Edward Conard

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Machine Learning Can Predict Shooting Victimization Well Enough to Help Prevent It

Sara Heller, Benjamin Jakubowski, Zubin Jelveh and Max Kapustin National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
June 28, 2022
Is Database:
Database

Machine Learning models predict extreme shooting risk concentration: Top 500 high-risk Chicago individuals show 130x city average victimization rate (13% shot within 18mo). Police data enables precise risk identification

Machine learning models using data from the Chicago Police Department have demonstrated the ability to predict shooting victimization with high accuracy, identifying a small group at extraordinary risk. Of the 500 individuals with the highest predicted risk, 13% were shot within 18 months, a rate 130 times higher than the city-wide average of 0.1%. This predictive capability suggests significant potential for targeted interventions, which could reduce victimization and generate social cost savings of $62m if the risk is halved. The model's predictions align closely with actual victim demographics, indicating no disproportionate inflation of risk for specific groups. Despite legal and ethical challenges in using these predictions for law enforcement, they offer substantial benefits for directing social services to those most at risk, justifying intervention costs up to $123,500 per person.

This paper shows that shootings are predictable enough to be preventable. Using arrest and victimization records for almost 644,000 people from the Chicago Police Department, we train a machine learning model to predict the risk of being shot in the next 18 months. We address central concerns about police data and algorithmic bias by predicting shooting victimization rather than arrest, which we show accurately captures risk differences across demographic groups despite bias in the predictors. Out-of-sample accuracy is strikingly high: of the 500 people with the highest predicted risk, 13 percent are shot within 18 months, a rate 130 times higher than the average Chicagoan. Although Black male victims more often have enough police contact to generate predictions, those predictions are not, on average, inflated; the demographic composition of predicted and actual shooting victims is almost identical. There are legal, ethical, and practical barriers to using these predictions to target law enforcement. But using them to target social services could have enormous preventive benefits: predictive accuracy among the top 500 people justifies spending up to $123,500 per person for an intervention that could cut their risk of being shot in half.

Sara Heller, Benjamin Jakubowski, Zubin Jelveh and Max Kapustin, "Machine Learning Can Predict Shooting Victimization Well Enough to Help Prevent It,"National Bureau Of Economic Research, June 2022, https://www.nber.org/papers/w30170

“…Figure 2 reports two measures of model performance across the predicted risk distribution. Figure 2a shows Precision:, or the share of people who are actually shot during the 18-month outcome period among the: people with the highest predicted risk Figure 2b shows Recall:, or the share of actual shooting victims during the 18-month outcome period who are among the: people with highest predicted risk: We show two versions of recall in Figure 2b. The first, simply labeled recall, uses the total number of shooting victims in the prediction sample as the denominator, or 2,253. The second, labeled total recall, uses the total number of shooting victims in the entire city during the outcome period as the denominator, or 3,381. The difference between these two highlights a point we return to in the following section about whom predictions based on police data miss: one-third of eventual shooting victims are not in our prediction sample and therefore not assigned a predicted risk by the model. Though it is more common when evaluating the performance of a predictive algorithm to report recall, total recall helps to assess the ability of algorithmic prediction to identify shooting victims city-wide, regardless of whether they have enough prior police contact to be included in the prediction sample. The share of people shot during the 18-month outcome period is startlingly high among those in the right tail of the distribution (Figure 2a). Among the: = 500 people with highest predicted risk, 13 percent, or 65 people, are shot. This is almost 19 times higher than the base victimization rate for the prediction sample (327,127 people) of 0.7 percent, and 130 times the city-wide victimization rate (2.7 million people) of 0.1 percent. Among the: = 3, 381 people with highest predicted risk—corresponding to the actual number of shooting victims during the 18-month outcome period—almost 9 percent are shot. Those at higher predicted risk for shooting victimization are also at significantly elevated risk for other adverse outcomes, like shooting arrest and violent victimization The recall rates confirm that those in the right tail of the distribution account for an outsized share of all shooting victims (Figure 2b). Despite representing just under 0.02 percent of the city’s population, the: = 500 people with highest predicted risk include almost 2 percent of the 3,381 total victims during the 18-month outcome period.19 The: = 3, 381 people with highest predicted risk—just over 0.1 percent of the city’s population—include almost 9 percent of total victims….”

