Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
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New book on American dream suggests wage increases correlated with internet adoption

Roslyn Layton American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
March 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Real wages for regular workers have increased by one-third over the past 30 years, coinciding with the rise of the internet and digitization of the economy. @RoslynLayton, American Enterprise Institute.

Real wages for regular workers have increased by one-third over the past 30 years, coinciding with the rise of the internet...
Over the past 30 years, real wages for regular workers have increased by one-third, coinciding with the rise of the internet and digitization of the economy. As firms and households adopted digital technologies like computers, smartphones, and broadband, economic productivity rose, leading to higher wages. High information-intensity industries have grown rapidly, while low information-intensity industries have seen slower productivity growth. This trend underscores the need for increased digitization to drive wage growth. The bipartisan nature of internet development, exemplified by the Telecommunications Act of 1996, highlights its role as a free market success story. Despite political claims, the consistent rise in wages suggests that America's tech industry is a key driver of economic gains, benefiting sectors such as healthcare and tech-enabled jobs.

Roslyn Layton, "New book on American dream suggests wage increases correlated with internet adoption," American Enterprise Institute, March 6, 2020, https://www.aei.org/technology-and-innovation/new-book-on-american-dream-suggests-wage-increases-correlated-with-internet-adoption/

New book on American dream suggests wage increases correlated with internet adoption

My AEI colleague Michael Strain’s new book, “The American Dream Is Not Dead,” offers proof that hard work pays off in higher wages and upward mobility. Strain argues that the hourly wages of regular workers have increased by one-third in real terms from July 1990 to today, a conclusion he supports with significant data and an explanation of the multifaceted notion of the American dream. Acknowledging continued problems in the decline in many communities, startups, manufacturing, and with the opioid epidemic, Strain offers a timely antidote to the election-year rhetoric of the dead American dream, a rigged economy, and purported growing inequality.

The book is not about the internet, but the role of technological adoption seems unmistakable: The last 30 years of increasing real wages coincides with the takeoff of the internet and the digitization of the American economy. As firms and households adopted digital technology through the internet, computers, smartphones, and broadband services, economic productivity rose and wages increased, an explanation supported separately by theliteratureon productivity and wages. Notably, high information-intensity industries have grown quickly, whilelow information-intensity industries have experienced slow productivity growth. This suggests that if we want more and higher wages, we need more digitization, not less.

As for wage increases, it is difficult to credit for either political party, as both controlled the presidency and Congress at different times over the decades. The internet is colloquially described as a bipartisan, free market success story, and there is some truth to that. The Telecommunications Act of 1996 emerged from a Republican Congress and was signed by a Democrat president. The bill noted that the internet should be free and unfettered from federal and state control; it did not dictate how digital technologies should be bought and sold; who could use them or how they should be used or at what speed, quality, or price. Nor was this question delegated to any administrative agency.

If there was a political success, it was a victory of permissionless innovation over central planning. Given this, the bipartisan attacks on Big Tech and the purveyors of technology — the very source of the economic gains of the past 30 years — seem misplaced. Both Republicans and Democrats like to take credit for the economy’s success, but never for its failures. When looking at the consistent rise in wages for ordinary workers, it is difficult to square the notion that America’s robust tech industry is hurting the economy, competition, and innovation. Strain observes how technology benefits Americans through medical and safety advances, and the “new middle class” characterized by tech-enabled jobs such as sales representatives, social workers, counselors, health care workers, personal service workers, and computer support specialists.

The hallmark of AEI is the competition of ideas, and Strain’s assessment is more powerful as he invites critique. The book’s second thesis is that populism, the depiction of politics as a conflict of the people versus the elite, endangers the American dream, noting the policies from the left and right he finds damaging. To Strain’s credit, he invites and responds to critiques from E. J. Dionne and Henry Olsen who argue respectively for progressive and conservative populism. At the book event at AEI, Richard V. Reeves of the Brookings Institution warned of the “intellectual glamor” of pessimism and polemicism in an election year and the “danger of the overstating the problem to justify (radical) solutions,” calling the book “reasonable, modulated, and responsible.” Strain provides a potent reminder of the value of long-term data when election fever is at its highest.

