Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
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  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
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Quantifying the Sources of Firm Heterogeneity

Colin Hottman, Stephen Redding, David Weinstein Quarterly Journal of Economics
Date Posted:
May 26, 2021
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New and improved products account for 64% of growth in high-turnover sectors, with product upgrading alone contributing 15% to firm growth. @ColinHottman @StephenRedding @DavidWeinstein

Evidence from consumer packaged goods indicates that product innovation is a key driver of firm growth, with new and improved products accounting for 64% of growth in high-turnover sectors. Product upgrading alone contributes 15% to firm growth in these sectors, compared to just 0.2% in low-turnover sectors. Multiproduct firms dominate output, with over 90% of sales from firms offering 11+ varieties. Large firms not only sell more products but also more of each product, suggesting differences in marginal cost or demand. Firm appeal accounts for 50-75% of size variance, with product scope contributing 20-25%. These findings highlight the importance of product innovation and variety in driving firm success and market dynamics.

Colin Hottman, Stephen Redding, David Weinstein, "Quantifying the Sources of Firm Heterogeneity,"The Quarterly Journal Of Economics, March 2016, https://academic.oup.com/qje/article-abstract/131/3/1291/2461153

Their takeaway, ““…New and improved products (scope and turnover) account for 64% of firm growth in our three highest turnover sectors, but only 10% of firm growth in the three lowest turnover sectors. Although product upgrading alone accounts for 15% of firm growth in the three highest turnover sectors, it only accounts for 0.2% of firm growth in our three lowest turnover sectors. Taken together, these decomposition results are quite striking in their consistency about the sources of firm heterogeneity.Regardless of whether we examine firms in the cross section or in the time series, improvements in firm appeal followed by product scope are the most important drivers of firm sales for small and large firms alike. The role played by average marginal cost differences tends to be small and depend on the sample and decomposition method used. But we consistently find a positive contribution towards differences in firm size from the cost dispersion term. Finally, we see that although markup differences are unimportant determinants of firm sales for most firms, they do appear to be important for the very largest firms, something that suggests aggregate implications from the exploitation of market power by these firms……Our findings that firms supply multiple imperfectly substitutable varieties have important implications for the measurement of firm productivity, highlighting the role of assumptions about demand in the measurement of productivity for multiproduct firms. Conventional price indexes based on a weighted average of firm prices do not take into account that the theoretical price index for the firm depends on the number of products it supplies whenever consumers care about variety. Indeed, our counterfactual exercise indicates that the multiple varieties supplied by multiproduct firms reduce the aggregate consumer price index by around one third. Moreover, ignoring this effect introduces a systematic bias into the measurement of firm productivity, because larger firms supply more products than smaller firms. We find this bias to be quantitatively large. An increase in firm sales is associated with around a one third larger increase in true real output (using the exact price index) than in measured real output (using the conventional price index)…”

“.. The extent of multiproduct firms can be seen more clearly in Table IV, which shows the results of splitting the data by the number of UPCs supplied by a firm. Although single-product firms constitute about one third of all firms on average, these firms account for less than 1% of all output. In other words virtually all output is supplied by multiproduct firms. Moreover, the fact that over 90% of output is sold by firms selling 11 or more varieties and nearly two thirds of all output is supplied by firms selling more than 50 varieties suggests that single-product firms are more the exception than the rule. Large firms not only sell more products but also a lot more of each product. The penultimate column of Table IV documents that while the typical barcode sold by a single-product firm brings in $63,871 in revenue, the typical barcode sold by a firm selling over 100 barcodes brings almost twice as much ($122,045). In other words, large firms not only supply more products, they sell more of each product. If firms differed only in the fixed cost of adding new varieties, one would not expect to see large firms sell more of each variety. The fact that they do strongly suggests that large firms must also differ in the marginal cost or demand for their output. Finally, although the largest firms have nontrivial shares of particular product groups, these firms are small compared to the U.S. economy. Ninety-nine percent of firms in our sample have aggregate market shares (across all product groups) of less than 0.1% of total barcode sales. Even the largest firm only sells 3% of total barcode sales in our sample. Given that sales of packaged goods is only a fraction of total U.S. sales in all sectors, it is reasonable to conclude that no individual firm has the capacity to affect aggregate U.S. prices, expenditure, or welfare….”

