Edward Conard

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  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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The pollsters Waterloo

Karlyn Bowman Forbes
Date Posted:
December 9, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Pew finds 93% of national polls in 2020 overstated Democratic candidates’ support, a trend also seen in 2016 with 88% of polls. @KarlynBowman

Pew finds 93% of national polls in 2020 overstated Democratic candidates’ support, a trend also seen in 2016 with 88%...
A Pew Research Center analysis revealed that 93% of national polls in 2020 overstated Democratic candidates' support, a trend also seen in 2016 with 88% of polls. This persistent overestimation highlights significant polling errors, marking the highest in 40 years for the national popular vote and at least 20 years for state-level estimates. The American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) identified consistent errors favoring Biden over Trump across various survey modes. Potential explanations include nonresponse bias, where Trump's strongest supporters may have opted out of participating, skewing results. Despite efforts to address these issues, the root causes remain uncertain, underscoring the need for continued scrutiny and improvement in polling methodologies to ensure accurate reflections of voter sentiment.

“…Ladd made one criticism that will have a familiar ring today: “In recent years, election polls have frequently overestimated the Democratic share of the vote. Since the 1980s, exit pollsters have tended to overstate Democratic candidates’ strengths.” “Frequently” may have been too strong, but the problem was and is significant. A Pew Research Center analysis of 2020 polls conducted after September 15, 2020, found that “93 percent of national polls overstated the Democratic candidate’s support among voters.” Eighty-eight percent of polls did so in 2016….”

Karlyn Bowman, "The pollsters’ Waterloo,"Forbes, November 18, 2021, https://www.aei.org/articles/the-pollsters-waterloo/

The pollsters’ Waterloo

Twenty-five years ago today, The Wall Street Journal excerpted an article written by the political scientist Everett Carll Ladd with the title, “The Pollsters’ Waterloo.” Ladd didn’t pull any punches. “Election polling,” he said, “had a terrible year in 1996. The entire enterprise should be reviewed...” The reaction to the article from some pollsters was swift and severe. Some clearly saw his criticisms as a threat to their livelihood, while others said his description of final poll results on which he based his criticism was erroneous. A quarter century later, however, the pollsters are thriving, but the criticisms Ladd raised continue to cast a shadow over their work.

Ladd made one criticism that will have a familiar ring today: “In recent years, election polls have frequently overestimated the Democratic share of the vote. Since the 1980s, exit pollsters have tended to overstate Democratic candidates’ strengths.” “Frequently” may have been too strong, but the problem was and is significant. A Pew Research Center analysis of 2020 polls conducted after September 15, 2020, found that “93 percent of national polls overstated the Democratic candidate’s support among voters.” Eighty-eight percent of polls did so in 2016.

Ladd urged the pollsters to convene a blue-ribbon commission like their predecessors did after the polling debacle in the 1948 election. After all, as the late Andrew Kohut, one of the giants in the field who was a principal at both Gallup and Pew said, the survey business should not be judged solely on the performance of election polls, but these polls are the “most visible expression of the validity of the survey research method.” In both 2016 and 2020, under the auspices of the American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR), a distinguished group of practitioners and academics reviewed publicly available national and state-level results. The big takeaway from the new report: the polling error in 2020 “was the highest in 40 years for the national popular vote and the highest in at least 20 years for state-level estimates of the vote in presidential, senatorial, and gubernatorial contests.” The polling error that favored Biden over Trump was consistent across different survey modes.

In 1948, the reviewers concluded that the pollsters stopped conducting their polls too early, and that voters made up their minds late in that campaign. In 2016, the AAPOR task force pointed to several factors: a large number of late deciders who broke disproportionately for Donald Trump and incorrect weighting for voter education levels in many key states. The 2020 report ruled out those factors and a number of others.

The 2020 task force could not say with certainty given available data why polls overstated the Democratic margin. But they advanced a number of possible explanations. One is that Trump’s strongest supporters simply chose not to respond to pollsters, while those who did voted more Democratic, thereby skewing results. They speculated that nonresponse could have contributed, as could weighting measures and a large infusion of new voters.

If it is a key explanation, the nonresponse problem may be specific to Trump. His criticisms were harsh, but they certainly weren’t new. Others have tried to undermine the poll participation as well. In 1984, the popular Chicago Tribune columnist Mike Royko urged his readers to join him in what he called a “noble pursuit,” to “lie” to the pollsters in the Illinois primary that year. And after the 2000 election, a blue-ribbon panel, with honorary cochairs Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, “strongly encourage citizens not to participate in exit polling.”

