Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
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The Effects of Immigration on the Economy: Lessons from the 1920s Border Closure

Ran Abramitzky, Philipp Ager, Leah Platt Boustan, Elior Cohen, and Casper Hansen National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
December 9, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Immigration restrictions led to US-born workers moving to urban areas, replacing immigrants, and a shift to capital-intensive agriculture in rural areas, reducing labor demand and farm wages.

The 1920s immigration restrictions led to significant economic shifts, with US-born workers moving to urban areas to replace European immigrants, resulting in a 50% reduction in low-skilled blue-collar positions filled by immigrants. Despite a 75% drop in immigrant labor, wages for US-born workers in urban areas fell due to the influx of higher-skilled labor. In rural areas, the loss of immigrant workers prompted a shift towards capital-intensive agriculture, reducing labor demand and causing farm wages to decline by 3% for each percentage point increase in quota exposure. This historical episode highlights that immigration restrictions may not effectively raise US-born workers' earnings due to substitutability factors like automation and off-shoring.

New NBER looks at the effect of immigration restrictions in the United States during the 1920's and finds that a) wages for us workers in areas receiving fewer immigrants did not rise. b) US workers responded by moving to (higher productivity presumably) urban areas replacing European immigrants and drove down native wages in urban areas c) farmers responded to higher labor cost by shifting towards more capital intensive agriculture. The writers suggests that the American experience during the 1920's implies that restrictions on immigration will result in sustainability such as automation and off-shoring before wages climb.

Effects A and B, areas getting fewer immigration did not see wages rise, and wages fell in urban areas as higher skilled labor moved in (which implies immigrants had been sedating wages)"....In the United States, the era of open immigration with Europe ended abruptly in the 1920s. A series of restrictive acts introduced immigration quotas that were particularly targeted at immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. The quotas effectively limited the annual number of immigrants admitted to the United States by more than 75 percent. Given the substantial reduction of immigrant labor, a simple model would predict that wages for the existing workforce would increase. Yet, we find that the occupation-based earnings of US-born workers in labor markets exposed to the quota policy fell after the border closure.We then document how the economy adjusted to the decline in immigrant workers to explain this puzzling result. Once the immigrant flow into US cities declined, US-born workers and unrestricted immigrants from Mexico and Canada started entering in larger numbers, replacing the immigrant workers at a nearly one-to-one rate. The new arrivals into cities were more skilled, on average, than the immigrants that they replaced, making them closer substitutes to the existing US-born workers...We find that workers who were unrestricted by the quota policy (i.e., US-born workers and immigrants from the Western Hemisphere, including Mexicans and Canadians) replaced the loss of immigrant labor in exposed urban areas nearly one-for-one after the border closure. These new arrivals were more skilled than the immigrants that they replaced, filling only 50 percent of low-skilled blue collar positions previously held by immigrants. The arrival of higher skilled artisans and tradesmen, who may have been closer substitutes for existing US-born workers than the immigrant workers they replaced, can help explain why the earnings of existing residents fell after the border closure...."

Effect C, shift to capital intensive agriculture, "... By contrast, in rural areas, the loss of immigrant workers encouraged land owners to invest in more farm capital and to shift away from labor-intensive crops, which in turn discouraged US-born workers from moving into affected rural areas. We emphasize that our estimates reveal the total effect of the immigration restriction policy for local labor markets after corresponding flows of labor and capital occurred. Thus, the “puzzle” of why the earnings of US-born workers fell in cities after the border closure, despite a decline in immigrant labor supply, can be understood as the combined effect of a decline in the (primarily low-skilled) immigrant workforce and a corresponding rise in (a more mixed-skill) US-born workforce....Table 8 provides suggestive evidence that farmers adapted to the loss of immigrant farm labor by shifting into more capital-intensive production, thereby reducing employment opportunities for domestic workers as well. We measure the share of cultivated land planted in labor-intensive (hay and corn) versus capital-intensive (wheat) cereals... We find that rural areas with more quota exposure were more likely to plant capital-intensive wheat and less likely to plant labor-intensive cereals after the policy. Farmers also shift away from the use of draft animals (horses and mules), which are direct substitutes for new gasoline-powered tractor technology. Consistent with a decline in the demand for farm labor, farm wages decline by around 3 percent after the border closure for a one percentage point shift in quota exposure. However, we see no effect of the shift away from laborintensive production on average farm values indicating that the quota system did not impede the profitability of farming....."

