Edward Conard

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  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
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Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century

Adrien Auclert National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
August 17, 2021
Is Database:
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No “Great Demographic Reversal”: population aging will likely continue to push down r through 2100.

The aging population is projected to continue exerting downward pressure on the real interest rate (r) through 2100, refuting the "great demographic reversal" hypothesis. As the global population over 50 years of age rises from 25% to 40% by century's end, the aggregate savings rate will decline, leading to lower r and increased capital intensity. Our central scenario predicts a 123 basis point drop in r, alongside a 10% rise in wealth-to-GDP ratios. This demographic shift will also drive significant global imbalances, with India's net foreign asset position expected to reach 100% of GDP by 2100, while the US's position declines. The compositional effect of aging, which impacts wealth-to-GDP ratios by altering age distributions, is a key factor in these trends, highlighting the ongoing influence of demographics on macroeconomic outcomes.

Adrien Auclert, Hannes Malmberg, Frederic Martenet and Matthew Rognlie, "Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century," National Bureau Of Economic Research, August 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w29161

Note Appendix F squares findings with existing results, “…we show that our results are useful to understand existing findings in the literature. First, across papers that conduct a similar exercise, we trace results back to their inputs, and show why different assumptions about the compositional effect are a critical driver of the differences in general equilibrium outcomes. Second, within papers that consider the role of parameter changes, we show that our results are useful in explaining the functional form relationship between these parameters and general equilibrium outcomes. In the interest of space, we focus on the effect of demographic change on the total return r (sometimes referred to as the natural interest rate, or r∗, in the literature)…”

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Demographic change and savings rates

"...One key observation in this literature is that the savings rate is hump-shaped in age, so that as the population continues to age, the aggregate savings rate eventually declines. Observers have made various macroeconomic predictions based on this effect: that aging will raise interest rates...decrease standards of living by impairing capital accumulation....or exert inflationary pressure as the number of consumers increases relative to the number of producers (Goodhart and Pradhan 2020). These predictions are not borne out in our analysis. Instead, we find that aging unambiguously lowers the real interest rate, thereby increasing capital intensity and output. A lower real interest rate also implies less inflationary pressure in any standard model in which this pressure is captured by the natural interest rate..... Figure 9 shows the resulting projected savings rates until 2100. These are indeed negative in all countries. In panel A of figure 10, which represents steady-state equilibrium between savings and investment, we depict this effect as a leftward shift in the private savings curve. At first glance, this might seem to imply an increase in r, as represented by the hollow circle. But since demographic change lowers the population growth rate and therefore g, the other curve—representing net investment and public borrowing—also shifts left, and the overall effect is a decline in r.To understand this result, it is useful to compare to panel B, which depicts steady state equilibrium between asset demand and supply. Here, only the asset demand curve shifts—to the right—and the unambiguous implication is a decline in r. But the curves in panel A are identical to panel B, just both multiplied by g. Hence, although both curves in panel A shift left, the net investment curve shifts left by more, producing the same decline in r as in panel B. We conclude that the “flow” view of equilibrium in panel A is in principle just as valid as the “stock” view of equilibrium in panel B, but only if we remember the effect of g on net investment. Ignoring this effect in the context of demographic change, which can significantly push down long-run g, may give the wrong sign for the change in r..."
Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 3

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 4


The rate of return and wealth-to-GDP ratios

".. .Table 1 presents our results. The left-hand panel shows the changes in the rate of return, calculated using equation (13), while the right-hand panel shows the average change in log wealth-to-GDP in percent, calculated using equation (14). We find that the equilibrium return r unambiguously falls in response to demographic change, refuting the “great demographic reversal” hypothesis...In our central scenario, r falls 123 basis points by the end of the twenty-first century; the fall is larger when σ or η are small, since this limits the responsiveness of asset supply and demand to falling returns. For our central scenario, average wealth-to-GDP increases by 10%, or approximately 47 percentage points in levels as a share of GDP..."