“…Notably, high information-intensity industries have grown quickly, whilelow information-intensity industries have experienced slow productivity growth. This suggests that if we want more and higher wages, we need more digitization, not less….”

Ed Comment:links to brett sawnson and wages vs productivity

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Previous articleMarch 9, 2020Deirdre McCloskey on why Jeff Bezos and billionaires, even superbillionaires, should existBillionaires like Jeff Bezos are justified by their impact on market dynamics & innovation, as their wealth signals successful ventures that others should emulate.Next articleMarch 9, 2020Thomas Piketty Turns Marx on His Head@PaulKrugman expresses disappointment with Thomas Piketty’s new book, “Capital and Ideology,” noting its lack of focus despite its ambitious scope.
Showing 3 database articles primarily about Sector

Big Companies Have Never Dominated the SP 500 Like They Do Now

Justina Lee Bloomberg
Date Posted:
January 15, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The top 5 US companies now account for a record 18% of the S&P 500’s capitalization, surpassing levels seen during the tech bubble.

As the S&P 500 Index tests its record high, the top five publicly-traded American companies now account for a record 18% of the benchmark's capitalization, surpassing levels seen during the tech bubble. This concentration highlights a significant shift in market dynamics, with U.S. large-cap equities reaching near-decade highs compared to small caps. Additionally, firms with substantial overseas earnings are performing near their highest levels since April relative to domestic-focused peers. These trends underscore the increasing dominance of a few large firms in the U.S. equity market, raising questions about market concentration and its implications for competition and economic resilience.

Good Morgan Stanley Chart (Vis Bloomberg) implicit support forAutor/Dorn/Katz/Patterson/Van Reenen’s conclusion that,".... While the prediction that rising market toughness could generate an increase in concentration and the profit share may seem counterintuitive, the ambiguous relationship between concentration, profit shares, and the stringency of competition often arises in industrial organization...".

Justina Lee and Luke Kawa, "Big Companies Have Never Dominated the S&P 500 Like They Do Now," Bloomberg, January 13, 2020, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-01-13/big-companies-have-never-dominated-the-s-p-500-like-they-do-now

“…As the S&P 500 Index once again tests its record high, the top five publicly-traded American companies now make up a record 18% share of the benchmark’s capitalization -- higher than the tech bubble, Morgan Stanley said on Monday. U.S. large-cap equities have jumped to near the highest in more than 10 years against small capsin the early days of this new decade. Companies that make the most money overseas are near the highest since April versus domestic peers, Goldman Sachs baskets show….”

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U.S. Businesses Find Welcome Surprises in Tax Bill

Theo Francis Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
December 19, 2017
Is Database:
Database

US businesses welcome tax bill surprises, with corporate tax rate reduced to 21% and repatriation tax set at 15.5% for liquid assets & 8% for illiquid assets. @TheoFrancis @WSJ #US #TaxBill.

The recent U.S. tax bill has introduced significant changes in average effective tax rates across various sectors, providing unexpected benefits for businesses. The corporate tax rate was reduced to 21%, a point higher than initially proposed, yet still seen as favorable by many in the business community. The bill also eliminated the corporate alternative minimum tax, alleviating concerns about undermining tax incentives for research and development. Additionally, the repatriation tax on foreign profits was set at 15.5% for liquid assets and 8% for illiquid assets, higher than earlier proposals but still advantageous compared to the previous 35% rate. These changes, along with the preservation of key credits and the removal of a 20% excise tax on transactions with foreign affiliates, have been welcomed by businesses, which now face a more predictable and potentially lower tax burden. The transition to a territorial tax system further aligns U.S. tax policy with global norms, reducing incentives for profit shifting to low-tax jurisdictions.

