous firm. This includes cases in which the firm tax ID changes, M&As, or separations of a single firm into several business entities for tax reasons. We address this by excluding from the set of transitions all cases in which a significant share of a firm’s workforce jointly reallocates to another firm, whether existing or new. This removes just under 5000 firms.1 Third, we must assign any workers employed by more than one firm in a given month to a single job and employer. We classify the worker’s main job as the one with the longest current tenure and, if there is a tie, the one with the highest average monthly earnings. About 8% of our worker-job observations are dropped as secondary jobs. Finally, as we want to focus on full-time jobs but have no information on hours, we drop all employment relations in which the worker earns an implied full-time wage that is less than the minimum wage for 80% of her tenure. These jobs, which account for 20% of the initial set of observations, are probably part-time. We calculate average labor productivity at the firm level as a measure of annual sales (from form F22) per annual-equivalent worker. Firms’ annual-equivalent workers are simply the sum of workers in firms’ monthly DJ1887 reports, divided by 12. For example, a firm with one worker who is employed the entire year and two employees who each work in six months of the year (whether overlapping months or not) has two annual-equivalent employees.2 Thus, average labor productivity is defined at an annual level...."

The Evidence, "...Panel A presents the results across all 11 million transitions in our sample. Consistent with reallocation being a factor behind productivity growth, the average labor productivity gap between the destination and origin firm in a worker transition is about 8%. However, this aggregate result averages over enormous heterogeneity. This is clear in the large dispersion of the productivity differentials. The 25th percentile of the distribution involves a worker moving to a firm with a labor productivity level about half the size (e −0.625 = 0.535) of the firm she left. The 75th percentile transition is to a firm with a productivity level more than twice as high (e 0.761 = 2.14). The rough symmetry of this dispersion is reflected in the fact that the share of job transitions that move up the productivity ladder is only a shade above half, with 47.6% of worker transitions being to firms less productive than the origin firm. This is a striking result. While net reallocation flows are directed towards more productive firms, the process involves an enormous degree of churning in both directions. Theoretically, even in a frictionless world in which all job transitions were efficient, some transitions down the firm-productivity ladder might be motivated by better firm-worker matches or from other non-pecuniary motives that might drive worker reallocation across different firms…. Nonetheless, the fact that the frequency of upward flows is only marginally higher than that of a completely random reallocation benchmark, with a 50% unconditional change of moving up or down the firm-productivity ladder, is notable...."

Productivity Growth and Workers Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata: Extended Excerpt Image 1


"...The second and third rows of Panel A show the separate distributions for direct...job to-job transitions and those broken by a spell outside formal employment (job-N-job). Job-to-job transitions account for 37% of all transitions in our sample. They are associated with larger average productivity gaps between destination and origin firms, and indeed the whole distribution of productivity differentials shifts to the right. Workers that change jobs directly are therefore more likely to climb productivity ladders and their movements correspond to larger productivity differentials. In fact, if we sum all productivity changes tied to every reallocated worker, job-to-job transitions account for almost 80% of this implied aggregate productivity gain....This pattern is consistent with the presence of search frictions in the reallocation process...."

"...Panel B addresses a potential concern regarding the exercise shown in Panel A. As discussed earlier, our data defines firm productivity by calendar years. Transitions that occur between calendar years compare productivity measures across different points in time. Secular aggregate productivity growth implies that the average true productivity gaps for across-year transitions would be overestimated. Additionally, the raw productivity gap does not account for systematic differences in average labor productivity across sectors, which are likely related to differences in capital intensity. We therefore adjust productivity across years by subtracting from the measured destination-origin productivity difference both the average annual productivity growth over the period as well as, for transitions across sectors, the difference in mean sector productivity levels. After this adjustment, the average productivity gaps do become smaller, with the average differential for all transitions falling to about 5%, and 51.3% of transitions being upwards. Most of the basic patterns in Panel A remain, however.The biggest difference is that the average and median productivity gaps of job-N-job transitions are now slightly negative.For the rest of the paper, our attention will focus on this measure of adjusted labor productivity differences across transitions, although all results are qualitatively robust to using the unadjusted gaps summarized in Panel A...."

