Edward Conard

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  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
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  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
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Where Are the Workers? From Great Resignation to Quiet Quitting

Dain Lee, Jinhyeok Park and Yongseok Shin National Bureau Of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 9, 2023
Is Database:
Database

New @nberpubs research finds that Americans are working 3% fewer hours annually in the aftermath of the pandemic. This reduction in hours worked means labor markets are even tighter than LFP would imply.

The negative impact of the Great Recession on aggregate hours worked and the ensuing slow recovery through 2019 materialized almost exclusively along the extensive margin. However, of the 3% decline in annual hours worked per person (including those who do not work) between 2019 and 2022, more than half is accounted for by the intensive margin. That is, focusing only on the extensive margin (lower employment and participation rates) will underestimate the total decline in labor supply by more than half. The most striking fact is the lower participation of young male cohorts without a bachelor's degree, whose participation rate is up to 7pp below that of older cohorts at the same age. The Great Recession seems to be casting a very long shadow, even on those who were in their teens when it happened.

Brandon Adams Comment: Fig 10 is interesting. Higher earners work more, and that was true in all years (07, 13, 19, 22). I only see one violation of monotonicity in all four years, which is remarkable (in 2022, 8th decile earners worked more than 9th decile workers). So in 39 of 40 observations, higher earners worked more. Individual labor supply curves are unknowable. When, if ever, they backward-bend is largely unknowable. It is interesting, though, that for 9th and 10th decile earners, working hours were greatest in 2007, followed by ’13, then ’19, then ’22. Research finds that Americans are working 3% fewer hours annually in the aftermath of the pandemic. This reduction in hours worked means labor markets are even tighter than LFP would imply. “…The negative impact of the Great Recession on aggregate hours worked and the ensuing slow recovery through 2019 materialized almost exclusively along the extensive margin. However, of the 3% decline in annual hours worked per person (including those who do not work) between 2019 and 2022, more than half is accounted for by the intensive margin. That is, focusing only on the extensive margin (lower employment and participation rates) will underestimate the total decline in labor supply by more than half. The most striking fact is the lower participation of young male cohorts without a bachelor’s degree, whose participation rate is up to 7pp below that of older cohorts at the same age. The Great Recession seems to be casting a very long shadow, even on those who were in their teens when it happened…”

Description automatically generated Bottom line, “To better understand the tight post-pandemic labor market in the US, we decompose the decline in aggregate hours worked into the extensive (fewer people working) and the intensive margin changes (workers working fewer hours). Although the pre-existing trend of lower labor force participation especially by young men without a bachelor’s degree accounts for some of the decline in aggregate hours, the intensive margin accounts for more than half of the decline between 2019 and 2022. The decline in hours among workers was larger for men than women. Among men, the decline was larger for those with a bachelor’s degree than those with less education, for prime-age workers than older workers, and also for those who already worked long hours and had high earnings. Workers’ hours reduction can explain why the labor market is even tighter than what is expected at the current levels of unemployment and labor force participation.”

Core findings

“…The negative impact of the Great Recession on aggregate hours worked and the ensuing slow recovery through 2019 materialized almost exclusively along the extensive margin. However, of the 3 percent decline in annual hours worked per person (including those who do not work) between 2019 and 2022, more than half is accounted for by the intensive margin. That is, focusing only on the extensive margin (lower employment and participation rates) will underestimate the total decline in labor supply by more than half….”

“…The decline in labor force participation is a continuation of a trend that existed before the pandemic. The most striking fact is the lower participation of young male cohorts without a bachelor’s degree, whose participation rate is up to 7 percentage points below that of older cohorts at the same age. The Great Recession seems to be casting a very long shadow, even on those who were in their teens when it happened….”

