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House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19

Elliot Anenberg Federal Reserve Board
Date Posted:
November 18, 2022
Is Database:
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House price growth during COVID-19 contributed to 1/3 of CPI increase from 2020-22, driven by a wealth effect amid tight supply conditions.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, rapid house price growth significantly contributed to inflation, explaining about 1/3 of the CPI increase from 2020-22. This was driven by a wealth effect that boosted aggregate demand amid tight supply conditions. House prices rose at annualized rates of 15-25%, preceding CPI acceleration. Despite various controls, the elasticity of non-housing inflation to house price growth remained stable, indicating a strong correlation. The analysis suggests that as house price growth decelerates, inflation may ease, barring other shocks. The study highlights the role of housing wealth in shaping economic dynamics during the pandemic, with implications for future inflation trends.

“…The main mechanism through which house prices affect non-shelter inflation is through shifts in demand or changes in markups arising from housing wealth effects. A back-of-the-envelope calculation based on our regression estimates suggests that house price growth could explain about 1/3 of the consumer price index (CPI) increase, excluding housing services between February 2020 and February 2022. Following many months of annualized house price growth rates of 15-25%, recently, house prices have decelerated sharply. The acceleration of house prices early in the pandemic preceded the acceleration in the CPI. The correlations we document in this note suggest that inflation should step down somewhat in the future, given the sharp slowdown in house price growth and absent other inflationary shocks…”

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19: Extended Excerpt Image 1


The remaining columns in Table 2 add various controls, XiXi, to address leading potential omitted variables. One possibility is that areas with high house price growth saw increases in population during the pandemic, and the increase in population increased aggregate demand and inflation. Even though there is a strong relationship between population and house price growth during the pandemic, the results in column 2 show that the estimated elasticity of non-housing inflation to house price growth is little changed when adding population growth as a control.

Another possibility is that house price growth is associated with the strength of the local labor market, and it is local labor market conditions that influence inflation, not house price growth directly. The results in column 3, however, show that the estimated elasticity of non-housing inflation to house price growth is little changed when adding the change in the unemployment rate as a control.2 Also, the coefficient on house price growth is similar when controlling for the growth in average weekly wage changes or the total wage bill from the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (not shown).

Over our sample period, Congress passed massive fiscal stimulus, and the generosity of the income support from these stimulus programs likely varied across metro areas. It is possible that local income growth drove both house price growth and inflation. In column 4, we control for the growth in personal income as measured by the BEA, which includes income that people get from government benefits.3 Personal income growth is not significantly associated with inflation, and again the estimated elasticity of inflation to house price growth is little changed when adding local income growth as a control. Next, we consider the possibility that the housing wealth effect on inflation that we estimate may be correlated with a stock market wealth effect. Like house prices, stock prices soared in 2020 and 2021. We proxy for local exposure to increases in stock market wealth with the per-capita pre-pandemic average interest and dividend income in the metro area calculated from the 2019 IRS SOI tax data. Column 5 shows the results are little changed when this variable is added as a control. Column 6 shows results with controls for pre-pandemic median household income, share of households with college education, the homeownership rate, and median age - potential alternative proxies for exposure to the stock market boom. The results are similar.

Column 7 shows the results when all controls are added. None of the controls are individually significant, and the estimated elasticity of inflation to house price growth remains sizable and significant. Finally, column 8 includes as a control the log change in market-rate rents, available for 21 of the metro areas in our sample. The coefficient on house price growth remains of a similar magnitude as in other specifications and remains significant. This is further evidence that the coefficient on house price growth is primarily measuring housing wealth effects rather than confounding factors, as changes in market rate rents should reflect various unobserved factors associated with housing demand and supply that could be correlated with house price growth and inflation. Indeed, changes in rents are highly correlated with changes in house prices, inflation, and population.

In sum, looking across all the columns in the table, the estimated elasticity is remarkably stable considering the small sample size. A natural question is what is driving the variation in house prices across cities. While pinpointing the causes of house price changes is beyond the scope of this Note, some factors that could drive cross-sectional variation in house price growth that are plausibly unrelated to inflation include housing supply elasticity, the increase in demand for second homes from out-of-town buyers, or the pre-pandemic work-from-home share (Mondragon and Wieland, 2022). We explore instruments for house price growth in future work.