"...To have a sense of the macroeconomic scale of the reallocation process described by the data, we sum sales per worker gaps across all job transitions that take place during a given year and then divide that sum by firms’ total sales that year. This calculation assumes each transition leads to an output change equal to what would happen if the transitioning worker experienced a labor productivity change equal to that between of the two firms she transitions between. The sum of these output changes relative to total output provides a metric of output growth coming from productivity gains through labor reallocation. Over our sample period, the implied average annual sales growth from reallocation computed in this way is 1.35. For comparison, average annual total sales growth in our data is 5.9%. This suggests that labor reallocation from lower to higher marginal product activities is quantitatively important as a potential source of growth..."

Productivity Growth and Workers Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata: Extended Excerpt Image 2


"... Figure 1 presents another way to summarize the connections between labor reallocation and productivity. It plots, for every percentile of the firm productivity distribution, the probability that a given worker transition from an origin firm at that percentile is to a destination firm with a higher productivity level. If worker reallocations were entirely unrelated to productivity differentials, the probability would be given by a negative 45-degree line. For example, a transitioning worker leaving an origin firm at the 25th percentile would have a 75 percent probability of moving to a higher-productivity firm. As the figure shows, actual reallocation patterns depart from the random benchmark, but modestly so, and the deviation from randomness varies systematically through the productivity distribution. Movements up the productivity ladder are disproportionately likely among workers employed by firms in the upper half of the productivity distribution. In contrast, workers leaving firms at the lower tail of the productivity distribution are more likely to move to an even lower-productivity firm than if they moved randomly. It is also interesting that at the bottom end of the productivity distribution, job-to-job and indirect transitions look virtually identical. For workers at low-productivity firms, there seems to be no systematic difference between changing jobs directly or indirectly in terms of the likelihood of moving up the productivity ladder. In contrast, the two types of transitions look very different at the upper end of the productivity distribution. Indirect transitions lie (almost) along the random reallocation benchmark, but job-to-job transitions are much more likely to lead to movements up the job ladder...."

"...To explore these elements further and complement our firm-heterogeneity results in the previous section with worker-heterogeneity results, we place every worker into one of 25 age-by-skill worker groups. These use the five skills quintiles derived as above as well as five age groups (less than 25, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55+). We compute the average productivity gap associated with worker transitions within each group. We take further advantage of our data to introduce one additional dimension by dividing the sample into men and women. This is a particularly interesting dimension for an economy like Chile, in which the gender wage gap is large and female labor participation, while growing, is still low. Figure 2 graphs the results. The differences across groups reflect some remarkable patterns. Consistent with the discussion above, productivity differentials are significantly larger for young, skilled workers. They are the largest for workers younger than 25 and in the top skill quintile. Productivity gaps decline monotonically with age, even conditioning on skill, becoming almost negligible for workers over 45. They also tend to increase with worker skill, conditioning on age. The one group where the average productivity difference between the destination and origin firm is clearly negative is for high-skilled workers over 55. This may reflect that a large share of those transitions are non-voluntary and associated with the destruction of such workers’ valuable job ladders. Comparing across genders, productivity gaps for a given age-skill group are consistently larger for female workers. The sole exception is the youngest, least-skilled group, where long time gaps between jobs are frequent. This indicates systematic gender-related difference in the process of labor reallocation. Overall, these results are further evidence of the heterogeneity in the interaction between job transitions and productivity. Productivity-enhancing reallocation is significantly stronger among young, high-skilled, and female workers. We now use these results to decompose productivity gains from reallocation into group-level contributions..."

Productivity Growth and Workers Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata: Extended Excerpt Image 3


Bottomline, "... Our results suggest that this process has a complex structure. The labor market’s ability to reallocate workers away from less productive and into more productive firms involves an enormous amount of labor turnover, with a very large share of job transitions not leading to net productivity gains. Productivity-enhancing job transitions are not uniformly distributed, but instead exhibit significant and systematic differences across the distribution of firms and workers. Such transitions draw especially heavily from young, high-skill workers. Workers who change jobs the most frequently contribute proportionally the least to reallocation-based productivity growth. These patterns of heterogeneity, besides being informative about some theories of the labor market and serving as useful quantitative benchmarks, also demonstrate that a highly fluid labor market need not be an unequivocal sign of economy-wide productivity gains...."