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 5


Global imbalances

"...Next, we turn to the evolution of net foreign asset positions. Figure 6 shows the changes between 2016 and 2100 predicted by the formula in proposition 3. The bars display the main results, which feature a large divergence in NFA positions, with India and China experiencing increases of 44 to 125 percentage points and Germany experiencing a decrease of 55 percentage points.... Panel A of figure 7 implements this calculation. The solid lines show global imbalances until today for the five large economies discussed in the introduction, and the dashed lines show the projections from equation (25). In the next few decades, we expect to see a widening of existing global imbalances: China’s net foreign assets will rise substantially, while those of the US will decline. Although these trends flatten mid-century, the second half of the 21st century features a conspicuous rise in India’s net foreign assets, offset partly by a decline in Germany and Japan, whose demographic transitions at that point are nearly complete...."

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 6


Unpacking the compositional effect: the case of the United States

"...The main mechanisms are summarized in figure 4. The grey bars show the evolution of the population distribution, starting young in 1950 and growing progressively older over time. In the figure, this population evolution is superimposed with the 2016 profiles of assets and labor income, with panel A illustrating how demographic change pushes up assets by moving individuals into high asset ages, and panel B illustrating how demographic change first pushes up aggregate labor income as the baby boomers reach middle age—the so-called “demographic dividend” (Bloom et al., 2003)—and later pushes down aggregate labor income as more individuals reach old age...Figure 5 displays the evolution of ∆ comp,a t and ∆ comp,h t (multiplied by W0/Y0 to obtain level effects on wealth-to-GDP).24 Panel A shows that ∆ comp,a t monotonically pushes up the wealth-to-GDP ratio throughout the sample period. The trend flattens towards the end of the 21st century as aging becomes concentrated in very old ages where asset accumulation ceases. However, the trend never reverses, due to the well-known fact that asset decumulation in old age is very limited....For other countries, the logic behind ∆ comp is broadly similar to that for the United States..."
Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 7

The compositional effect of demographics

“…The results from this calculation are displayed in figure 2. Between 1950 to 2016, the compositional effect is positive in all countries, with an average increase of 80pp of GDP, and an increase of 105pp in the United States. These effects are quantitatively large. As a point of comparison, the actual changes in W/Y that occurred over this period were 220pp for the average country with available data in the WID, and 118pp for the US. Looking ahead from 2016 to 2100, the effects remain positive, are even larger on average, and are heterogeneous across countries, ranging from 48pp in Hungary to 237pp in China and 327pp in India, with a 147pp increase in the United States. In the high fertility scenario, the effect is reduced by a younger population: it is brought down to 75pp in China and to 142pp in the United States; in contrast, the low fertility scenario sees even sharper aging, and the effect swells to 245pp in the United States and 447pp in China. Figure 3 provides more detail on the heterogeneity across countries, with the solid bars displaying the predicted compositional change in W/Y to 2100 for the main population scenario. In principle, this cross-country heterogeneity could reflect either differences in demographic evolution or differences in the age profiles of assets and labor income. While both matter, the former is the main factor: countries with large effects are those whose demographic transitions are later and faster. The transparent bars in figure 3 illustrate this by showing similar cross-country heterogeneity in compositional effects if we counterfactually assume that all countries have the same asset and income profile as the United States...."

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 8

they note the impact of government debt can change this underlying dynamic, “…Although our baseline exercise holds government debt-to-GDP policy fixed, we show how rising government debt can mitigate or even undo the effect of demographic change on real interest rates, while increasing the effect on wealth-to-GDP…Since we have no direct way to predict the effect of demographics on long-run government debt targets, propositions 2 and 3 both assume a benchmark where each country keeps long-run debt-to-GDP constant. Appendix B.4 discusses alternative settings where debt-to-GDP changes in response to demographics. Two special cases stand out: when each country increases its debt-to-GDP target by the amount of its compositional effect, and when each country increases debt-to-GDP by the average world compositional effect. In the first case, there is no change in interest rates or net foreign assets, and each country’s wealth increases by exactly its compositional effect. In the second case, the same conclusions hold for interest rates and wealth, but net foreign assets in each country increase by the difference between its compositional effect and the global average, leaving the global imbalances predicted by proposition 3 intact….”