“…We see in Table II that almost 90% of sales in a product group was produced by firms with sales in the top decile of sales.Table III provides a more detailed description of this firm heterogeneity by focusing on the 10 largest firms in each product group (where we weight the averages by the sales of the product group). Table III reveals an almost fractal nature of firm sales. Around two thirds of all of the sales of firms in each product group is produced by the 10 largest firms (which on average only account for 2% of firms in each product group). While on average half of all output in a product group is produced by just five firms, 98% of firms have market shares of less than 2%. Thus, the typical sector is characterized by a few large firms and a competitive fringe composed of firms with trivial market shares. A second striking feature of the data is that even the largest firms are not close to being monopolists. The largest firm in a product group on average only has a market share of 22%. Finally, the data reveal that firms in the top decile of sales are all multiproduct firms, supplying on average 68 different goods with the largest firms supplying hundreds of goods…”

The Evidence, “…One of the most striking facts displayed in this table is the degree of firm heterogeneity. This is manifest in the skewness of the size and barcode distributions. The largest firm in an industry typically sells 2,500 times more than the median firm. We see similar patterns in terms of product scope and sales per product. The firm with the most products typically has 97 times more products than the firm with the median number of barcodes, and the barcode with the most sales on average generates almost 900 times more revenue than the revenue of the median barcode…”

On large firms productivity relative to small firms, “…These results imply that about a quarter of the variation of firm-level real output one would obtain by using a conventional price index is simply due to the fact the conventional price index assumes that firms produce homogeneous output—an assumption that easily can be rejected. Moreover, studies based on conventional measures of firm prices understate the real output of large firms by a third relative to small firms, with implications for estimates of returns to scale and productivity….”

Core results, “…Our results point to differences in firm appeal as being the principal reason some firms are large and others are not. Depending on the specification considered,we find that 50-75% of the variance in firm size can be attributed to differences in appeal, about 20-25% to differences in product scope, and less than 20% to average marginal cost differences. If we use a broad measure of total firm appeal, which encompasses both firm appeal as well as scope, we find that total firm appeal accounts for almost all of firm size differences. We estimate substantially higher elasticities of substitution between varieties within firms than between firms (median elasticities of 6.9 and 3.9, respectively), implying that a firm’s introduction of new product varieties cannibalizes the sales of existing varieties. We estimate that the cannibalization rate for the typical firm is 0.50, roughly halfway between the extreme of no cannibalization (equal elasticities of substitution within and between monopolistically competitive firms), and the extreme of complete cannibalization (varieties perfectly substitutable within firms). We find that the typical sector comprises a few large firms with substantial market shares and a competitive fringe of firms with trivial market shares. Therefore most firms charge markups close to the monopolistic competition benchmark of constant markups, because they have trivial market shares and hence are unable to exploit their market power. However, the largest firm accounts on average for 22% of sales in a sector, and the median largest firm charges a markup between 24% and 100% higher than the average firm within the same sector. Using the estimated model to undertake counterfactuals, we find that these departures from the monopolistically competitive benchmark raise aggregate consumer price indexes by between 4% and 13%...”

Key quote, “…Our results point to demand differences (which could arise from quality or taste variation) as being the principal reason some firms are successful in the marketplace and others are not. Depending on the specification considered, we find that 50- 70% of the variance in firm size can be attributed to differences in firm appeal, about 20-25% to differences in product scope, and less than 25% to cost. When we turn to examine time-series evidence, the results become even more stark. Virtually all firm growth can be attributed to firm appeal, with most of the remainder due to product scope. These results suggest that most of what economists call differences in revenue productivity reflects differences in appeal (e.g., quality or taste) rather than cost….“…We show that if demand has a nested CES structure, conventional measures of real output will have a downward bias that rises with firm size with an elasticity of around one third. In other words, real output variation is substantially greater than nominal output variation. This bias also implies that true productivity differences are much larger than conventionally measured ones…”

Ben Comment:The final paper that Klenow sent looks specifically at the package goods sector and finds most productivity gains come from product innovation. I don't find this particularly insightful since My assumption is that packaged goods is pretty competitive so there isn't tons of room for better processes or for new start ups: Heinz is Heinz and Heinz knows how to pack and ship their stuff efficiently; the way for this sector to improve is for Heinz to launch a new product. That's pretty intuitive to me but the smaller scope leaves me cold. Basically, big firms are even more productive than we thought relative to smaller firm because the price indices don’t accurately account for how many more products the big firms produce. So the productivity measures between big and small firms are biased by prices index calculations.