2.1. Inflation by type of goods or services

Table 3 shows results separately for inflation of durable goods, nondurable goods, services excluding shelter, and shelter services. We find the strongest effects of house price growth on inflation for services excluding shelter, nondurable goods and shelter services. For durable goods, we estimate a small or very noisy effect of house price growth on inflation. House price growth may not have a clear effect on durable goods inflation because durable goods are less likely to be produced locally (e.g. motor vehicles), and therefore, firms selling durable goods may set prices nationally. It is possible that house price growth increases inflation for durable goods, but trade reduces differences across metro areas. Our cross-sectional estimation strategy cannot identify this type of aggregate effect.

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19: Extended Excerpt Image 2


The very strong effect of house price growth on shelter services inflation shown in columns 4 and 8 is unlikely to be entirely causal. There is no mechanical link between the two, as shelter services inflation is based on rents for renters and a measure of implied rents for owners.4 That said, when housing supply is constrained, a positive housing demand shock will tend to raise both house prices and rents, leading to a positive correlation between house price growth and shelter services inflation. For this reason, we remove shelter inflation from the measure of inflation we use for the results in Table 2. Still, there is potential for some causal effect of house price growth on shelter inflation as discussed in Dias and Duarte (2019).

2.2. Comparing the pandemic inflation-house price growth relationship with its historical one

An increase in non-housing demand, induced by increases in housing wealth, is likely to be more inflationary when supply is more constrained. Since the second half of 2020 through the start of 2022, supply conditions have seemed generally tight, with retailers reporting low inventories and producers reporting slow delivery times amid shortages of inputs used in production. Hence, our prior is that demand effects were likely more inflationary from February 2020 to February 2022 than in other periods.

Table 4 shows results from a regression of non-shelter inflation on house price growth using metro area observations pooled across all two-year periods between February 2000 and February 2022. The regression includes an interaction between house price growth and a dummy variable for the 2020 to 2022 pandemic period allowing us to estimate the relation between house prices and inflation separately in the pre-pandemic and pandemic periods. The results in column 2 include metro area fixed effects and the results in column 3 include both metro area fixed effects and time period fixed effects. The results across all three columns show that the association between inflation and house price growth was unusually strong during the pandemic. Indeed, in the two decades prior to the pandemic, there was essentially no correlation between house price growth and non-shelter inflation for these metropolitan areas.

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19: Extended Excerpt Image 3


3. Spending and House Price Growth Across Metro Areas

The main mechanism through which house prices would affect non-shelter inflation is through shifts in demand or changes in markups arising from housing wealth effects. To provide evidence consistent with these mechanisms, we use data on credit card spending from the Federal Reserve Board's FR Y-14M reports. These reports require large U.S. bank holding companies, with at least $100 billion in total assets, to report information on individual credit card accounts on a monthly basis. For each metro area, we construct the change in nominal spending as measured by the flow of new purchases on credit cards between January-February 2020 and January-February 2022.5 For the 23 metro areas for which we observe CPI, we also construct a change in real spending by deflating nominal spending with the local CPI less shelter over the same time period.

Table 5 shows results of regressions similar to equation 1, replacing the dependent variable with spending growth. The first column shows that the estimated nominal spending elasticity to house price growth is 0.58 for the same small sample of metro areas used in Table 2. Column 2 shows the elasticity is little changed when the controls are added to the regression. The third and fourth columns show the real spending elasticity is strongly positive but smaller than the nominal elasticity, consistent with the positive association between inflation and house price growth shown in Table 2.

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19: Extended Excerpt Image 4


In fact, 25-40 percent of the nominal spending effect reflects an increase in prices. Focusing on spending in a sample of retail chains, Kaplan, Mitman and Violante (2020) estimated the elasticity of spending with respect to house price changes during the Great Recession. Their results suggest 20 percent of the nominal spending response during the Great Recession is due to changes in prices, with the remaining 80 percent reflecting a response in real spending.