Elias Albagli, Mario Canales, Chad Syverson, Matias Tapia and Juan Wlasiuk, "Productivity Growth and Workers’ Job Transitions: Evidence from Censal Microdata," National Bureau Of Economic Research, April 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28657

Ed Comment: “apropos to our discussion about the complications surrounding job offers: Interestingly, workers with the highest job turnover rates contribute proportionally the least to aggregate productivity changes…. Hard to interpret. For starters, sales per worker instead of value added seems like a misleading way to define productivity. More importantly, talent ought to be moving to more productive firms replacing lesser talent that’s moving in the opposite direction. We can see that for example with young skillful people moving to more productive jobs displacing older more obsolete skill that is driven out. So, I’m not surprised the moves are approximately even but for the growth in the economy. The analysis may be missing a large component of the productivity gains derived by reallocating labor.”

  • Wages/Income
  • Productivity
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
Previous articleAugust 13, 2021Labor Market Returns and the Evolution of Cognitive Skills: Theory and EvidenceThe study highlights that the Flynn effect in Sweden is partly driven by changes in labor market returns to cognitive skills. Btw 1962 and 1975, logical reasoning skills improved by 4.5 percentile points, while vocabulary knowledge declined by 2.8 points.Next articleAugust 16, 2021Propagation and Amplification of Local Productivity SpilloversLarge manufacturing plant openings boost local productivity, with employment & wages increasing by 3.5% & 3.7% in the winner county. Knowledge spillovers drive gains, particularly in industries with mutual R&D flows & patent citations. @nberpub
Showing 128 database articles primarily about Wages/Income

Sticky Wage Norms and the Real Wage Cost of Unexpected Inflation

AI Summary. Firms' wage-setting norms are sticky, rising only from 2.7% to 3.5% even as inflation peaked near 7%, causing real wages for workers who stayed in their jobs to fall systematically. By the time inflation subsided, the median firm's wage rule had converged to ~3%, roughly matching inflation.

Erik Hurst, Christina Patterson, Nela Richardson, and Ye Liv Wang University of Chicago
Date Posted:
September 10, 2026
Is Database:
Database

ADP microdata from 2016–25 suggest firms set wages according to “wage norms” ~ invariant to inflation. The 2020–21 inflation surge mechanically reduced real wages. By the end of 2025, 34% of incumbent workers’ real wages were lower than in 2020.

Do sticky wage norms systematically reduce real wages during inflation spikes?

Core argument: Firm-level modal wage rules peaked at 3.5% in 2022–2023 against roughly 7% inflation, meaning nominal rigidity systematically eroded real wages for job stayers throughout the inflationary episode.

Roughly 42% of all nominal wage increases below 6% were within 0.01 percentage points of a whole or half number [Figure 6]. Figure 9 plots the employment-weighted average modal wage change across firms (solid line) alongside inflation rate (dashed line) from 2016 through 2025. In the pre-pandemic period, firm-level wage rules were relatively stable at a median of 2.7%, modestly above the rate of inflation. Beginning in 2021, inflation rose sharply, peaking at approximately seven percent in 2022. The average modal wage change also rose, reaching a peak of 3.5% in 2022 and 2023. By 2025, the median firm had a wage rule granting increases of three percent, roughly in line with inflation. The stickiness of firms’ wage rules in the face of inflationary pressure contributed to the systematic fall in real wages for job stayers. Evidence from Belgium [which has strong wage indexation], suggests that declining real wages, rather than inflation itself, helps explain the persistence of depressed consumer sentiment during the 2021–2024 period.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Firm-level modal wage rules peaked at 3.5% in 2022–2023 against roughly 7% inflation, meaning nominal rigidity systematically eroded real wages for job stayers throughout the inflationary episode.
  2. The median firm’s modal wage increase converged to 3% by 2025—matching inflation rather than exceeding it—marking a reversal from the pre-pandemic norm of 2.7% modestly above price growth.

