Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
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  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
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  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
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Housing and the American Worker

Stan Veuger Economic Innovation Group
Date Posted:
July 24, 2024
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
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In 2019, urban wages for workers with a high school degree or less failed to offset higher urban housing costs, reversing a long-term trend. @stanveuger suggests loosening restrictions on housing construction to “reignite the urban growth machine.”

The figure shows the evolution over the past half-century of hourly wages net of spending on housing. The figure consists of five snapshots, roughly a decade apart. Each snapshot shows the relationship between population density in 1970 and “net” hourly wages] for workers with and without (some) college education. [In the] snapshot for 1970, we observe what is often referred to as “the urban wage premium” - wages accounting for the cost of housing, were dramatically higher in high-density places than in low-density areas for workers with at least some college education and those without. The scale for the vertical axis is logarithmic: an increase from 2.5 to 2.8 corresponds to an increase of about 35% in dollar terms. As we move toward the present, this pattern gradually shifts. While college workers continue to earn a significant urban wage premium, even after housing is taken into account, that is not the case for those with a high school degree or less.

Related Articles:

  • The Determinants Of Declining Internal Migration — The decline in internal migration in the US has been driven by increasing housing prices; potential wage gains from migration are being offset by…
  • Young Families Have Continued Leaving Big Cities Post-Pandemic — Families with young children continue to migrate out of large US cities. Since 2020 the population aged 0-4 has fallen by 18% in New York City, 14% in LA…
  • The Economics of Inequality in High-Wage Economies — Inequality is mostly the result of an increasing premium on returns from risk and high-skilled labor ushered in by technological disruption and the feedback…
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Previous articleJuly 24, 2024The U.S. Low-Wage Structure: A McWage ComparisonUsing cross-state data they collected on Big Macs earned Per Hour (BMPH) to compute likely wages in the absence of minimum wage laws, Orley Ashenfelter and Štěpán Jurajda find minimum wages had a much smaller influence post-pandemic than in 2016.Next articleJuly 24, 2024Immigration Is Great for Jobs, ActuallyCiting only a slight fall in native-born labor force participation that is consistent with aging, @paulkrugman argues there is little evidence that competition from immigrants is driving native workers out of the labor force.
Showing 43 database articles primarily about Housing

First-Time Home Buyers Are Older Than Ever

Aziz Sunderji Home Economics
Date Posted:
March 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The median age of American first-time home buyers was 35 years old in 2025, up from 32 in 2015.

At what age do people buy their first home? My analysis of data from the University of Michigan’s Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) shows that, on average, they’re 35—three years older than a decade ago, and eight years older than in the 1970s. The PSID is a remarkable dataset. Like wildlife researchers tagging a pod of whales, the researchers at the University of Michigan have tracked 85,000 individuals from 5,000 families they began studying in 1968. This ‘longitudinal’ data allows us to observe the kids in these families as they leave home, form their own households, rent their first apartments, and eventually become first time buyers (FTBs) of homes. And because specific individuals are tracked over time, we can pinpoint the exact moment someone transitions from renting to owning for the first time, and how old they were when it happened. No other U.S. dataset can do this, and none go as far back as the 1960s.

Related Articles:

  • What Explains Low Millennial Home Ownership?
  • Has Intergenerational Progress Stalled? Income Growth Over Five Generations of Americans — .@jefflarrimore @kevincorinth find that Millennials between the ages of 36-40 have 18% higher real median household incomes (net of taxes and transfers) than…
  • Why Are Young Adults in the English-Speaking World So Unhappy? — As housing affordability has deteriorated in the Anglosphere, the share of young people (18-29) “who believe hard work brings success” has declined relative to…
  • Housing
  • GDP
  • Politics

How the Housing Market Split in Two

Jess Remington Agglomerations
Date Posted:
March 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

As of 2024, American homeowners who bought a house within the last year were spending 26% of their income on housing, relative to 20% for existing homeowners – the largest gap in almost 40 years.