Ran Abramitzky, Philipp Ager, Leah Platt Boustan, Elior Cohen, Casper Hansen, "The Effects of Immigration on the Economy: Lessons from the 1920s Border Closure," National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2019, https://www.nber.org/papers/w26536

Implications, "... It is rare to find such drastic changes in immigration policy and so this historical episode has important lessons for contemporary policy. Substantially walling off the US economy to new immigration did open up some employment opportunities for US-born workers who moved to urban areas to take jobs previously held by immigrant workers. However, using immigration restriction to raise the earnings of US-born workers more broadly is unlikely to be effective given the many factors that can substitute for immigrant workers. In the early twentieth century, restricting immigration from Europe encouraged labor flows from Mexico and Canada into urban areas, and the investment in new capital in rural areas. Today, these sources of substitutability may be automation in the manufacturing sector or the off-shoring of high-skilled tasks like computer programming or legal services....."

  • Productivity
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      • High vs Low Skill
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Previous articleDecember 9, 2019The Case for Growth Centers: How to spread tech innovation across America@RobertAtkinson @BrookingsInst 90% of innovation sector growth btw 2005-2017 took place in five regions: Boston, San Francisco, San Jose, Seattle, & San Diego.Next articleDecember 9, 2019Evaluating the Success of President Johnsons War on Poverty: Revisiting the Historical Record Using a Full-Income Poverty MeasureIncluding taxes + transfers LBJ’s Poverty Rate has fallen from 19.5% in 1963 to 2.3% in 2017.
Showing 484 database articles primarily about either Productivity, Cronyism, Incentives/Risk-Taking, Innovation/Research, Institutional Capabilities, Intangibles, Investment, Startups, or Workforce Reorganization

The College Wage Premium in the Generative AI Era

AI Summary. S. 575 between 2022 and 2026, the first sustained decline in relative demand for college-educated labor in four decades. AI exposure in white-collar occupations accounts for roughly 28% of that drop, as wage growth slowed disproportionately in high-AI-exposure jobs where college graduates are concentrated.

José Azar, Mireia Gine and Javier Sanz-Espín Social Science Research Network
Date Posted:
September 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The college wage premium flattened in the mid-2010s and has fallen ~8% since 2022. The authors argue that this compression reflects a broad decline in the returns to formal schooling, rather than a decline in the upper tail.

Is the college degree losing its economic value to artificial intelligence?

Core argument: The U.S. college wage premium fell from 0.626 to 0.575 between 2022 and 2026—the first sustained decline in relative demand for college labor after four decades of uninterrupted expansion.

After expanding for four decades, the U.S. college wage premium [dropped] sharply from 0.626 in 2022 to 0.575 in 2026. Current Population Survey data through 2026 implies an unprecedented drop in relative demand for college labor—the first sustained negative relative demand growth. Post-2022 wage growth slowed disproportionately in high-exposure occupations, which employ a disproportionate share of college graduates. By 2026, going from zero occupational AI exposure to full exposure had a negative effect on wages of−0.086. Combined with the college–non-college exposure gap, this mechanism accounts for roughly 28% of the total drop in the college wage premium from 2022 to 2026. While non-causal, these patterns indicate that task displacement in AI-exposed white-collar occupations plays a quantitatively meaningful role in the recent compression of the aggregate skill premium.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. college wage premium fell from 0.626 to 0.575 between 2022 and 2026—the first sustained decline in relative demand for college labor after four decades of uninterrupted expansion.
  2. Moving from zero to full occupational AI exposure reduced wages by 0.086 log points by 2026.
  3. the college–non-college AI-exposure gap accounts for roughly 28% of the total premium compression over that period.

Related Articles:

  • Looking for the Ladder — The downtick in hiring in AI-exposed occupations started 6 months prior to the release of ChatGPT, and is “perfectly” aligned with the start of Fed rate hikes…
  • How Students and Recent Grads are Responding to the Rise of AI — Far from shying away from AI, American undergraduates “are flocking towards the most-AI-exposed degrees,” with enrollment in these majors up 8% last year…
  • AI and Young-adult Jobs: The Real Mystery — Since the summer of 2023, the employment rate for Americans 22–25 has declined for both college grads and non-college workers, a phenomenon beyond both…
  • Innovation/Research
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      • College
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Gross and Net US Investment

AI Summary. Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment merely replaces depreciating assets. The shift toward faster-depreciating information technology assets requires larger gross investment increases to achieve any given gain in productive capital per worker.

Timothy Taylor Conversable Economist
Date Posted:
September 4, 2026
Is Database:
Database

U.S. real net private domestic investment—which adds to the American capital stock—is now only ~25% as large as gross investment, down from ~40% in the 1970s. Taylor suggests the widening gap between gross and net investment reflects the relatively rapid depreciation of IT-related capital.

Does faster asset depreciation explain slowing productivity growth?

Core argument: Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment now merely replaces depreciating capital rather than expanding the productive stock.