Related Articles:

  • Do Voters Punish Inflation or Pay Cuts? Inflation and Real Wages in U.S. Elections — Given state fixed effects, demographics, and local inflation, a county whose real wage loss was 1SD > that of the mean county shifted its Presidential vote…
  • Real Wages Start To Shrink In Developed Countries — Real wages are shrinking across the US, UK, and Eurozone as energy-driven inflation outpaces earnings growth. Fiscal constraints limit government support in key economies, raising recession risk as household spending power falls.
  • The Post‑COVID Decline in the Labor Share — The labor share of income has fallen 1.6 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, reaching an all-time post-war low, driven by within-industry dynamics rather than shifts in activity across sectors.
  • Wages/Income
  • GDP
    • Inflation
  • Politics
  • Workforce

How Many Big Macs Does Your Salary Buy?

AI Summary. U.S. workers earn the most Big Macs annually (10,215), but Swiss workers lead on an hourly basis at 7 Big Macs per hour versus the U.S. at 6, reflecting longer American working hours rather than higher hourly wages.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
September 2, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

The Economist’s venerable Big Mac Index is indicative of significantly higher after-tax, PPP-adjusted wages for American workers than for their French and German counterparts.

Does working longer hours mask stagnant American wage growth?

Core argument: American workers earn the equivalent of 10,215 Big Macs annually, topping global McWage rankings, but longer working hours reduce U.S. hourly purchasing power to six Big Macs per hour, behind Switzerland’s seven.

On an annual basis, America continues to top our McWages rankings. The average American worker earns enough to buy 10,215 Big Macs a year; Switzerland and Australia are in second and third place, respectively. But American working hours are supersized, too. On an hourly basis, Switzerland comes out on top: the average worker there earns the equivalent of seven Big Macs an hour, compared with America’s six. Australia ranks third, at five burgers for every hour worked.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. American workers earn the equivalent of 10,215 Big Macs annually, topping global McWage rankings, but longer working hours reduce U.S. hourly purchasing power to six Big Macs per hour, behind Switzerland’s seven.
  2. Switzerland leads all nations in hourly McWage purchasing power at seven Big Macs per hour, with Australia third at five, demonstrating that top annual earnings and top hourly compensation do not always coincide.

Related Articles:

  • The Big Mac Index At 40 — Global currency misalignments are at their widest since the mid-1990s, driven by post-2021 U.S. inflation, an undervalued Chinese currency, and a weakening Japanese yen that has made consumer goods cheaper in Japan than in China.
  • Why Do Americans No Longer Work So Much More Than Non-Americans? — The gap in hours worked between Americans and non-Americans has narrowed by half since the 1990s, driven by declining U.S. work hours as expanded government health benefits reduced the need to work, while rising wages and lower barriers to employment increased hours worked in other advanced economies.
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — I debate @JasonFurman—Pres. Obama’s Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors—at Harvard over the effect of tax increases on the expected value of innovative…
  • Wages/Income
  • Workforce

US Focus: The Effect Of Soaring Profits

AI Summary. Corporate profit margins have expanded ~250 basis points over the past year, approaching all-time highs, as 23% profit growth far outpaced 8% growth in corporate value added. Labor's share of income is hitting new lows, confirming that margin expansion—not faster economic growth—is the primary driver of record profit levels.

Abiel Reinhart J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
September 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database

US corporate profit margins rose ~250bp y/y in Q2 and are approaching an all-time high. Reinhart notes that tech and communications services drove ~58% of recent S&P 500 profit growth, even as the sectors have been “steadily losing employment since late 2022.”

Are record corporate profits driven by growth or margin expansion?

Core argument: Corporate profit margins expanded nearly 250 bps over the past year and are approaching all-time highs, as domestic profit growth of 23% dwarfed the 8% rise in corporate value added, compressing labor’s share of income to record lows.

Nominal pre-tax corporate profits in the national income and product accounts (NIPA) were very robust in both 2Q (41% [annual rate]) and over the last year (23%). Excluding post-recession spikes, we haven’t seen a year this strong since the mid-2000s. Higher margins [were] the key driver [of profit growth], as 23% y/y domestic profit growth was far in excess of the 8% increase in corporate value added. Profit margins (pre-tax profits divided by value added) increased close to 250bp over the last year, and are approaching all-time highs, whereas the labor share is hitting new lows.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Corporate profit margins expanded nearly 250 bps over the past year and are approaching all-time highs, as domestic profit growth of 23% dwarfed the 8% rise in corporate value added, compressing labor’s share of income to record lows.