“…The decline in hours worked per worker (excluding those who do not work) between 2019 and 2022 was larger for men than for women. Among male workers, the decline was larger for those with a bachelor’s degree than those with less education, and for prime-age workers than older workers. Furthermore, the hours declined by more for workers who already worked longer hours and had higher earnings…”

“…Circumstantial and direct evidence indicates that the hours reduction among workers is voluntary. In addition, although the reduction may have been caused by the pandemic situation, it is expected to persist…”

Evidence

“…To understand the role of education in the difference in participation rates across cohorts, we construct the analogue of Figure 3 separately for the two education groups. In the left panel of Figure 4, we plot the deviation of the participation rates of younger male cohorts in the SMC- category from those of the 1966-67 cohort in the SMC- category. In the right panel, we do the same for those in the BA+ category. It is clear that the lower participation rates of younger male cohorts are largely driven by those with less education. Compared with the SMC- group of the 1966-67 cohort, the SMC- group of the 1991-92 and the 1986-87 cohorts has participation rates that are on average 7 percentage points lower. While the BA+ group of younger cohorts also has lower participation rates than the BA+ group of the 1966-67 cohort, the gap is smaller, 3 percentage points on average…”

“…Figure 5 is for women, the left panel for the SMC- group and the right for the BA+ group. The two education groups paint very dierent pictures. For the less educated, younger female cohorts have lower participation rates than the 1966-67 cohort, after they turn 30. To the contrary, the BA+ group of younger cohorts has higher participation rates than the BA+ group of the 1966-67 cohort, after they turn 30. These opposing patterns of the two education. group roughly offset each other, generating the that pattern around zero in the right pane of Figure 3….”

“…In the left panel of Figure 7, we repeat the decomposition, but separately for men and women. During the first period, men recorded more than double the fall in annual hours worked than women. The recovery during the second period was more even between men and women. In both periods, most of the adjustments occurred along the extensive margin. During the last period, it was again men who experienced a much larger drop in annual hours worked per person. For both men and women, the drop along the intensive margin was at least as large as along the extensive margin. The right panel shows the annual hours worked per worker (i.e., excluding those not working) for men and women since 2007. Working men log longer hours than working women, but the drop in hours since 2019 is much larger for men than for women. In addition, we see that working women’s hours actually increased since 2007, unlike working men’s….”

Decline of Hours Worked among Male Workers

“…In Table 1, we report selected percentiles of the annual hours worked distribution among men who worked in a given year. Because people report weekly hours, which we then multiply by 52, the values cluster to certain integers. For example, in all four years, the 25th percentile and the median are 2,080 hours of work during the year. Nevertheless, it is clear that those who work very long hours cut back on their hours between 2019 and 2022, evidenced by the signicant hours reduction at the 75th and the 90th percentiles, but not at the median. In 2019, one had to work for at least 2,860 hours to rank in the top 10 percent of workers working longest hours. In 2022, he needed to work only 2,600 hours to win this dubious honor. We can also examine the reduction in annual hours across the earnings distribution. For each year, we construct earnings deciles and compute the average hours worked of male workers in each decile. The result is in Figure 10….”

“..We make two observations. First, the average hours worked in a given earnings decile remained fairly stable between 2007 and 2019. Second, the average annual hours worked between 2019 and 2022 declined in all deciles except the lowest two, but declined more at the higher end of the earnings distribution. Male workers in the ninth and the top deciles of the 2022 earnings distribution worked 67 and 77 fewer hours than those in the respective earnings decile in 2019. In summary, it is male workers working long hours and earning more that reduced their annual hours worked between 2019 and 2022….”

Dain Lee, Jinhyeok Park and Yongseok Shin, “Where Are the Workers? From Great Resignation to Quiet Quitting,” National Bureau Of Economic Research, January 2023, https://www.nber.org/papers/w30833

  • Unemployment/Participation
Previous articleJanuary 9, 2023Papers and Patents Are Becoming Less Disruptive Over TimeA new @nature study documents a decline in the average “disruptiveness” of science and technology across both papers and patents, but notes that the absolute number of highly disruptive works remains stable. @michae1parkNext articleJanuary 9, 2023Papers and patents are becoming less disruptive over time NatureResearch papers & patents have become less disruptive over time. Btw 1945 & 2010, mean disruptiveness of papers declined 91.9%-100%, patents 78.7%-91.5%.
Showing 93 database articles primarily about Unemployment/Participation

What’s Behind the Declining Trend Unemployment Rate?

AI Summary. The structural unemployment rate fell from 7.8% to 4.8% between 1976 and 2024, with over half of the 3.3 percentage point decline driven by workforce composition shifts, particularly rising educational attainment, which alone accounts for 1 percentage point of the reduction.

Andreas Hornstein, Marianna Kudlyak, Greeshma Avaradi and Taerin Kim Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Date Posted:
August 26, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Hornstein et al find that about half of the ~3pp drop in the trend unemployment rate since 1976 is due to compositional change in the work force towards lower unemployment “types ” – in particular, older and more educated workers.