new Rognlie argues that Goodhart and Pradhan are wrong, there won't be a "great demographic reversal." He projects out the compositional effect of aging on the wealth-to-GDP ratio of 25 countries for the remainder of this century, bottom line"...According to our model, this will lead to capital deepening everywhere, falling real interest rates, and rising net foreign asset positions in India and China financed by declining asset positions in the United States. Our approach, based on stocks rather than flows, shows why there will be no great demographic reversal...."
"....we refute the great demographic reversal and show that, instead,demographics will continue to push strongly in the same direction, leading to falling rates of return and rising wealth-to-GDP ratios. We find that the key force is the compositional effect of an aging population: the direct impact of the changing age distribution on wealth-to GDP, holding the age profiles of assets and labor income fixed.In a baseline overlapping generations (OLG) model, this is a sufficient statistic for the actual change in wealth-to GDP for a small open economy. Further, for a world economy, the compositional effect— when aggregated across countries, and combined with elasticities of asset supply and demand that we obtain with other sufficient statistic formulas—fully pins down the general equilibrium effect on wealth-to-GDP, asset returns, and global imbalance..."

"...We measure the compositional effect by combining population forecasts with house-hold survey data from 25 countries over the period 2016-2100. We find that it is positive and large everywhere, but also heterogeneous, ranging from an increase in wealth-to GDP of 48pp in Hungary to 327pp in India. Since the average effect is positive and large, our model shows that there will be no great demographic reversal:through the twenty first century, population aging will continue to push down global rates of return, with our central estimate being -123bp, and push up global wealth-to-GDP, with our central estimate being a 10% increase, or 47pp in levels.Since the effect is heterogeneous across countries, our model predicts that demographics will also generate large global imbalances. For instance, we find that India’s net foreign asset position will steadily grow until it reaches 100% of GDP in 2100, while the United States’s net foreign asset position will decline to absorb this demand for assets...."

".. The average share of the population above 50 years of age has increased from 15% to 25% since the 1950s, and it is expected to rise further to 40% by the end of the twenty-first century(Figure 1, Panel A). There is a widespread view that this aging process has been an important driver of three key macroeconomic trends to date. According to this view, an aging population saves more, helping to explain why wealth-to-GDP ratios have risen and average rates of return have fallen (Figure 1, Panels B and C).1 Insofar as this mechanism is heterogeneous across countries, it can further explain the rise of global imbalances..."

Ben Comment:These authors think that demographic shifts are likely to increase global savings and lead to even lower interest rates globally going forward. This paper assumes work and savings behavior for a given age will stay the same through time (a 55 year old today will act the same way as a 55 year old in 2100). This paper differs from others in the literature in that it assumes older people will continue to save while most other papers assume the aggregate savings rate will go down as people age out of their working years and age into their retirement (pg 39). The effect is best seen in Figure 10, attached. Importantly, these authors’ model predicts left shifts in both supply and demand for assets so it unambiguously lowers the interest rate. Other others have focused on the shift in the demand curve (aging populations save less) but not in the supply curve (aging populations have few people to work and produce assets).

  • Inflation
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Growth
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Workforce
    • Demographics
Previous articleAugust 16, 2021U.S. energy intensity has dropped by half since 1983, varying greatly by stateU.S. energy intensity has dropped by half since 1983, reaching a low of 5.05 thousand Btu per chained 2012 dollar in 2020, down 4% from 2019. Energy intensity varies significantly by state, with LA, WY, WV exhibiting higher energy intensity.Next articleAugust 18, 2021Millennials’ High-Earning Years Are Here, but It Doesn’t Feel That WayMillennials are entering their high-earning years, but financial milestones are overshadowed by economic challenges. Median weekly earnings increase 22% from 25-34 to 35-44 age bracket, but debt-to-income ratios are higher, delaying homeownership & family formation.
Showing 111 database articles primarily about Inflation

Choking Iran's Economy Is the Least Bad Way to End the War

AI Summary. Iran's economy is contracting at its fastest rate in roughly 40 years, with inflation above 50%, food costs doubling year-over-year, and the national currency near worthless.

Javier Blas Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Inflation in Iran is running at at least ~69%, its highest annual rate in 70 years. The black market exchange value of a rial hit a record low of ~1.85mm rials to the dollar, relative to 50,000 per dollar five years ago.

Is economic collapse the only path to ending the conflict?