Related Articles:

  • US Corporate Profits Surge To Record As Worker Payouts Wilt — U.S. corporate pre-tax profits reached an annualized $4.8tn, or 18% of national income—the highest share since the post-WWII era—while workers' wages and benefits fell to 60% of national income, the lowest since the 1950s.
  • Are US Corporate Profit Margins Too High? — In Q1 2026, US after-tax non-financial margins were estimated at 7.6%, just short of the post-1949 high of 8.2% in Q2 of 2021. Tan Kai Xian argues US corporate…
  • The Record Divide Between Corporate Profits and Worker Pay — Labor's share of national income has fallen to 51%—its lowest recorded level—while corporate profits have reached 12.1% of national income, their highest share since 1950. Inflation-adjusted hourly wages have risen 3% since 2019, while inflation-adjusted corporate profits have risen 50% over the same period.
  • Wages/Income
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
  • Politics
  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research
  • Workforce

Consumer Checkpoint: The Great Convergence

AI Summary. Spending and wage growth have largely converged across income groups, with lower- and middle-income households posting after-tax wage growth of 5.2% and 4.2% year-over-year, narrowing a previously wide gap — though the top 5% of earners continue to outpace all others.

David Michael Tinsley, Joe Wadford, Liz Everett Krisberg, Vanessa Cook, et al. Bank of America
Date Posted:
August 11, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Over the last two years, after-tax wage growth for the top 5% has outpaced the rest of the distribution. BofA internal data show after-tax wage growth for the lowest income tercile has surpassed that of the top 5% for the first time since December 2024.

Are lower-income households finally catching up in wage growth?

Core argument: The K-shaped spending and wage growth divide has largely closed since May, with income cohorts converging by July—except the top 5% of earners, who continue to outpace all other groups.

We have discussed the “K-shaped” divide between higher- and lower-income households’ spending and wage growth. But since May, our data has shown a significant narrowing in this gap. As of July, spending and wage growth have largely converged across income cohorts, with the exception of the top 5% of earners, who continue to outpace the rest. A similar dynamic was evident in discretionary spending. In our view, one factor behind the narrowing spending growth gap is stronger after-tax wage growth. For lower- and middle-income households, after-tax wage growth rose to 5.2% YoY and 4.2% YoY, respectively, in July.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The K-shaped spending and wage growth divide has largely closed since May, with income cohorts converging by July—except the top 5% of earners, who continue to outpace all other groups.
  2. After-tax wage growth for lower-income households reached 5.2% YoY in July versus 4.2% for middle-income households, with stronger after-tax gains identified as a primary driver of narrowing discretionary spending gaps across cohorts.

Related Articles:

  • What the World Cup Revealed About America — U.S. households with retirement savings and home equity have been insulated from inflation, as $15tn in annual spending by 45 million such households—driven by wealth gains rather than income—has sustained GDP growth well above rates seen in comparable economies.
  • K-Shaped Economy? — Using internal Stripe payment data, Tedeschi finds that spending growth of households in low-income zip codes has outpaced that of households in high-income…
  • The Record Divide Between Corporate Profits and Worker Pay — Labor's share of national income has fallen to 51%—its lowest recorded level—while corporate profits have reached 12.1% of national income, their highest share since 1950. Inflation-adjusted hourly wages have risen 3% since 2019, while inflation-adjusted corporate profits have risen 50% over the same period.
  • Wages/Income
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

Income Shocks and Intrahousehold Dynamics: Evidence from a Guaranteed Income Experiment

AI Summary. Guaranteed income transfers reduce total household earnings by more than the transfer amount, as other household members—particularly partners—work fewer hours and are less likely to advance in their jobs.

Elizabeth Rhodes, David Broockman, Eva Vivalt, Patrick Krause, et al. National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
August 10, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

In a randomized guaranteed-income experiment, giving one adult a transfer of $1,000/month for two years cut the other household members’ income by ~$1,700/year. Partners worked less and advanced less at work, while schooling and training among others rose.