Ladd lodged other criticisms as well: he believed the sheer volume of pre-election polling activity and relentless media coverage of the horse race distorted elections. As a friendly critic, I would add other criticisms. With the possible exceptions of Gallup and Pew, pollsters incessant chasing of headlines and focus on polarization has caused them to abandon many old questions that gave us a fuller sense of who we are. They have given short shrift to ordinary life in favor of politics, politics, politics and the negativity it conveys. Pollsters shouldn’t abandon political coverage. It is essential. But other subjects should be given their due.

Ladd was a long-time friend and mentor. Despite his criticism, it was always clear to me that he wanted the survey business, which he loved and thought vital to our understanding of America and democracy, to perform better. He would no doubt appreciate the impressive efforts of the 2016 and 2020 task forces. He would applaud the extraordinary work pollsters have done on COVID. But he would be saddened that there is neither a clear answer to a problem he identified a quarter century ago, nor an obvious way to fix it, nor an effort to provide a fuller picture of American life.

  • Politics
Previous articleDecember 8, 2021Local Economic and Political Effects of Trade Deals: Evidence from NAFTANAFTA led to large job losses in historically Democratic low-income US counties, driving a political shift as impact counties swung GOP, driven by white men & non-college whites.Next articleDecember 21, 2021Why supply-chain snarls still entangle the worldValue of merchandise goods exported from China to the US was up 20% two years/year in fall 2021, driven by heightened demand from American consumers.
Showing 187 database articles primarily about Politics

Who Sees Themselves as Working Class?

AI Summary. 60% of U.S. adults identify as working class, including half of college graduates and upper-income earners, making the label broadly adopted across economic lines rather than confined to lower-income or blue-collar workers.

Steven Shepard, Hannah Hartig, Andy Cerda and Jocelyn Kiley Pew Research Center
Date Posted:
September 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database

60% of Americans say “working class” describes them “extremely” or “very” well. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to identify as working class – strikingly 61% of Republicans who have a family income of at least $155,600 identify as working class, compared to 38% of such Democrats.

Does working class identity reflect actual economic status or cultural values?

Core argument: Sixty percent of U.S. adults identify as working class, a label adopted across income and education lines — including half of upper-income Americans and half of bachelor’s degree holders — signaling the term has lost its traditional socioeconomic boundaries.

Most Americans think of themselves as “working class” today: Overall, 60% of U.S. adults say the term describes them well. And the identity is widely adopted by people across all income and educational groups – including half of both Americans who have a bachelor’s degree and those who are upper-income. Those working in blue-collar occupations are particularly likely to identify as working class (77%), [as are] a majority of those working in other occupations (61%). White adults are more likely than Black adults to identify as working class. About six-in-ten White (62%) and Hispanic adults (59%) overall view themselves as working class, as do roughly half of Black (54%) and Asian adults (52%).

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Sixty percent of U.S. adults identify as working class, a label adopted across income and education lines — including half of upper-income Americans and half of bachelor’s degree holders — signaling the term has lost its traditional socioeconomic boundaries.
  2. Blue-collar workers identify as working class at the highest rate (77%), yet a majority of workers in other occupations (61%) claim the same identity, indicating occupational type is a weak predictor of class self-perception.
  3. White adults identify as working class at a higher rate (62%) than Black (54%) or Asian adults (52%), with Hispanic adults (59%) closely tracking the White share.

Related Articles:

  • America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade — American confidence in capitalism has fallen from 60% to under 50% over the last decade, while only 12% believe democracy is working well and just 35% believe the economy offers a fair path to prosperity.
  • Political Representation Gaps and Populism — Surveys in 27 European countries show that MPs’ policy views generally match those of their voters on economic issues, but are systematically to the left on…
  • The DSA Sweet Spot: Highly Educated, Downwardly Mobile — Silver finds that the most liberal voters are highly educated and lower-income. Only 19% of Americans with a college degree had a household income of $60,000…
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The Rise of Anger: Emotions and Policy Views

Eva Davoine, Stefanie Stantcheva, Thomas Renault and Yann Algan Harvard University
Date Posted:
August 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Davoine, et al. show that angry policy-related tweets among voters rose from 34% to 46% over 2013–2025. Angry posts got ~60% more retweets, and experiments that induced anger showed it can move views on trade, immigration, redistribution and climate.

Figure 6 illustrates the monthly evolution of anger among Democratic- and Republican-affiliated X [Twitter] users. Each line reports the share of sentences classified as expressing anger within each political affiliation, and the plotted series are shown as six-month moving averages. It shows that Republican voters start with a higher baseline level of anger at the beginning of the period (about 38% compared to 27% for Democrats). Anger rises sharply for both groups after the 2016 election, but much more among Democrats. As a result, the initial partisan gap is much smaller by 2019. Both series then plateau from 2019 to 2022. Among Democratic partisans, anger declines slightly after Biden’s election but remains well above pre-2016 levels. Republican anger continues to rise during the Biden presidency, reaching approximately 50% by 2025.