Pete Klenow Comment:This Hottman, Redding and Weinstein paper maintains that most innovations in consumer packaged goods is product innovation

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Previous articleMay 26, 2021How Destructive Is InnovationInnovation drove 70% of TFP growth from 2003-2013, while creative destruction contributed 22% and new varieties added ~5%. @PeteKlenowNext articleMay 26, 2021Missing Growth from Creative DestructionMissing growth from creative destruction accounts for ~1/5 of TFP growth in the US from 1983-2013, with 0.54% annual missing growth.
Showing 484 database articles primarily about either Productivity, Cronyism, Incentives/Risk-Taking, Innovation/Research, Institutional Capabilities, Intangibles, Investment, Startups, or Workforce Reorganization

The College Wage Premium in the Generative AI Era

AI Summary. S. 575 between 2022 and 2026, the first sustained decline in relative demand for college-educated labor in four decades. AI exposure in white-collar occupations accounts for roughly 28% of that drop, as wage growth slowed disproportionately in high-AI-exposure jobs where college graduates are concentrated.

José Azar, Mireia Gine and Javier Sanz-Espín Social Science Research Network
Date Posted:
September 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The college wage premium flattened in the mid-2010s and has fallen ~8% since 2022. The authors argue that this compression reflects a broad decline in the returns to formal schooling, rather than a decline in the upper tail.

Is the college degree losing its economic value to artificial intelligence?

Core argument: The U.S. college wage premium fell from 0.626 to 0.575 between 2022 and 2026—the first sustained decline in relative demand for college labor after four decades of uninterrupted expansion.

After expanding for four decades, the U.S. college wage premium [dropped] sharply from 0.626 in 2022 to 0.575 in 2026. Current Population Survey data through 2026 implies an unprecedented drop in relative demand for college labor—the first sustained negative relative demand growth. Post-2022 wage growth slowed disproportionately in high-exposure occupations, which employ a disproportionate share of college graduates. By 2026, going from zero occupational AI exposure to full exposure had a negative effect on wages of−0.086. Combined with the college–non-college exposure gap, this mechanism accounts for roughly 28% of the total drop in the college wage premium from 2022 to 2026. While non-causal, these patterns indicate that task displacement in AI-exposed white-collar occupations plays a quantitatively meaningful role in the recent compression of the aggregate skill premium.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. college wage premium fell from 0.626 to 0.575 between 2022 and 2026—the first sustained decline in relative demand for college labor after four decades of uninterrupted expansion.
  2. Moving from zero to full occupational AI exposure reduced wages by 0.086 log points by 2026.
  3. the college–non-college AI-exposure gap accounts for roughly 28% of the total premium compression over that period.

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  • Looking for the Ladder — The downtick in hiring in AI-exposed occupations started 6 months prior to the release of ChatGPT, and is “perfectly” aligned with the start of Fed rate hikes…
  • How Students and Recent Grads are Responding to the Rise of AI — Far from shying away from AI, American undergraduates “are flocking towards the most-AI-exposed degrees,” with enrollment in these majors up 8% last year…
  • AI and Young-adult Jobs: The Real Mystery — Since the summer of 2023, the employment rate for Americans 22–25 has declined for both college grads and non-college workers, a phenomenon beyond both…
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Gross and Net US Investment

AI Summary. Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment merely replaces depreciating assets. The shift toward faster-depreciating information technology assets requires larger gross investment increases to achieve any given gain in productive capital per worker.

Timothy Taylor Conversable Economist
Date Posted:
September 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

U.S. real net private domestic investment—which adds to the American capital stock—is now only ~25% as large as gross investment, down from ~40% in the 1970s. Taylor suggests the widening gap between gross and net investment reflects the relatively rapid depreciation of IT-related capital.

Does faster asset depreciation explain slowing productivity growth?

Core argument: Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment now merely replaces depreciating capital rather than expanding the productive stock.