Chart implicitly highlights tax difference btw domestic/international facing US businesses

Theo Francis, "U.S. Businesses Find Welcome Surprises in Tax Bill,"Wall Street Journal, December 19, 2017, https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-businesses-find-welcome-surprises-in-tax-bill-1513679402

That rule-writing process will offer industry opportunities to shape the final tax regime. “It’s not like now we’ve got a bill and it’s done,” Mr. Bradley said

Although the final bill is expected to pass the Senate and House with Republican support and reach President Donald Trump’s desk by the end of the year, lobbyists and corporate executives are unlikely to relax in 2018. By Mr. Bradley’s count, the bill includes some two dozen provisions requiring guidance from the Treasury and IRS.

Lawmakers trimmed the credit available under the Senate bill to drugmakers for developing “orphan” drugs, or medications affecting relatively few people, to 25% from 27.5%. The House bill would have eliminated the credit.

Life insurers no longer face an 8% surtax on taxable income, a provision included in the House bill.

Private-equity firms kept capital-gains treatment for “carried interest,” or their share of profits from portfolio investments, but only if the investment is held at least three years. Today, the treatment applies after a year.

The final legislation maintains a tax break for foreign income generated by patents or other intellectual property held in the U.S. But it drops a related tax break intended to encourage companies to transfer foreign-held intellectual property to the U.S.

Other notable changes:

One, dubbed the base-erosion and antiabuse tax, or BEAT, is triggered at large companies where at least 3% of their tax deductions stem from payments to foreign affiliates, down from a 4% threshold in the Senate bill. A House-bill provision disliked by many companies—a 20% excise tax on many transactions with foreign affiliates—was scrapped altogether.

Lobbyists and corporate tax executives are still working through changes to some of the bill’s most complex provisions, which attempt to limit efforts to shift corporate profits to low-tax foreign jurisdictions.

Lawmakers ultimately dropped another closely watched interest-deduction limit, which would have applied where a disproportionate amount of a company’s borrowing came in the U.S. The provision was designed to help prevent “earnings stripping,” or shifting profits to lower-tax jurisdictions.

That compromise could cause problems for some companies down the road, analysts say. Lawmakers could ultimately extend the more favorable calculation, but the provision as it stands creates uncertainty, said Height Securities LLC tax analyst Stefanie Miller. “Companies that are highly levered or companies that are not particularly financially stable, when this switches to EBIT it could be a problem,” she said.

The final bill uses the more generous House definition of income—for the first four years, then switches to the less generous Senate calculation in 2022. The difference isn’t trivial. The House provision was expected to raise $171 billion, barely half the $307 billion the Senate calculation would have yielded.

The final bill splits the difference between House and Senate proposals to limit the amount of business interest companies can deduct from their taxes each year. The Senate used a measure that roughly parallels earnings before interest and taxes, or EBIT, while the House also used a measure including depreciation and amortization, approximating Ebitda, for a higher income figure and therefore a more generous cap on the interest that would be deductible.

The one-time tax is meant to serve as a transition from the old “world-wide” system to a new “territorial” one in which foreign profits will generally not be taxed at all, with exceptions intended to discourage abuse of foreign tax havens. Its novelty and complexity is likely to foster further lobbying and potentially litigation.

Under existing tax law, companies have been taxed at the full 35% statutory corporate rate for foreign profits brought to the U.S., beyond what was paid to foreign tax authorities. Foreign profits indefinitely reinvested outside the U.S. went untaxed—leading S&P 500 companies to accumulate some $2.5 trillion in unremitted foreign earnings.

The final bill ratcheted up a one-time tax on accumulated foreign profits, or what is often called a repatriation tax. It is now 15.5% on liquid assets, such as cash and cash-equivalents, and 8% on illiquid assets, including factories and equipment, paid over eight years. That is up from 14% and 7% in the House bill, and well above the 8.75% and 3.5% originally proposed by Republican leaders.

“The level of gaming that would have occurred if you would have had a 35% rate in 2018 and a 21% rate in 2019, it would have been truly amazing,” said Steven Rosenthal, senior fellow at the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center think tank.

The rate takes effect on Jan. 1, a year sooner than proposed in the Senate bill. That promises firms an extra year of lower tax and avoids a delay that worried many tax experts.

Also welcome: the 21% corporate tax rate, despite being a percentage-point higher than either the House or Senate bill proposed. “That’s a home run, there’s no other way to look at it,” Mr. Bradley said.