Is rising education driving down structural unemployment?

Core argument: The U.S. trend unemployment rate fell 3.3 percentage points—from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024—with rising educational attainment alone accounting for 1.0 percentage point of that structural decline.

We find that the trend unemployment rate declined from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024 [Figure 1]. Roughly half of that decline reflects compositional change. Figure 2 separates the estimated cumulative change in the annual unemployment trend since 1976 into its components. The total decline was about 3.3 percentage points by 2024. Changes in workforce composition account for a little more than half of that decline. Rising educational attainment is the single largest compositional force, lowering the trend about 1pp. Figure 4 plots estimated education shares for entering cohorts of women, and these patterns are similar for male cohorts (not shown). The figure shows a steady long-run fall in the share of new female cohorts with less than high school education and a steady rise in the share with some college or a college degree. [Returning to Figure 2], changes in group-specific LFP rate trends contribute only ~0.3 pp. The remaining decline, a bit under 1pp, comes from lower group-specific trend unemployment.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. trend unemployment rate fell 3.3 percentage points—from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024—with rising educational attainment alone accounting for 1.0 percentage point of that structural decline.
  2. Workforce compositional shifts explain slightly more than half of the 3.3-percentage-point decline in trend unemployment since 1976, making demographic change the dominant driver over the period.
  3. Group-specific labor force participation trends contributed only 0.3 percentage points to the trend unemployment decline, while lower group-specific unemployment rates drove the remaining approximately 1.0 percentage point reduction.

Related Articles:

  • Global Views: They’re Not Hiking — The decline in unemployment has been driven by lower labor force participation, not an increase in employment. Hatzius stresses continued weakness in wage…
  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce

College Grads Struggle to Find Jobs. Non-Grads Are Giving Up

AI Summary. The narrowing unemployment gap between young college graduates and non-graduates reflects rising labor force dropout among non-graduates, not equal job market outcomes; the share of young non-graduates who are employed is 1.7 percentage points below pre-pandemic levels and falling, while graduates are near recovery.

Justin Fox Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 25, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Labor force participation is rising for American college graduates aged 25–29, and is now at 89.4% – above its pre-pandemic level. Participation among non-college members of that age cohort is falling; at 78.7%, it is now below its pre-pandemic level.

Are non-graduates disappearing from the job market?

Core argument: The narrowing education-unemployment gap among young adults reflects labor force withdrawal by non-degree holders—not diminished diploma value—as workers who stop seeking jobs are excluded from unemployment calculations.

The narrowing of [the unemployment gap btw college and non-college workers] in recent years has lent support to narratives that college diplomas are losing their value amid the rise of large language models, the purported return of blue-collar work, and other job market changes. But while it may well be that diplomas have lost value, the recent shrinking of the young-adult education-unemployment gap seems to be driven mainly by a different phenomenon. Growing numbers of young adults without college degrees simply aren’t trying to find work and thus aren’t counted in unemployment calculations. The employment-population ratio for young college grads is not far off from where it was just before the pandemic and seems as if it might be headed upward again after a sharp drop in 2023 and 2024, for non-grads it is 1.7 percentage points lower than before the pandemic and clearly trending downward.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The narrowing education-unemployment gap among young adults reflects labor force withdrawal by non-degree holders—not diminished diploma value—as workers who stop seeking jobs are excluded from unemployment calculations.
  2. Young adults without college degrees carry an employment-population ratio 1.7 percentage points below pre-pandemic levels and trending downward, while college graduates have nearly recovered to pre-pandemic parity.

Related Articles:

  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • AI, Immigration, and Collapsing Labor Force Participation — Declining labor force participation concentrates economic output among fewer workers, raising the return on automation and making productivity growth the primary driver of expansion. Any productivity shortfall carries greater consequences because a shrinking worker base cannot compensate through increased participation.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Education
      • College
      • K-12
    • Family/Marriage

The Big Exceptions To The American Manufacturing Jobs Decline

AI Summary. U.S. aerospace and electrical components manufacturing are the two largest sources of job growth in an otherwise declining manufacturing sector, driven by record airline order backlogs and surging demand for electrical infrastructure from data centers. Dedicated data center consumption of electrical equipment and components more than doubled between 2019 and

Jiaxin (Jason) He Agglomerations
Date Posted:
July 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The US has lost 300,000 manufacturing jobs since their recent peak in Q2 2023. Two subsectors have seen strong job growth: aerospace manufacturing added 43,000 jobs, and electrical equipment, cable and battery manufacturing added 36,200.