Core argument: Iran’s inflation rate exceeds 50% annually — the highest in nearly 70 years of records — while food and essential goods costs have doubled year over year, severely compressing household purchasing power across the economy.

[Iran's] economy is on track to suffer the biggest annual contraction since the nadir of the Iran-Iraq War in the mid-1980s. Inflation is running well above 50%, the highest annual rate since records start nearly 70 years ago. Worse, the cost of food and other necessities has already doubled from a year ago. Its currency, the rial, is worthless. In the black market, the exchange rate has collapsed to a record low of about 1.85 million rials to the dollar; five years ago, roughly 50,000 rials were enough to buy a greenback.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Iran’s inflation rate exceeds 50% annually — the highest in nearly 70 years of records — while food and essential goods costs have doubled year over year, severely compressing household purchasing power across the economy.
  2. Iran’s GDP is on track for its steepest annual contraction since the mid-1980s Iran-Iraq War nadir, a deterioration that surpasses every recessionary episode across four intervening decades.

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  • For the Oil Market, the Strait of Hormuz Isn’t Closed — At least 5m barrels of oil per day continue to transit the Strait of Hormuz, with the true volume likely higher as growing oil spills from tanker attacks indicate ongoing vessel traffic despite efforts to close the waterway.
  • U.S. Economy Less Vulnerable To Geopolitical Oil Price Shocks Than In The Past — Kilian, et al find that the impact of an energy shock on US real GDP growth has fallen to 1/20th of what it would have been in 1980, due both to the declining…
  • Inflation
  • Energy
  • GDP
  • Politics
  • Security

A Return To Monetarism?

AI Summary. Excessive money growth reliably signals inflationary pressure regardless of whether its source is monetary or fiscal policy, because any fiscal expansion that increases money supply is captured in price-gap models tracking monetary aggregates.

Peter Ireland, Stephen Miran and Nouriel Roubini Hudson Bay Capital
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Ireland, Miran, and Roubini compare the actual price level to the predictions of an equilibrium model relating prices to money supply. Predicted inflation hit a 60-year high in 2020–21, months before inflation surged and then crashed once the Fed hiked.

Does excess money growth always predict inflation regardless of its source?

The graphs in Figure 3 show quite clearly how the surge in money growth starting in 2020 and continuing in 2021 put enormous upward pressure on inflation, to a degree unprecedented in the post-1967 sample period. And while the large and negative price gaps that followed in 2022 and 2023 are likewise indicative of strong disinflationary pressures applied through subsequent monetary tightening, one can’t see these graphs without asking: Had Federal Open Market Committee members been monitoring measures of money growth with the help of the P-star [price target based on monetary aggregates] model, might they have ended QE and raised interest rates sooner and more quickly, thereby avoiding at least some of the post-2020 inflation? Of course, massive fiscal expansion was another driver of the post-2020 surge in inflation, as suggested by fiscal theories of the price level. The model simply observes that regardless of its originating source, excessive money growth signals that inappropriate macroeconomic policies are fueling higher inflation. Fiscal expansions that expand money supply will be reflected in a P-star model.

Related Articles:

  • Money and Inflation — Jesper Rangvid argues that monetarist theory would have predicted deflation from the recent contraction in the M2 money supply. Continuing inflation leaves him…
  • State Dependence of Monetary Policy During Global Supply Chain Disruptions — Bai, et al present evidence that btw 2017 and 2023, monetary tightening reduced US inflation relatively more than output during periods of global supply chain…
  • What Next for r*? A Capital Market Equilibrium Perspective On The Natural Rate of Interest — In a base model, steady state r* is still ~0, suggesting that “secular stagnation” may not be a thing of the past. AI expansion and inflation risk could each…
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy

Home Alone: Inflation And The New Fed Chair

AI Summary. Current inflation conditions — including labor market tightness, price pressures, supply chain stress, and the output gap — align more closely with historical conditions that prompted the Federal Reserve to raise rates than to cut them. Averaging multiple monetary policy benchmarks points to an optimal interest rate range of 4.00%–4.85%

Michael Cembalest J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
May 27, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Cembalest notes labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector and the implied output gap are “much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them.”

Does current inflation warrant higher rates than the Fed currently plans?