Does guaranteed income reduce household work effort beyond the transfer amount?

Core argument: Guaranteed income transfers narrowed the gap between participant earnings and total household income by roughly $1,700 per year, with the shortfall driven primarily by reduced earnings among other household members rather than the transfer recipient.

Figure 4 summarizes treatment effects on the standardized family-level indices. The transfers’ effects reshaped the income and employment of other household members. The gap between participant income and total household income fell by about $1,700 per year (s.e. $800). The decline appears to reflect lower earnings among other household members. Effects on employment outcomes are consistent with this interpretation. Partner promotions and transitions to better jobs decrease significantly, but these effects are very small in magnitude. Partner hours and employment show more meaningful declines but are not significant in the unconditional analysis. Several other measures provide supporting evidence of negative effects on labor supply. Net transfers—the value given [to extended family] minus the value received—increased by roughly $135 per year. Estimates for household stability, decision-making, and the division of labor cluster near zero.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Guaranteed income transfers narrowed the gap between participant earnings and total household income by roughly $1,700 per year, with the shortfall driven primarily by reduced earnings among other household members rather than the transfer recipient.
  2. Net transfers to extended family increased by approximately $135 per year, while household stability, decision-making, and division of labor showed no meaningful treatment effects.

Related Articles:

  • The Impact of Unconditional Cash Transfers on Parenting and Children — A randomized experiment giving 1,000 parents an unconditional $1K/month over 3 years found essentially no differences in family outcomes; treated children…
  • The Impact of Unconditional Cash Transfers on Consumption and Household Balance Sheets: Experimental Evidence from Two US States — An experiment giving 1,000 individuals $1k per month for 3 years raised spending on housing as well as consumption, but also increased indebtedness, suggesting…
  • The Employment Effects of a Guaranteed Income: Experimental Evidence from Two U.S. States — Giving low income individuals $12,000/year for 3 years resulted in reduced market income of $1,500/year, due to a 2ppt reduction in labor force participation…
  • Wages/Income
  • Workforce
    • Family/Marriage
    • Unemployment/Participation

The Impact of AI on the U.S. Labor Market

Sania Edlich and Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
July 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database

A difference-in-differences design finds 6.7% slower real-wage growth in AI-exposed occupations since 2023 than in low-exposure ones, with no detectable job loss. The largest effects were for the lowest quartile (-10.7%) and service occupations (-24.3%).

We examine the wage and employment effects of AI adoption across U.S. occupations using observed usage data from the Anthropic Economic Index rather than the theoretical exposure measures that dominate prior work. Using a difference-in-differences design with occupation and year fixed effects across 321 matched occupations from 2015 to 2025, we find that high-exposure occupations experience a 6.7% decline in real wage growth post-2023 with no detectable employment effects. The effect is concentrated among the lowest earners: service workers face a 24.3% decline and the bottom wage quartile a 10.7% decline, while top earners show no significant effect.Today, 5.8 million workers are affected, but as AI adoption deepens across corporate America, this figure is likely to grow substantially, with significant implications for income inequality and labor market policy in the years ahead. Only 321 of roughly 800 BLS occupations were matched, and the post-2023 period may be partially confounded by post-pandemic labor market dynamics. [Editor’s note: Figure 3 shows both wage and employment growth and decline among high-exposure workers, but the exposure measure combines automated and augmentative use, and thus cannot distinguish substitution from complementarity.]

Related Articles:

  • AI and the Fable of the ATMs — ATM’s reduced demand for tellers per bank branch, but this was offset by an increased number of branches due to deregulation. Kedrosky notes, “aggregate…
  • Looking for the Ladder — The downtick in hiring in AI-exposed occupations started 6 months prior to the release of ChatGPT, and is “perfectly” aligned with the start of Fed rate hikes…
  • Technology and the Baby Bust Paradox — Aging societies face structural labor shortages that create permanent incentives to automate, making demographics a long-run driver of AI deployment. Technology-producing economies benefit twice: by offsetting domestic labor scarcity and by exporting automation solutions to every other aging society.
  • Wages/Income
  • Productivity
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
    • Unemployment/Participation
© Copyright 2026 Coherent Research Institute · All Rights Reserved · Privacy · Terms