Are aerospace and electrical components bucking the broader manufacturing decline?

Core argument: Aerospace posted a $116.7 billion trade surplus—the largest of any U.S. manufacturing industry—while leading all sectors in job growth since 2023, driven by record commercial airline order backlogs and Boeing's return to profitability and high delivery volumes.

Aerospace leads all manufacturing industries in job growth since 2023. Last year it also posted the largest nominal trade surplus of any manufacturing industry, at $116.7 billion. Driving the growth has been strong commercial and passenger airline demand, including a record-high order backlog. Boeing, the world’s leading airplane manufacturer, returned to profitability and high delivery volumes in 2025. The employment surge in the electrical components subsector tells a different story. It owes its strength to two industries: electrical equipment manufacturing and batteries, wires, cables, and miscellaneous electrical components. These are among the industries that bore the brunt of the China Shock and suffered acute decline in the 2000s. Green energy and electric vehicles likely contributed to their initial recovery, raising demand for batteries and electrical infrastructure. But their continued growth even after the cancellation of EV subsidies in 2025 points to a different, potent, and entirely unsurprising driver: Artificial Intelligence. AI’s manufacturing footprint runs the length of the supply chain. Dedicated data centers more than doubled their real consumption of electrical equipment and components from 2019 to 2024.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Aerospace posted a $116.7 billion trade surplus—the largest of any U.S. manufacturing industry—while leading all sectors in job growth since 2023, driven by record commercial airline order backlogs and Boeing's return to profitability and high delivery volumes.

Related Articles:

  • Does the Import Invasion Explain the Mysterious Disappearance of Productivity Growth in U.S. Manufacturing? — Rising import penetration in U.S. manufacturing after 2000 is strongly linked to slower productivity growth, as foreign competition reduced domestic sales, investment, and innovation capacity, with offshoring of production to Asia severing the link between design and process improvement.
  • Midyear Outlook — AI investment is crowding out rival capital projects by absorbing scarce physical inputs—grid capacity, construction labor, metals, and engineering talent—while semiconductor prices surge where supply constraints meet surging demand. With hyperscaler free cash flow exhausted, over 80% of future AI capital spending requires external financing, including fresh equity issuance.
  • What Would It Take to Bring Back US Manufacturing? Part 1: America’s Structural Headwinds — Bridgewater estimates that closing the ~$3T gap btw US manufacturing output and goods consumption will be an uphill battle. Largely due to manufacturing wages…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Workforce

The Labor Market Explains Why Inflation Won’t Go Away

AI Summary. A labor market operating below the unemployment level consistent with stable prices for an unusually long stretch sustains upward pressure on wages and prices, keeping inflation persistently elevated. Reducing inflation toward the 2% target requires maintaining higher interest rates until excess labor demand is eliminated.

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
July 17, 2026
Is Database:
Database

US unemployment has been under the Fed’s 4.5% estimate of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) for 57 months. Sløk argues “persistent tightness is a key reason inflation has remained elevated.”

Does tight labor demand explain persistent inflation pressure?

With the Fed estimating the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) at below 4.5%, and unemployment having stayed at or below that level for 57 months, tied for the longest such streak on record, the labor market has been operating in excess-demand territory for an unusually long time. That persistent tightness is a key reason inflation has remained elevated: when unemployment runs below NAIRU, wages and prices face sustained upward pressure. Prior episodes of sub-4.5% unemployment were typically far shorter. The current one is one of the longest on record, which helps explain why the ongoing inflation overshoot since 2021 has been so stubborn. The bottom line is that a strong economy is the reason why inflation has been high, and only by keeping rates higher for longer can the Fed cool inflation down towards the FOMC’s 2% inflation target.

Related Articles:

  • The U.S. Job Market is (Still) Inflationary — Notwithstanding the soaring prices of components for manufacturing, Klein argues that “the most important thing to understand about US inflation is that the…
  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • Baby Busts and Growth Booms: Demographic Change and the Macroeconomy — Cross-country evidence from 1950 to 2020 shows that a 1pp lower birth rate is associated with 22 log points (~25%) higher GDP per worker 40 years later and 29…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • GDP
    • Inflation
  • Monetary Policy
  • Workforce

Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right

AI Summary. The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.