Core argument: Monetary policy rules average a 4.00–4.85% Fed Funds range vs. the current 3.50–3.75%, indicating tightening bias drives futures pricing toward.

Inflation indicators the Fed watches include labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector, supply chain tightness and the “output gap” which measures how far actual growth is above/below potential growth. [The two] charts plot these four variables at the time of prior Fed decisions to increase or cut policy rates; green dots indicate when the Fed cut, red dots indicate when the Fed tightened and yellow circles show today’s values. In other words: current values are much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them. That may be why the futures curve is now pricing in Fed hikes instead of the cuts that were priced in at the start of the year. Superwonky: averaging several different monetary rules of thumb (Taylor rules, inertial, alternative r*, forward-looking) yields a Fed Funds range of 4.00% - 4.85% compared to the current range of 3.50% - 3.75%.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Monetary policy rules average a 4.00–4.85% Fed Funds range vs. the current 3.50–3.75%, indicating tightening bias drives futures pricing toward.
  2. Labor market tightness, manufacturing price pressures, supply chain constraints, and positive output gaps align with historical rate-increase conditions, leading markets.

Related Articles:

  • US Consumer Sentiment Slides to Record Low on Price Concerns — US consumer sentiment has fallen to a record low, driven by rising price expectations of 4.8% over the next year and 3.9% over the long term.
  • The Dangerous Brew That’s Rattling Bond Markets — Government borrowing across major economies has reached unprecedented peacetime levels, with U.S. deficits averaging 6.2% of GDP from 2023–2026 versus 4.1% in the early 2000s. Since 2020, economic shocks have consistently pushed inflation higher rather than lower, forcing long-term interest rates up and adding an estimated $
  • Are Government Bonds Safe in Times of War and Pandemic? — US government bonds, normally safe assets, become risky in times of war because of negative real returns due to bursts of inflation. As in the fiscal theory of…
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy

US Consumer Sentiment Slides to Record Low on Price Concerns

AI Summary. US consumer sentiment has fallen to a record low, driven by rising price expectations of 4.8% over the next year and 3.9% over the long term.

María Paula Mijares Torres Bloomberg
Date Posted:
May 26, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The Michigan Consumer Sentiment Index hit a record low in May, falling ~10% month over month. Consumers foresee prices advancing 4.8% over the next year. Inflation and high gas prices have long been major causes of sentiment drops.

Are rising price expectations undermining consumer confidence?

Core argument: Michigan consumer sentiment fell 5 pts to 44.8, undershooting all economist forecasts, driving heightened recession risk perceptions.

The University of Michigan’s final May sentiment index decreased 5 points to 44.8 from April. The gauge was weaker than all projections in a Bloomberg survey of economists as well as the preliminary reading of 48.2. Consumers expect prices to rise an annualized 3.9% over the next five to 10 years, up from 3.5% in April and the highest in seven months. They also saw costs advancing 4.8% over the next year.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Michigan consumer sentiment fell 5 pts to 44.8, undershooting all economist forecasts, driving heightened recession risk perceptions.
  2. Five-to-10-year inflation expectations surged to 3.9% from 3.5% month-over-month, the highest in seven months, leading to eroded purchasing power confidence.
  3. One-year price expectations of 4.8% vs. 3.9% long-term forecasts signal consumers expect near-term cost acceleration to outpace eventual moderation.

Related Articles:

  • The Cost of Money is Part of the Cost of Living: New Evidence on the Consumer Sentiment Anomaly — US consumer sentiment is significantly lower than expected based on unemployment and inflation. Alternative measures of inflation that include borrowing costs…
  • The Dangerous Brew That’s Rattling Bond Markets — Government borrowing across major economies has reached unprecedented peacetime levels, with U.S. deficits averaging 6.2% of GDP from 2023–2026 versus 4.1% in the early 2000s. Since 2020, economic shocks have consistently pushed inflation higher rather than lower, forcing long-term interest rates up and adding an estimated $
  • $50 Trillion Safe-Haven Debt Market Upended by Iran War Inflation — The $50tn market for Group of Seven sovereign bonds is under pressure as investors price in persistent inflation, driving long-term yields to their highest level in two decades. Rising government debt and unresolved post-pandemic price pressures are compounding the risk, forcing expectations of higher interest rates to contain inflation.
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Politics

Where Did All the Affordable Cars Go?