Related Articles:

  • Zero-Sum Thinking and the Roots of US Political Differences — Surveying a large US sample, Chinoy et al built an index of “zero-sum thinking” using four questions as to whether one group’s gains come at others’ expense…
  • Life Under Two: Debt, Deficits, and the AI Discontinuity — Paul Kedrosky argues the American economy is undergoing a fundamental shift from > 3% mean annual real GDP growth to “life under two,” or below…
  • The DSA Sweet Spot: Highly Educated, Downwardly Mobile — Silver finds that the most liberal voters are highly educated and lower-income. Only 19% of Americans with a college degree had a household income of $60,000…
  • Politics

The DSA Sweet Spot: Highly Educated, Downwardly Mobile

Nate Silver Silver Bulletin
Date Posted:
July 22, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Silver finds that the most liberal voters are highly educated and lower-income. Only 19% of Americans with a college degree had a household income of $60,000 or less, but responders to a DSA survey were ~ twice as likely to fall into that category.

The US voters most likely to identify as “very liberal” are those with postgraduate degrees but lower-to-middle household incomes of $30K to $60K per year. This is very much also the sweet spot for the DSA. In the DSA’s most recent member survey in 2021, 80% of members aged 25 or older had bachelor’s degrees, but 45% had household incomes below $60,000 per year. This is unusual because education and income are usually substantially positively correlated. In the composite CES data, only 19% of Americans with bachelor’s degrees or higher had household incomes of $60K or below, while respondents to the most recent DSA survey [were twice as likely to fall into this category].

Related Articles:

  • America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade — American confidence in capitalism has fallen from 60% to under 50% over the last decade, while only 12% believe democracy is working well and just 35% believe the economy offers a fair path to prosperity.
  • Zero-Sum Thinking and the Roots of US Political Differences — Surveying a large US sample, Chinoy et al built an index of “zero-sum thinking” using four questions as to whether one group’s gains come at others’ expense…
  • Political Representation Gaps and Populism — Surveys in 27 European countries show that MPs’ policy views generally match those of their voters on economic issues, but are systematically to the left on…
  • Politics

America’s Support for Capitalism Has Declined Over Last Decade

AI Summary. American confidence in capitalism has fallen from 60% to under 50% over the last decade, while only 12% believe democracy is working well and just 35% believe the economy offers a fair path to prosperity.

Aaron Zitner Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
July 9, 2026
Is Database:
Database

A new WSJ poll finds only 35% of Americans think the assertion that “if you work hard, you’ll get ahead” still holds. Only 42% of respondents aged 18–34 think capitalism is working very or somewhat well, relative to 56% of those 65 or older.

Is capitalism losing support among Americans?

Core argument: Capitalism approval fell 10 pts to 50% over the past decade, driving erosion in confidence across core American institutions.

Americans are losing confidence in two main pillars of society: capitalism and democracy. Just under half of Americans say capitalism is working very well or even somewhat well, down from 60% who said so about a decade ago, according to a new Wall Street Journal-NORC survey. Only 35% are even fairly sure that the nation offers people the ability to get good jobs and achieve the American dream. Confidence in the nation’s system of government is even lower. Only 12% say democracy is working very well or extremely well, and a mere 16% say average citizens have considerable influence on politics. Two-thirds of Republicans said they were very proud of American history, three times the share of Democrats who said so. And Republicans in the survey stood apart in their belief in American exceptionalism, the long-held idea that the U.S. is unique or superior among nations. Nearly half of Republicans said that America stands above all other countries in the world, compared with only 8% of Democrats and 13% of independents.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Capitalism approval fell 10 pts to 50% over the past decade, driving erosion in confidence across core American institutions.
  2. Only 35% believe the U.S. offers pathways to good jobs and economic mobility, down from prior confidence levels, leading to.
  3. Republicans express 3x greater pride in American history than Democrats (67% vs. 22%), with 48% of Republicans believing America surpasses.

Related Articles:

  • Life Under Two: Debt, Deficits, and the AI Discontinuity — Paul Kedrosky argues the American economy is undergoing a fundamental shift from > 3% mean annual real GDP growth to “life under two,” or below…
  • Zero-Sum Thinking and the Roots of US Political Differences — Surveying a large US sample, Chinoy et al built an index of “zero-sum thinking” using four questions as to whether one group’s gains come at others’ expense…
  • Political Representation Gaps and Populism — Surveys in 27 European countries show that MPs’ policy views generally match those of their voters on economic issues, but are systematically to the left on…
  • Politics

America Used To Be Exceptionally Patriotic. Now We're Below Average

AI Summary. American patriotism, measured by those "extremely proud" to be American, tracks closely with which party controls the presidency, with partisan gaps widening sharply over time. Republican pride swings ~14 points between administrations, while Democratic pride has collapsed from 58% to 14% across the same period.