The figure divides net investment by gross investment. Back in the 1970s, net investment was often around 40% of gross investment, but the share has been slumping over time. For the last decade or so, net investment has been about 25% of the gross–that is, about three-quarters of gross investment is just making up for depreciation of the pre-existing capital stock. The likely reason for the growing gap between gross and net investment is that modern investment is more likely to be related to information technology [which] depreciates more rapidly and thus needs to be replaced and updated more often. If we want the average US worker to be using a greater amount of capital on the job–which was one of the key drivers of rising labor productivity in the past–it now takes a bigger rise in gross investment to lead to a given rise in net investment.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment now merely replaces depreciating capital rather than expanding the productive stock.
  2. The shift toward information technology — which depreciates faster than physical machinery — is the primary driver of the widening gap between gross and net investment.
  3. Raising capital per worker, a historic engine of labor productivity growth, now requires a substantially larger increase in gross investment than it did several decades ago.

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The AI Re-Acceleration That Wasn’t

AI Summary. 615). Claims of re-acceleration result from cherry-picking frontier observations, selecting a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate lines on either side.

Paul Kedrosky Applied Complexity
Date Posted:
September 3, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Kedrosky argues AI capabilities continue to improve, but “the full composite data shows flattening relative gains, not acceleration…rolling relative model gains have fallen from their 2024 peak, while model dispersion has narrowed sharply.”

Are AI performance gains accelerating or just appearing to through selective measurement?

Core argument: Epoch’s Capabilities Index shows no statistically significant AI performance acceleration when controlling for developer and model family, with a breakpoint test returning p = 0.615 and a slope-change confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 pts per year.

Using all Epoch’s Capabilities Index observations, and controlling for developer and model family, there is no statistically significant breakpoint. A piecewise model—which splits the series into intervals and applies a sub-function to each segment—does not improve on a purely linear trend: p = 0.615, The estimated change in slope has a confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 points per year. In short, the maths shows there is no model acceleration, contrary to claims, and as expected. The result comes from selecting frontier observations only, choosing a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate lines on either side.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Epoch’s Capabilities Index shows no statistically significant AI performance acceleration when controlling for developer and model family, with a breakpoint test returning p = 0.615 and a slope-change confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 pts per year.
  2. Claims of AI re-acceleration rest on a methodological artifact: selecting only frontier model observations, pre-choosing a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate trend lines on each side of that breakpoint.

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  • Why .400 Hitters Disappeared — and What It Means for AI — As AI model performance converges toward a ceiling, relative gains per improvement cycle shrink, transforming frontier capability from a pricing moat into a commodity where price becomes the primary differentiator and margin pressure intensifies across leading providers.
  • Chart of the Day: Small Models are Closing the Gap to Frontier AI — Small AI models are closing the gap with large ones, achieving the same reasoning benchmarks with 142x fewer parameters than required two years ago. This makes on-device AI viable without data centers, compressing the economic case for cloud-based, per-query AI services.
  • Anthropic’s Best AI Model Struggles To Attract Users As Cheaper Tools Thrive — Spending on the most expensive AI model from a leading provider has plateaued at 11% of total outlay, as cheaper, older models prove capable of handling most business tasks.
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Understanding AI and Productivity

AI Summary. U.S. productivity growth has accelerated to ~2.2% annually since mid-2022, above the 2010s baseline, though pandemic-era labor market and business formation dynamics likely contributed alongside AI. Historical general-purpose technology booms sustained labor productivity growth above 2.5% for a decade or more, making the current acceleration substantial but not unprecedented.

Chad Syverson Economic Innovation Group
Date Posted:
August 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Syverson is skeptical that AI initiated the rise in productivity growth that began in 2023. The acceleration began while AI investment was small, and pandemic-era labor market churn and business dynamism match the acceleration’s start.

Is AI-driven productivity growth sustainable at historical technology boom levels?

Core argument: U.S. labor productivity has grown at roughly 2.2% annually since mid-2022, a pace exceeding the 2010s trend and, if sustained, implying GDP per capita roughly 7% higher within a decade than the prior trajectory.