“….we build a model to predict shooting victimization in Chicago over an 18-month period. The model uses arrest and victimization records for 643,914 people from the Chicago Police Department (CPD), including over 1,400 predictors that capture a person’s demographic information, arrest and victimization histories, and the arrest and victimization histories of peers who were co-involved in prior criminal incidents….”

Results

“…First, the model successfully identifies a small group of people at extraordinarily high risk of being shooting victims. Of the 500 people at highest predicted risk, 13 percent are actually shot during the following 18 months—a rate almost 19 times higher than everyone in our prediction sample of people with recent police contact (0.7 percent across 327,127 people) and 130 times higher than everyone in Chicago (0.1 percent). An intervention that could cut the risk of being shot in half for these 500 people would generate an estimated social cost savings of $62 million from the victimization reduction alone (Cook and Ludwig, 2000; Ludwig and Cook, 2001). If the intervention cost less than $123,500 per person, it would pay for itself. Our analysis unpacks what information the model is using to achieve this predictive performance….”

“…Second, the predictions do not misrepresent victimization risk across demographic groups. We show that Black male shooting victims are more likely to have a predicted risk, because they are more likely to have prior police contact.5 This finding highlights how using police data limits an algorithm’s ability to identify future victims with little or no prior police contact. But importantly, the accuracy of predictions is similar, on average, across race, age, and gender groups. The demographic composition of predicted shooting victims matches almost exactly that of actual shooting victims. In other words, the predictions do not disproportionately inflate the victimization risk of Black men….”

Evidence

“…The top left panel of Figure 1 shows the overall distribution of the model’s predictions and how they compare to realized rates of shooting victimization for the prediction sample. The x-axis is the average predicted risk for each percentile of the risk distribution, with each point containing 1 percent of the sample, or 3,271 people. The y-axis is the actual rate of shooting victimization in the 18-month outcome period for the 3,271 people in each bin. Three features about the overall predictions are apparent. First, on average, the model’s risk predictions are accurate (well-calibrated): their slope is close to the 45-degree line, albeit with some under-prediction for people in the right tail and some over-prediction for people in the highest-risk bin. Second, the vast majority of people in the sample are predicted to have a shooting victimization risk close to zero, as indicated by the mass of points in the bottom left of the graph. Finally, the predicted risk distribution is highly positively skewed, with points in the upper right of the graph corresponding to a small group of people in the long right tail whose predicted risk of being shot in the 18-month outcome period is very high….”

Data

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Showing 70 database articles primarily about Poverty/Crime

An Extra Point for Attendance: The Impact of High School Varsity Athletics on Absenteeism

AI Summary. High school varsity sports participation reduces student absenteeism by ~20%, with absence rates falling further during active seasons, indicating the relationship is at least partly causal rather than purely a result of selection.

Nat Malkus and Sam Hollon American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
April 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The absentee rate of Indiana high school students, ~23% of whom played a varsity sport, was ~20% lower for those who participated in varsity athletics than for non-athletes. The effect was stronger when an athlete’s particular sport was in season.

Does participation in high school sports significantly reduce student absenteeism?

Core argument: Varsity athletes’ absence rates drop 1.37 pts below non-athletes’, a ~20% reduction that drives improved school engagement year-round.

We find that varsity sports participation is strongly associated with better student attendance, and we argue it is plausible that varsity sports participation causes better attendance. When we control for a number of factors that we know matter for both sports participation and attendance, we continue to find that varsity athletes are absent less often than their peers across the entire year. Across the school year, athletes’ absence rate was 1.37 points lower than non-athletes’. That’s a reduction of almost 20%. The broad pattern shown in Table 1 is that students from more advantaged groups were more likely to participate in varsity sports and less likely to be absent from school. It’s thus no surprise that, in the raw data, there is an association between playing varsity sports and having good attendance (Figure 3). But is that because students who attend school more reliably are more likely to play sports or because playing sports leads to better attendance? One way to tease out the answer is to compare varsity athletes' attendance during their sports seasons with their attendance the rest of the year. Not only do varsity athletes have lower annual absence rates—especially unexcused absences—than non-athletes, but [Figure 3 and Figure 4] show that their absence rates fall further when their sport is in season, [which suggests at least some causal effect].

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Varsity athletes’ absence rates drop 1.37 pts below non-athletes’, a ~20% reduction that drives improved school engagement year-round.
  2. In-season absence rates fall further for varsity athletes, suggesting sports participation directly leads to more reliable attendance patterns.
  3. Athletes from advantaged backgrounds show stronger attendance gains, indicating varsity sports participation compounds existing socioeconomic advantages in school engagement.