AI Summary. The average new car costs ~$50,000, with sub-$20,000 options nearly extinct, while repair costs have risen 15%, making car ownership unaffordable for budget consumers. Removing import barriers on lower-cost foreign vehicles would expand access, as comparable Chinese models sell for ~$20,000 less than U.S. equivalents while offering superior performance

Clifford Winston New York Times
Date Posted:
April 15, 2026
Is Database:
Database

In 2012, there were ~12 new cars available for around $25,000 in real terms in the US. Today, there are only 4 new cars available at that price point. Clifford Winston notes allowing Chinese imports would likely increase that number to 11.

How Can Lower-Cost Foreign Vehicles Improve Car Affordability?

Core argument: Average new car prices reached $50,000, up from sub-$20,000 availability a decade ago, driving affordability crisis for budget consumers.

The average transaction price for a new car now sits around $50,000. In December, it became just about impossible to find one for less than $20,000. For anyone on a budget, an aging car is a trap. Auto repair costs jumped 15% in the last year alone, driven by the complexity of modern sensors and labor shortages. An average trip to the mechanic now costs roughly $840. To fix the problem, policymakers must overturn what has been for decades the third rail in American politics. It is time to stop coddling Detroit automakers [and open] the American market to cars made in China and elsewhere. Chinese cars aren’t just cheaper than the American alternatives. They’re often better. Take BYD’s slightly more upscale Seal sedan. It’s similar to Tesla’s Model 3, introduced nine years ago. But the Seal costs roughly $20,000 less than the Model 3. The Seal’s premium model offers substantially more horsepower, and its battery not only lasts longer, it can also be 80% charged in just 37 minutes. The Seal isn’t just a budget alternative; it is a more advanced machine.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Average new car prices reached $50,000, up from sub-$20,000 availability a decade ago, driving affordability crisis for budget consumers.
  2. Auto repair costs jumped 15% annually to $840 per visit, as sensor complexity and labor shortages result in escalating ownership.

Related Articles:

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  • Inflation
  • China
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
    • Trade (not deficits)
  • Politics

Inflation Is Down, But Americans Still Feel an Affordability Squeeze

Mark Niquette, Jennah Haque and Jade Khatib Bloomberg
Date Posted:
February 19, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

The US price level has risen 26% since January 2020, leaving Americans’ average weekly real wages up only 3.7% over five years.

The average American’s weekly pay has risen 31% over the past six years. That’s faster than prices across that period, so Americans in the aggregate aren’t losing ground — but inflation wiped out most of their income gains. For low earners, who saw the fastest wage growth after the pandemic, the last year or so has been tougher and they’re now lagging behind. [Grocery] prices are up about 30% since January 2020, about in line with average wage growth. But Americans had gotten used to paying roughly the same at the supermarket each week in the pre-pandemic years. Lately, they’ve been forced to stomach a bigger bill with almost every visit. A double-punch has pushed homeownership out of reach for many Americans: First the pandemic-era surge in prices, and then a steep run-up in mortgage rates. A young married couple now needs 70% of their annual household income to afford the average down payment, according to Goldman Sachs economist Elsie Peng, up from 58% in 2019 and 45% in 2000. [Further], the average principal and interest payment has doubled since early 2020, according to the National Association of Realtors. Employee premiums for family health insurance have risen 23% in the past five years to almost $6,900 on average. And more than 20 million people who rely on Affordable Care Act plans face a hike in their premiums after Congress let Covid-era subsidies expire.

Related Articles:

  • The Cost of Money is Part of the Cost of Living: New Evidence on the Consumer Sentiment Anomaly — US consumer sentiment is significantly lower than expected based on unemployment and inflation. Alternative measures of inflation that include borrowing costs…
  • Why Do We Dislike Inflation? — New survey research shows that people dislike inflation because they believe that it is associated with declining real wages and falling living standards…
  • A Mystery in Fixed Income — U.S. 10-year yields are higher today than at the start of the Fed’s cutting cycle in September 2024. Sløk notes that the “pattern of rising long-term interest…
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income
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