Historically, monthly housing costs for new and existing homeowners have tended to move in tandem. From 1990 through the aftermath of the Great Recession, both groups saw costs rise during booms and fall during downturns, with the gap between them remaining relatively stable at two to four percentage points. That pattern briefly reversed during the Great Recession, when new buyers were able to purchase homes at depressed prices and consequently spent slightly less of their income on housing than existing owners. By 2017, the typical two-point gap had returned. The current divergence began in earnest in 2022. By 2024, new homeowners were spending 26% of their income on housing, compared to 20% for existing homeowners — a six-percentage-point gap, the largest in nearly 40 years. Although new homeowners spent a slightly larger share of their income on housing at the peak of the housing bubble in 2007 (28%), the gap with existing homeowners was smaller (four percentage points).

Related Articles:

  • The Cost of Money is Part of the Cost of Living: New Evidence on the Consumer Sentiment Anomaly — US consumer sentiment is significantly lower than expected based on unemployment and inflation. Alternative measures of inflation that include borrowing costs…
  • NAR Says the Typical First-Time Homebuyer Age Was 40 This Year, Up from 33 in 2021—but Is This Accurate? — FRBNY data indicate that the age of the median American first-time home buyer is 33 years old, ~ the same as in 2021, not 40 and not up 7 years since 2021, as…
  • Affordability, Part II — Krugman highlights two concrete facts that help explain the social frustration reflected in discussions of “affordability:” the income of the young hasn’t kept…
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Living With Mom And Dad At 30

Aziz Sunderji Home Economics
Date Posted:
February 25, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The share of American 30-year-olds living with their parents or roommates nearly doubled btw 1990 and 2025, from 17% to 32%. Aziz Sunderji finds that this group is largely responsible for the age cohort’s 15pp decline in homeownership over that period.

Among married 30-year-olds, the homeownership rate has barely budged—63% in 1990, 60% today. Among single 30-year-olds living alone, the homeownership rate actually rose, from 25% to 29%. The typical 30-year-old living at home is male (61%), has never been married (89%), and doesn’t have a college degree (73%). Only 27% have a bachelor’s, compared to 42% of all 30-year-olds. In the early 1990s the profile of those living at home at 30 looked nearly identical: 64% male, 77% never married, and less educated than average. [However], in the ’90s, a greater proportion of young, less educated men would have gotten married and moved out. Among men without a college degree—the group most likely to be living with their parents—the marriage rate has plunged from 58% to 36%.

Related Articles:

  • Changes in Milestones of Adulthood — US Census data show that btw 2005 and 2023, the fraction of Americans aged 25–34 who completed their education rose from 74% to 83%, but the % “ever married”…
  • What Explains Low Millennial Home Ownership? — 60% of millennials who are married and living apart from their parents at age 30 own a home, compared to 68% of comparable baby boomers. At 30, 42% of…
  • Young Adults Are Growing Increasingly Economically Dislocated — About 10% of Americans aged 20–24 are not working or seeking work, nor are they in school or raising children, about twice the fraction during the 1990s. This…
  • Housing
  • GDP
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Family/Marriage

Productivity Stagnation in the Construction Industry: An International Perspective

Elsie Peng Goldman Sachs
Date Posted:
February 3, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Post-1965, measured labor productivity in US construction averaged ~ -0.6% per year, compared to +1.6% economy-wide. GS attributes ~40% of the gap to tighter land-use rules, ~20% to weak innovation, and ~20% to mismeasurement of quality improvements.

Our analysis shows that, within the US, the tightening of land use regulations has accounted for 40% of the gap in productivity growth between construction and the rest of the economy since 1965, and the lack of innovation and quality mismeasurement have each accounted for 20%. Looking across countries, we find that more severe tightening of land use regulations and greater quality mismeasurement account for most of the underperformance of the US construction industry since 1991, relative to other major G10 countries.