Related Articles:

  • The Benefits of Scholastic Athletics — Heckman et al, using two longitudinal data sets with a rich set of controls, find that participation in varsity athletics raises rates of high school and…
  • Long COVID for Public Schools: Chronic Absenteeism Before and After the Pandemic — 28% of American public school students missed at least 10% of the school year in 2022 up from 15% before the pandemic. The change was most pronounced in…
  • The Latest Chronic Absenteeism Numbers — The number of students missing 10% or more of the school year doubled from 15% in 2019 to 28% in 2022 and 26% in 2023. Early reports for 2024 show signs of…
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Sports Betting Across Borders: Spatial Spillovers, Credit Distress, and Fiscal Externalities

Jacob Goss and Daniel Mangrum Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
March 27, 2026
Is Database:
Database

After the legalization of sports betting in 2018, delinquency rates on a wide range of consumer debts rose, increasing .31pp as of 2025. The delinquency rate for the ~3% of the population that were new gamblers increased by ~10pp driven by those under 40.

Exploiting the staggered roll-out of state-level legalization following the 2018 Murphy v. NCAA decision, we use an extended two-way fixed effects (ETWFE) framework that separately estimates direct treatment effects and cross-border spillover effects. Our first-stage estimates establish that legalization dramatically increases betting activity: average quarterly spending per person rises by roughly $46 from a pre-treatment mean of $2.50, and the share of the population with any sportsbook spending in a quarter increases by 3.1 percentage points. The effects on average spending grow continually over time with no clear evidence of saturation, suggesting the market for mobile sports betting continues to mature years after legalization. At the same time, substantial betting activity occurs in counties where sports betting is not legal but which lie near a legal state, with spillover effects on total spending roughly 14% of the direct effect for counties within 15 miles of a legal state, declining monotonically with distance and approaching zero by 60 miles. These spillovers have real consequences for consumer financial health. Three years after legalization, median credit scores are one point lower and overall delinquency rates increase by 0.31 percentage points following legalization. [Under-40 auto loan delinquency increases by half a percentage point and credit card delinquency by one percentage point, driving the overall increase in delinquency.] Since only about 3.1% of the population takes up betting after legalization, these intent-to-treat estimates would imply that those who are induced to bet due to legalization experience delinquency increases of 10 percentage points.

Related Articles:

  • The Case for Prohibiting Vice — Lehman makes the case for restricting sports gambling, marijuana, and pornography. The costs of vice and its regulation are not limited to individual harm…
  • Americans Increasingly See Legal Sports Betting As A Bad Thing For Society and Sports — 43% of American adults say widespread betting on sports is “a bad thing for society,” up from 34% in 2022. 47% of men under 30 say legal sports…
  • From Sports to AI, America Is Awash in Speculative Fever. Washington Is Egging It On — Citing the AI-related equity boom, crypto and the rise of sports betting, Greg Ip argues that “speculation has become woven into today’s political…
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New York City Government Services: Services for the Unsheltered

Thomas DiNapoli New York State Comptroller
Date Posted:
March 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database

In 2025 New York City spent $81,705 per “street” homeless person, up 262% from 2019 whose numbers increased 26% during that period. This does not include spending on “sheltered” homeless, who are ~97% of the homeless population.

New York City’s unsheltered population increased from 3,588 in FY 2019 to 4,504 in FY 2025 — a 26% increase from pre-pandemic levels. In that time, spending on services for this population has more than tripled, growing from $102 million in FY 2019 to nearly $368 million in FY 2025 (a 262% increase). Its share of spending has also increased, from just under 5% to nearly 9% of total Department of Homeless Services (DHS) spending.

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Poverty and Dependency in the United States, 1939–2023

Richard Burkhauser and Kevin Corinth National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
February 3, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Btw 1939 and 1963, the % of Americans below LBJ’s absolute poverty line (3× the cost of a minimal meal plan), fell from 48.5 to 19.5, driven by rising market income. Post-1964, most (for non-blacks, all) drops were the result of transfers, not earnings.