Eli McKown-Dawson and Nate Silver Silver Bulletin
Date Posted:
July 8, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Gallup finds only 17% of Democrats are “extremely proud” to be an American, versus 30% of independents and 74% of Republicans – notable declines from 2005–2009, when 58% of Democrats/independents and 79% of Republicans were “extremely proud” to be an American.

Is American patriotism becoming a partisan identity rather than national sentiment?

Core argument: Democratic extreme pride fell 75% from 58% (2004–2008) to 14%, driving a 44-pt partisan gap vs. Republicans’ 74%, the widest.

During George W. Bush’s second term, an average of 58% of Democrats were extremely proud to be American according to Gallup, as was an identical share of independents — though Republicans were higher. The rough parity between Democrats and independents lasted through Barack Obama’s second term, but the share of extremely proud Democrats fell to an average of 30% during Trump’s first term and was just 14% in the most recent Gallup poll. Although Republicans are generally more patriotic, their opinions can shift based on who occupies 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue too. The share of Republicans extremely proud to be American fell from 79% on average during Bush’s second term to 60% during Biden’s term. What happened after Trump retook office? It jumped right back up to 74%.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Democratic extreme pride fell 75% from 58% (2004–2008) to 14%, driving a 44-pt partisan gap vs. Republicans’ 74%, the widest.
  2. Republican extreme pride dropped 24 pts from 79% under Bush to 60% under Biden, then rebounded 14 pts to 74%.
  3. Independents’ extreme pride collapsed from 58% parity with Democrats in 2008 to unmeasured levels, indicating depolarization of patriotic expression across.

Related Articles:

  • Zero-Sum Thinking and the Roots of US Political Differences — Surveying a large US sample, Chinoy et al built an index of “zero-sum thinking” using four questions as to whether one group’s gains come at others’ expense…
  • A Note on Factors Influencing Trust in Government — A Pew study finds that only 15% of Americans trust the Federal government to do what is right “most of the time,” down from ~75% in 1960. A secular drop…
  • Life Under Two: Debt, Deficits, and the AI Discontinuity — Paul Kedrosky argues the American economy is undergoing a fundamental shift from > 3% mean annual real GDP growth to “life under two,” or below…
  • Politics

Texas Is Becoming America Inc’s Centre Of Gravity

AI Summary. Texas leads all U.S. states in business investment and population growth, creating roughly 20% of net new jobs nationally from 2020 to 2025, and is on track to surpass California as the largest U.S. economy.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
June 2, 2026
Is Database:
Database

According to CBRE, at least 184 American firms, including Tesla and Caterpillar, moved their headquarters to Austin, Dallas or Houston btw 2020 and 2025. During that period, Texas drove ~20% of all net job creation in the US.

Is Texas replacing California as America's economic powerhouse?

Core argument: Texas created ~20% of all net new U.S. jobs from 2020–2025, driving its emergence as the nation’s primary business investment.

On May 27th the shareholders of ExxonMobil approved a plan to cut its ties with New Jersey and reincorporate in Texas, where it has long had its headquarters. The oil giant is not alone. Texas is steadily establishing itself as America Inc’s new centre of gravity. No state receives more business investment or is adding more people to its population. From 2020 to 2025 it created roughly a fifth of all net new jobs in the country. It is only a matter of time before Texas overtakes California as the largest economy in America. Texas’s success should worry those in New York and California monitoring their tax take. At the same time it has spawned a raft of imitators. Legislators in North Carolina have passed a plan to get rid of its corporate-income tax by 2030. Tennessee has copied Texas’s strategy of offering firms shovel-ready mega-sites. Nevada is trying to launch its own business court.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Texas created ~20% of all net new U.S. jobs from 2020–2025, driving its emergence as the nation’s primary business investment.
  2. ExxonMobil’s reincorporation in Texas signals a broader corporate migration that leads to revenue losses for high-tax states like California and.
  3. Texas’s economic dominance positions it to surpass California’s GDP, prompting competitive tax and regulatory reforms across North Carolina, Tennessee, and.

Related Articles:

  • Where Americans Choose to Move and Where They Leave — Btw 2020 and 2024, 3.7% of California’s 2020 population moved out of state. The population of the “Texas Triangle” – the Dallas…
  • Fifty Shades of Growth — Looking at natural population growth @AzizSunderji finds that all five metros with the highest natural population growth, births net deaths, in the entire…
  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — Since January 2020, private sector real hourly earnings have fallen 9% in New York City, while increasing 3% nationally, as large firms based in NYC move jobs…
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    • Growth
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