The figure divides net investment by gross investment. Back in the 1970s, net investment was often around 40% of gross investment, but the share has been slumping over time. For the last decade or so, net investment has been about 25% of the gross–that is, about three-quarters of gross investment is just making up for depreciation of the pre-existing capital stock. The likely reason for the growing gap between gross and net investment is that modern investment is more likely to be related to information technology [which] depreciates more rapidly and thus needs to be replaced and updated more often. If we want the average US worker to be using a greater amount of capital on the job–which was one of the key drivers of rising labor productivity in the past–it now takes a bigger rise in gross investment to lead to a given rise in net investment.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Net investment has fallen from ~40% of gross investment in the 1970s to ~25% today, meaning three-quarters of gross investment now merely replaces depreciating capital rather than expanding the productive stock.
  2. The shift toward information technology — which depreciates faster than physical machinery — is the primary driver of the widening gap between gross and net investment.
  3. Raising capital per worker, a historic engine of labor productivity growth, now requires a substantially larger increase in gross investment than it did several decades ago.

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The AI Re-Acceleration That Wasn’t

AI Summary. 615). Claims of re-acceleration result from cherry-picking frontier observations, selecting a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate lines on either side.

Paul Kedrosky Applied Complexity
Date Posted:
September 3, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Kedrosky argues AI capabilities continue to improve, but “the full composite data shows flattening relative gains, not acceleration…rolling relative model gains have fallen from their 2024 peak, while model dispersion has narrowed sharply.”

Are AI performance gains accelerating or just appearing to through selective measurement?

Core argument: Epoch’s Capabilities Index shows no statistically significant AI performance acceleration when controlling for developer and model family, with a breakpoint test returning p = 0.615 and a slope-change confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 pts per year.

Using all Epoch’s Capabilities Index observations, and controlling for developer and model family, there is no statistically significant breakpoint. A piecewise model—which splits the series into intervals and applies a sub-function to each segment—does not improve on a purely linear trend: p = 0.615, The estimated change in slope has a confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 points per year. In short, the maths shows there is no model acceleration, contrary to claims, and as expected. The result comes from selecting frontier observations only, choosing a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate lines on either side.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Epoch’s Capabilities Index shows no statistically significant AI performance acceleration when controlling for developer and model family, with a breakpoint test returning p = 0.615 and a slope-change confidence interval of -8.4 to +23.4 pts per year.
  2. Claims of AI re-acceleration rest on a methodological artifact: selecting only frontier model observations, pre-choosing a breakpoint, ignoring variance collapse, and fitting separate trend lines on each side of that breakpoint.

Related Articles:

  • Why .400 Hitters Disappeared — and What It Means for AI — As AI model performance converges toward a ceiling, relative gains per improvement cycle shrink, transforming frontier capability from a pricing moat into a commodity where price becomes the primary differentiator and margin pressure intensifies across leading providers.
  • Chart of the Day: Small Models are Closing the Gap to Frontier AI — Small AI models are closing the gap with large ones, achieving the same reasoning benchmarks with 142x fewer parameters than required two years ago. This makes on-device AI viable without data centers, compressing the economic case for cloud-based, per-query AI services.
  • Anthropic’s Best AI Model Struggles To Attract Users As Cheaper Tools Thrive — Spending on the most expensive AI model from a leading provider has plateaued at 11% of total outlay, as cheaper, older models prove capable of handling most business tasks.
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  • Productivity
    • Investment

Understanding AI and Productivity

AI Summary. U.S. productivity growth has accelerated to ~2.2% annually since mid-2022, above the 2010s baseline, though pandemic-era labor market and business formation dynamics likely contributed alongside AI. Historical general-purpose technology booms sustained labor productivity growth above 2.5% for a decade or more, making the current acceleration substantial but not unprecedented.

Chad Syverson Economic Innovation Group
Date Posted:
August 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Syverson is skeptical that AI initiated the rise in productivity growth that began in 2023. The acceleration began while AI investment was small, and pandemic-era labor market churn and business dynamism match the acceleration’s start.

Is AI-driven productivity growth sustainable at historical technology boom levels?

Core argument: U.S. labor productivity has grown at roughly 2.2% annually since mid-2022, a pace exceeding the 2010s trend and, if sustained, implying GDP per capita roughly 7% higher within a decade than the prior trajectory.