The major innovation of this paper is to extend a comprehensive and consistent measure of poverty back to 1939, exploiting a quarter century of data before the War on Poverty began. From 1939-1963, absolute poverty fell from 48.5% to 19.5%, a 29 percentage point reduction. This pre-war progress provides important context for previously documented success in reducing poverty afterwards, since it occurred before the major expansion of safety net programs like SNAP, Medicaid, and refundable tax credits. During that 1939–1963 period, it was the growth of market income rather than government transfers net of taxes that reduced poverty rates. In fact, poverty fell no faster in the 24 years after the War on Poverty was declared than in the 24 years before, even when applying the same initial poverty rate to both periods. Our results do not imply that poverty would have necessarily continued to fall at the same rate after 1963 in the absence of the War on Poverty. A pre versus post comparison is conflated by contemporaneous macroeconomic and social changes, such as slower economic growth in the post-1963 period. Conversely, any claim that the War on Poverty was necessary for poverty to decline should be accompanied by an attempt to understand why it had already been falling in the quarter century before it was declared.

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  • Evaluating the Success of the War on Poverty since 1963 Using an Absolute Full-Income Poverty Measure — The US won the War on Poverty on LBJ’s terms, cutting the absolute full-income poverty rate from 19.5% in 1963 to 1.6% in 2019. During these years the share of…
  • The Great “Transfer”-mation — Transfer payments made up 18% of all US personal income in 2022, up from 8% in 1970. Social Security/Medicare made up 56% of the increase from 1970 to 2022…
  • Government Benefit Programs Already Do A Lot To Help Low Income Families — A 2-adult, 3-child US family with $20,000 of market income receives at least $61,000 in annual benefits and has $79,000 of disposable income. That same family…
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The Biggest Fraud in Welfare

Phil Gramm and John Early Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
December 18, 2025
Is Database:
Database

Counting non-cash benefits as income would reduce the 19.8mm US households defined as poor by 90%. If the $1.4T in annual Federal poverty spending, including non-cash benefits, were distributed in cash to those households, each would receive $70,000.

Counting non-cash benefits as income would reduce the 19.8mm US households defined as poor by 90%. If the $1.4T in annual...
The government’s failure to count its largess as recipients’ income allows welfare households to blow past the income level above which a working family no longer qualifies for government help. Take a single parent with two school-age children who earns $11,000 annually from part-time work. The government considers this household in poverty because its income is below $25,273. But this family would qualify for benefits worth $53,128. It would receive Treasury checks of $3,400 in refundable child tax credits and $4,400 in refundable earned-income tax credits. The family would also receive Food Stamp debit cards worth $9,216 a year, $9,476 in housing subsidies, $877 of government payments for utility bills, $16,033 to fund Medicaid, $3,102 in free meals at school and $6,624 in Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. All this puts the family’s income at $64,128, or 254% of the poverty level. A hardworking family earning anything like $64,128 in salary wouldn’t be eligible for any of these welfare benefits in four-fifths of the states. Meanwhile, the welfare family would be eligible for another 90 small federal benefits and sundry state and local welfare programs.

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Explaining the Widening Divides in US Midlife Mortality: Is There a Smoking Gun?

Christopher Foote, Ellen Meara, Jonathan Skinner, and Luke Stewart National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
December 17, 2025
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

The college/non-college life expectancy gap widened from 2.6–6.3 years btw 1992 and 2019, while county mortality inequality jumped 30% to the detriment of rural areas. Smoking by state predicts ~300 extra deaths per 100k for non-college grads, 0 for grads.

The education-mortality gradient has increased sharply in the last three decades, with the life expectancy gap btw people with and without a college degree widening from 2.6 years in 1992 to 6.3 years in 2019. During the same period, mortality inequality across counties rose 30%, accompanied by an increasing rural health penalty. Using county- and state-level data from the 1992–2019 period, we demonstrate that these three trends arose due to a fundamental shift in the geographic patterns of mortality among college and non-college populations. First, we find a sharp decline in both mortality rates and geographic inequality for college graduates. Second, the reverse was true for people without a college degree; spatial inequality became amplified. Third, we find that rates of smoking play a key role in explaining all three empirical puzzles, with secondary roles attributed to income, other health behaviors, and state policies. [An objection is that] the non-college smoking rate declined by somewhat more than the college rate from 1992 to 2019. [The resolution is that] college populations gave up smoking decades before non-college populations did. [The key] college/non-college comparison [is] among 55–64 year-olds, the age group for which the smoking mortality penalty is greatest.

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