Justin Fox Bloomberg
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Adjusted for the age composition of the population, US labor force participation, at 61.8%, is near an all-time high, reflecting delayed retirement of older workers.

Does labor force participation tell us what we think it does?

The labor force participation rate is the number of people 16 and older who have jobs or are actively looking for them, divided by the civilian (that is, not uniformed military) noninstitutional (that is, not in prison or the like) population 16 and older. While this percentage can tell us useful things about, say, the sustainability of Social Security or the overall availability of labor, its validity as a gauge of the health of the labor market is limited by the reality that labor force participation varies greatly by age. It’s a flawed metric that is currently more flawed than usual as the youngest members of the giant baby boom generation age into their mid-60s. The addition this year of nearly 1.7 million 65-and-older Americans to the BLS population estimates, because of belated adjustments stemming from the 2020 Census, just adds to the distortions.

Related Articles:

  • Baby Busts and Growth Booms: Demographic Change and the Macroeconomy — Cross-country evidence from 1950 to 2020 shows that a 1pp lower birth rate is associated with 22 log points (~25%) higher GDP per worker 40 years later and 29…
  • AI, Immigration, and Collapsing Labor Force Participation — Declining labor force participation concentrates economic output among fewer workers, raising the return on automation and making productivity growth the primary driver of expansion. Any productivity shortfall carries greater consequences because a shrinking worker base cannot compensate through increased participation.
  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce

'Nobody Wants to Work Anymore': Lifetime Labor Market Experiences and the Decline of Male LFP in the United States

AI Summary. Declining male labor force participation in the United States is driven by cohort-level beliefs shaped by lifetime exposure to weak male labor markets, with each generation participating less than the last at every age.

Remy Levin and Daniela Vidart National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
June 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Btw 1986 and 2019, prime-age males who grew up observing a one–SD lower male earnings history had a 7pp lower LFP rate in adulthood, holding current labor‑market conditions fixed.

Does weak labor market exposure permanently reduce male workforce participation?

Core argument: Male labor force participation decline correlates strongly with cohort-level lifetime labor market experiences, driving persistent participation gaps across generations independent.

We propose a new channel contributing to the long-run decline in [male labor force participation] (MLFP) in the United States: changes in American men’s lifetime experiences of the aggregate male labor market have shaped their beliefs about the returns to participation, influencing labor supply decisions in ways that persist even in the face of current market conditions. MLFP and national lifetime male labor market experiences, holding contemporaneous conditions fixed, are highly correlated over time (Figure 1, Panel A). Second, the decline in MLFP is largely driven by cohort-level differences: recent cohorts participate at lower rates than previous generations at every age (Figure 1, Panel B). These patterns suggest that men’s labor market participation is the history, embedded in each cohort’s memory, of the labor markets experienced by the men around them. The effects on MLFP are stronger for experiences of same-race male labor markets, demonstrating the central role of reference-group identity, and are driven by conditions experienced during men’s formative childhood years not explained by educational attainment of subjects or their fathers. Finally, we show that lifetime male labor market experiences are correlated with direct measures of men’s personal wage and employment expectations, but not their expectations for the macroeconomy as a whole.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Male labor force participation decline correlates strongly with cohort-level lifetime labor market experiences, driving persistent participation gaps across generations independent.
  2. Same-race male labor market conditions experienced during childhood shape adult participation expectations more than macroeconomic beliefs, leading to reference-group-driven labor.
  3. Recent cohorts participate at lower rates than previous generations at every age, demonstrating that formative-year labor market exposure—not education—drives long-run.

Related Articles:

  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • Bachelors Without Bachelor’s: Gender Gaps in Education and Declining Marriage Rates — The rise in female college enrollment from 1930-80 hasn’t reduced marriage rates for college women. “The overall decline in marriage rates is driven almost…
  • Post-Pandemic Recovery for America’s Prime Age Labor Force: A Tale of Two Sexes — Nicholas Eberstadt notes that the labor force participation rate for prime-age women is up 5pp since the pandemic to an all-time high, while the rate for…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce
    • Demographics
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