Among the provisions that made business leaders happiest was one that went missing in the final bill: the corporate alternative minimum tax. Its survival in the Senate billprovoked widespread consternation, as business groups worried that it would undercut a variety of tax incentives, including one fostering research and development.

Late modifications to reconcile conflicting House and Senate provisions—and lobbying by companies and industries—resolved some key uncertainties in the legislation, and offered a few surprises as well.

“Overall, the business community is very pleased with the bill,” said Neil Bradley, chief policy officer at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. “If someone would have said 11 months ago, by the end of the year we’d able to produce a bill and get it to the president’s desk that does these things, skepticism would have been sky high.”

The final tax bill offers much of what large companies hoped to gain from the Republican overhaul: the billboard corporate rate was knocked down, cuts were accelerated and key credits were preserved.

U.S. Businesses Find Welcome Surprises in Tax Bill

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Whats Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?

Karl Russell New York Times
Date Posted:
September 3, 2017
Is Database:
Database

Since President Trump’s inauguration, job growth in industrial America has been influenced by several factors, including a trade-weighted dollar decline that benefits manufacturers and exporters.

Since President Trump's inauguration, job growth in industrial America has been influenced by several factors, including a trade-weighted dollar decline that benefits manufacturers and exporters. After losing over 100,000 jobs in 2016, manufacturing and mining employment is rebounding, though still below peak levels. Rising commodity prices, rather than policy shifts, have driven hiring in the mining sector, stabilizing oil industry employment and boosting activity in metals like gold and copper. The dollar's drop, partly due to stronger European and Asian economies and U.S. political gridlock, has made American goods cheaper abroad, aiding companies like Caterpillar. Despite lifting a federal hiring freeze, federal employment declined in 2017 due to proposed budget cuts, while state and local government hiring remained stable. These dynamics underscore the complex interplay between currency fluctuations, commodity prices, and policy decisions in shaping industrial job growth.

Karl Russell and Nelson Schwartz, "What’s Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?,"New York Times, September 1, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/09/01/business/economy/manufacturing-trump-jobs.html

What’s Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?

President Trump campaigned on reviving the kinds of jobs associated with the industrial age — work done in factories, coal mines and oil fields.

Mr. Trump has called for expanding drilling on federal lands, while loosening regulations to help manufacturers. And since he took office, hiring has indeed ticked upward in these sectors — but is there any connection?

After a tough 2016 that saw the loss of more than 100,000 jobs, employment in manufacturing and mining (which includes oil and gas drilling) is rebounding. Still, there is plenty of catching up to do — both sectors are well below peak employment levels in recent years.

Whats Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Mr. Trump has claimed credit for overall employment gains in recent months, but in the mining sector, the jump in hiring has had much more to do with rising commodity prices than any policy shift in Washington. After plunging in late 2014 and throughout 2015, energy prices have somewhat recovered. That has helped stabilize employment in the oil industry. Meanwhile, surging prices for metals like gold and copper are spurring activity in the mining sector.

Whats Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?: Extended Excerpt Image 2


In April, Mr. Trump lifted the hiring freeze he had imposed soon after taking office in January, but federal payrolls remain under pressure. The White House has proposed budget cuts at many federal agencies, and federal employment declined in 2017 compared with gains in past years. On the other hand, hiring has been stable on the state level while local governments have been adding workers.

Whats Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?: Extended Excerpt Image 3


As major exporters who are dependent on overseas customers for a big part of their sales, manufacturers often find themselves at the mercy of the dollar. When the dollar surged in 2016, American-made equipment was effectively more expensive for foreign buyers. This year’s drop, on the other hand, is a boon for manufacturers as well as for big American companies who draw a big portion of their sales from overseas, like Caterpillar and McDonald’s.

Whats Driving Job Growth in Industrial America?: Extended Excerpt Image 4


Why is the dollar down? Some of it has to do with the relative strength of other economies in Europe and Asia, which has the effect of drawing investment away from the United States. But political gridlock in Washington — and the fear that efforts to cut taxes or spend more on infrastructure will fail — has also cut expectations for future growth, and in turn pushed the dollar lower.

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