Related Articles:

  • Stagnant Construction Productivity Is a Worldwide Problem — The sharp contrast between soaring productivity in manufacturing and limited or no such growth in construction since the 1990s is not limited to the US, but…
  • Five Decades of Decline: U.S. Construction Sector Productivity — “Labor productivity in U.S. construction in 2023 was essentially the same as it was in 1948.” Btw 1970 and 2020, labor productivity in the American…
  • The Strange and Awful Path of Productivity in the U.S. Construction Sector — Value-added/full-time employee in the US construction sector was ~40% lower in 2020 than in 1970; had construction productivity grown at 1% a year, aggregate…
  • Housing
  • GDP
  • Productivity

What Explains Low Millennial Home Ownership?

Aziz Sunderji Home Economics
Date Posted:
January 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

60% of millennials who are married and living apart from their parents at age 30 own a home, compared to 68% of comparable baby boomers. At 30, 42% of millennials are married, versus 64% of boomers.

The diagram traces the path from birth to living arrangement at age 30 for Millennials and Boomers. It reveals two junctures where the generations diverged. First, household formation: 31% of Millennials at age 30 still live with parents or roommates, compared to just 19% of Boomers at the same age—a 12-percentage-point gap that immediately disqualifies Millennials from the ownership track. Second, marriage: among those who do form households, only 61% of Millennials are married by age 30, versus 77% of Boomers. These two factors—not leaving the nest and not marrying, at least by age 30—account for the bulk of the 18-point ownership gap (43% for Boomers vs. 25% for Millennials). Part of this comes down to shifting preferences and values, but stretched affordability is also an important driver. Strikingly, conditional on being a married household head, ownership rates are much closer: 68% of married Boomer heads owned at 30, compared to 60% of Millennials—an 8-point gap, far smaller than the headline 18-point difference.

Related Articles:

  • Has Intergenerational Progress Stalled? Income Growth Over Five Generations of Americans — .@jefflarrimore @kevincorinth find that Millennials between the ages of 36-40 have 18% higher real median household incomes (net of taxes and transfers) than…
  • NAR Says the Typical First-Time Homebuyer Age Was 40 This Year, Up from 33 in 2021—but Is This Accurate? — FRBNY data indicate that the age of the median American first-time home buyer is 33 years old, ~ the same as in 2021, not 40 and not up 7 years since 2021, as…
  • The Eldest Millennials Had the Same Fertility as the Youngest Baby Boomers — Btw 1980 and 2000, US completed fertility fell from > 3 children per woman to < 2. Today, the oldest millennials, at 44, have 1.92 children, the same…
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Why Do People Leave New York City?

Aziz Sunderji Home Economics
Date Posted:
December 12, 2025
Is Database:
Database

82% of NYC emigrants are not moving to Texas or Florida; they are moving to Long Island and Westchester. Aziz Sunderji suggests that lowering housing costs could help the city retain these workers.

The vast majority of NYC emigrants aren’t fleeing to Texas or Florida—they’re moving to Long Island and Westchester, citing housing as their primary motivation. These are not people who have given up on the New York metro area; they’re people who want more space, want to own rather than rent, or simply want a better home than they can afford in the five boroughs. Interstate movers are a different story. They tend to be younger, more educated, and childless—and they leave primarily for jobs. This cohort is harder to retain through housing policy alone; their departures reflect the pull of opportunity elsewhere rather than the push of inadequate housing. The policy implication is straightforward: New York City cannot compete with booming job markets in other cities or Miami’s climate.  The four out of five emigrants from New York City who stay local are, in effect, still rooting for New York—they just need a place to live.

Related Articles:

  • Can New York Grow Again? — New York City’s population is shrinking due to domestic out-migration. Aziz Sunderji finds NYC’s population declined by 395,000 btw 2014 and 2024. As…
  • The Clock Now Ticks on Zohran Mamdani — Reihan Salam argues that NYC’s incoming mayor will take office with “the clock on his program already five minutes to midnight,” citing the erosion of the tax…
  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — Since January 2020, private sector real hourly earnings have fallen 9% in New York City, while increasing 3% nationally, as large firms based in NYC move jobs…
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