Productivity from mid-2022 on has maintained a faster-than-2010s trajectory involving annual growth of about 2.2%. Could this acceleration be due to AI? Perhaps. The timing leans against AI being the sole initial cause. Additionally, there were well-documented increases in economic dynamism (labor market churn and business formation) during the pandemic emergence whose timing matches the acceleration’s start. Regardless of AI’s current effect, the longer the aggregate productivity acceleration continues, the more plausible it is that AI is an important driver. As for the magnitude, a sustained increase from 1.5 to 2.2% annual productivity growth would be substantial (after a decade, GDP per capita would be 7% higher than otherwise), but hardly unprecedented. The 1995–2004 productivity boom saw annual productivity growth of nearly 3% per year, and other past general-purpose-technology-related productivity boosts saw labor productivity growth in excess of 2.5% for a decade or longer.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. labor productivity has grown at roughly 2.2% annually since mid-2022, a pace exceeding the 2010s trend and, if sustained, implying GDP per capita roughly 7% higher within a decade than the prior trajectory.
  2. The 1995–2004 productivity boom averaged nearly 3.0% annual growth, establishing that a durable AI-driven acceleration to 2.2% would be meaningful but well within historical precedent for general-purpose-technology cycles.
  3. Pandemic-era surges in labor market churn and business formation align more precisely with the productivity acceleration’s start date than AI adoption does, complicating AI-as-sole-cause narratives.

Related Articles:

  • AI and Productivity — Rising US labor productivity is driven by higher capital utilization—factories, servers, and hotel rooms running harder—rather than new investment or efficiency gains at the individual task level.
  • Google’s AI & Economy ATLAS v1.0: Mapping Gemini Usage in the Economy — Google’s new AI & Economy ATLAS maps 15M AI interactions to occupations, tasks, and activities, showing AI use is pervasive but not intensive…
  • Writing Code vs. Shipping Code: Productivity Effects Across Generations of AI Coding Tools — Event studies indicate that adoption of AI coding tools raised “commits” (saved code updates) ~180%, but releases by only ~30%. Large upstream…
  • Investment
  • GDP
    • Growth
  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research

US Widens AI-Driven Investment Gap With Europe

AI Summary. US corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to grow 40% in real terms by the end of next year, versus 12% in the euro area, widening a productivity gap where output per hour worked rose $14 in the US compared with $2 in Europe since 2018.

Sam Fleming, Amy Borrett and Olaf Storbeck Financial Times
Date Posted:
August 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Oxford Economics projects US real business investment will rise 40% over 2021–2027, ~3x the euro area’s 12%. US investment growth since 2024 has been largely information processing and software, but high US growth in GDP/hour is not “merely digital.”

Is artificial intelligence investment widening the transatlantic productivity divide?

Core argument: U.S. corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to rise 40% in real terms between 2021 and end-2026, versus 12% in the euro area and near-zero growth in Germany, sharply widening the transatlantic capital-spending gap.

Corporate spending on new equipment and facilities in the US is projected to increase 40% in real terms between 2021 and the end of next year, according to forecasts from Oxford Economics. The US surge compared with a real-terms increase of just 12% in the euro area, while German business investment is expected to have all but stagnated over the same period. Europe also faces a large and growing productivity gap with the US. “The United States has recently pulled further ahead of Europe,” Bart van Ark, a professor at the University of Manchester, told policymakers at the ECB Forum in Sintra. GDP per hour worked increased $14 in the US between 2018 and 2025, compared with just $2 in Europe. “The gap is not only a digital sector story,” added van Ark, stressing that the US outperformance extended to other sectors, including wholesale and retail as well as professional services.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. corporate investment in equipment and facilities is projected to rise 40% in real terms between 2021 and end-2026, versus 12% in the euro area and near-zero growth in Germany, sharply widening the transatlantic capital-spending gap.
  2. U.S. labor productivity rose $14 per hour worked between 2018 and 2025, versus $2 in Europe, with outperformance spanning wholesale, retail, and professional services—not solely the digital sector.

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  • Investment
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    • Europe USA Relative Performance
  • GDP
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    • Innovation/Research

Why Big Tech’s AI Spending Is $3 Trillion Higher Than It Seems

AI Summary. Nine major technology companies carry ~$3tn in off-balance-sheet AI commitments — 5x their ~$600bn in reported capital spending — obligations that are growing faster than traditional investment and triple their combined lease and debt liabilities.

Peter Rudegeair and Peter Santilli Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
August 17, 2026
Is Database:
Database

A WSJ analysis finds 9 firms involved in the data center buildout have ~$3T in off-balance-sheet commitments largely tied to AI infrastructure. The growth in such obligations has outpaced the firms’ capex growth over the last year.

Are technology companies hiding the true cost of artificial intelligence?

Nine top tech companies had some $3 trillion of off-balance-sheet commitments mostly related to AI, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of footnotes in their most recent securities filings. Those obligations are growing faster than traditional “capex,” which totaled about $600 billion over the past year they reported, and were about triple what the companies owe under their outstanding leases and long-term borrowings.

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  • The Market Is Asking Questions — AI infrastructure debt spreads are widening as markets question whether returns on massive, front-loaded capital spending will outpace financing costs before assets depreciate. If compute demand plateaus from efficiency gains or slow adoption, the industry faces a glut of expensive, rapidly depreciating capacity.
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