Productivity from mid-2022 on has maintained a faster-than-2010s trajectory involving annual growth of about 2.2%. Could this acceleration be due to AI? Perhaps. The timing leans against AI being the sole initial cause. Additionally, there were well-documented increases in economic dynamism (labor market churn and business formation) during the pandemic emergence whose timing matches the acceleration’s start. Regardless of AI’s current effect, the longer the aggregate productivity acceleration continues, the more plausible it is that AI is an important driver. As for the magnitude, a sustained increase from 1.5 to 2.2% annual productivity growth would be substantial (after a decade, GDP per capita would be 7% higher than otherwise), but hardly unprecedented. The 1995–2004 productivity boom saw annual productivity growth of nearly 3% per year, and other past general-purpose-technology-related productivity boosts saw labor productivity growth in excess of 2.5% for a decade or longer.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. labor productivity has grown at roughly 2.2% annually since mid-2022, a pace exceeding the 2010s trend and, if sustained, implying GDP per capita roughly 7% higher within a decade than the prior trajectory.
  2. The 1995–2004 productivity boom averaged nearly 3.0% annual growth, establishing that a durable AI-driven acceleration to 2.2% would be meaningful but well within historical precedent for general-purpose-technology cycles.
  3. Pandemic-era surges in labor market churn and business formation align more precisely with the productivity acceleration’s start date than AI adoption does, complicating AI-as-sole-cause narratives.

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US Widens AI-Driven Investment Gap With Europe

AI Summary. US corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to grow 40% in real terms by the end of next year, versus 12% in the euro area, widening a productivity gap where output per hour worked rose $14 in the US compared with $2 in Europe since 2018.

Sam Fleming, Amy Borrett and Olaf Storbeck Financial Times
Date Posted:
August 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Oxford Economics projects US real business investment will rise 40% over 2021–2027, ~3x the euro area’s 12%. US investment growth since 2024 has been largely information processing and software, but high US growth in GDP/hour is not “merely digital.”

Is artificial intelligence investment widening the transatlantic productivity divide?

Core argument: U.S. corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to rise 40% in real terms between 2021 and end-2026, versus 12% in the euro area and near-zero growth in Germany, sharply widening the transatlantic capital-spending gap.

Corporate spending on new equipment and facilities in the US is projected to increase 40% in real terms between 2021 and the end of next year, according to forecasts from Oxford Economics. The US surge compared with a real-terms increase of just 12% in the euro area, while German business investment is expected to have all but stagnated over the same period. Europe also faces a large and growing productivity gap with the US. “The United States has recently pulled further ahead of Europe,” Bart van Ark, a professor at the University of Manchester, told policymakers at the ECB Forum in Sintra. GDP per hour worked increased $14 in the US between 2018 and 2025, compared with just $2 in Europe. “The gap is not only a digital sector story,” added van Ark, stressing that the US outperformance extended to other sectors, including wholesale and retail as well as professional services.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to rise 40% in real terms between 2021 and end-2026, versus 12% in the euro area and near-zero growth in Germany, sharply widening the transatlantic capital-spending gap.
  2. U.S. labor productivity rose $14 per hour worked between 2018 and 2025, versus $2 in Europe, with outperformance spanning wholesale, retail, and professional services—not solely the digital sector.

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Why Big Tech’s AI Spending Is $3 Trillion Higher Than It Seems

AI Summary. Nine major technology companies carry ~$3tn in off-balance-sheet AI commitments — 5x their ~$600bn in reported capital spending — obligations that are growing faster than traditional investment and triple their combined lease and debt liabilities.

Peter Rudegeair and Peter Santilli Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
August 17, 2026
Is Database:
Database

A WSJ analysis finds 9 firms involved in the data center buildout have ~$3T in off-balance-sheet commitments largely tied to AI infrastructure. The growth in such obligations has outpaced the firms’ capex growth over the last year.

Are technology companies hiding the true cost of artificial intelligence?

Nine top tech companies had some $3 trillion of off-balance-sheet commitments mostly related to AI, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of footnotes in their most recent securities filings. Those obligations are growing faster than traditional “capex,” which totaled about $600 billion over the past year they reported, and were about triple what the companies owe under their outstanding leases and long-term borrowings.

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  • The Market Is Asking Questions — AI infrastructure debt spreads are widening as markets question whether returns on massive, front-loaded capital spending will outpace financing costs before assets depreciate. If compute demand plateaus from efficiency gains or slow adoption, the industry faces a glut of expensive, rapidly depreciating capacity.
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