The positive real spending response we estimate suggests a role for increased aggregate demand in explaining the positive effect of house price growth on inflation during the pandemic. Also, the substantial price response we find together with the evidence in Table 4 is consistent with tight supply conditions preventing firms from providing additional goods and services without raising prices. The price response may also be partly explained by households becoming less sensitive to price increases such that firms raised mark-ups.

Columns 5 and 6 show the elasticity of nominal spending in the full sample of 896 metropolitan and micropolitan areas covered by the Y-14M data. The estimated elasticities for the large sample are quantitatively similar to those estimated for the small sample. If we assume that 60-75 percent of the nominal spending effect in the large sample reflects an increase in real spending, consistent with the split we directly estimated for the small sample, then columns 5 and 6 imply an elasticity of non-shelter inflation with respect to house price growth of 0.125 or 0.145 for the large sample, very similar to the point estimates in Table 2 for the small sample.

4. Role of house price growth in explaining recent inflation

We can use our estimates to calculate the contribution of house price growth to national, non-shelter inflation between February 2020 and February 2022. Multiplying the increase in national house prices over this time period by the elasticity estimate from column 1 of Table 2, we find that house price growth increased the national, non-shelter CPI by 4 log points, which is 39 percent of the total increase in national, non-shelter CPI over this time period. Even at the lower bound of the 90 percent confidence interval around our elasticity estimate, house price growth still explains 13 percent of the increase in national, non-shelter CPI.

The calculation is back-of-the-envelope for a few reasons. First, it extrapolates based on a linear relationship between house price growth and inflation estimated using a sample of metro areas where house price growth was high for every observation. Still, under a very conservative scenario that assumes zero effect of house price growth on inflation until house price growth reaches the minimum level in our sample, house price growth explains 19 percent of the increase in non-shelter inflation CPI. Second, house price growth could increase price inflation for some goods or services only at the national level and not differentially by metropolitan area. Our back-of-the-envelope calculation cannot account for any national effects and thus could understate the contribution of house price growth to non-shelter inflation. Third, we cannot rule out a role for some omitted variable or measurement error to bias our estimated elasticity up or down.

Finally, the correlations we document in this note have some implications for the current inflation outlook. Following many months of annualized house price growth rates of 15-25 percent, recently house prices have decelerated sharply. The acceleration of house prices early in the pandemic preceded the acceleration in the CPI. The correlations we document in this note suggest that inflation should step down somewhat in the future, given the sharp slowdown in house price growth and absent other inflationary shocks.

References

Adams, Robert M., Vitaly M. Bord, and Bradley Katcher. 2021. "Why Did Credit Card Balances Decline so Much during the COVID-19 Pandemic?" Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (U.S.) FEDS Notes 2021-12-03-3.

Aladangady, Aditya. 2017. "Housing wealth and consumption: Evidence from geographically-linked microdata." American Economic Review, 107(11): 3415-46.

Dias, Daniel A, and João B Duarte. 2019. "Monetary policy, housing rents, and inflation dynamics." Journal of Applied Econometrics, 34(5): 673-687.

Guren, Adam M, Alisdair McKay, Emi Nakamura, and Jón Steinsson. 2021. "Housing wealth effects: The long view." The Review of Economic Studies, 88(2): 669-707.

Hazell, Jonathon, Juan Herreno, Emi Nakamura, and Jón Steinsson. 2022. "The slope of the Phillips Curve: evidence from US states." The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 137(3): 1299-1344.

Horvath, Akos, Benjamin S. Kay, and Carlo Wix. 2021. "The COVID-19 Shock and Consumer Credit: Evidence from Credit Card Data." Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (U.S.) Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2021-008.

Kaplan, Greg, Kurt Mitman, and Giovanni L. Violante. 2020. "Non-durable consumption and housing net worth in the Great Recession: Evidence from easily accessible data." Journal of Public Economics, 189: 104176.

Mian, Atif, Kamalesh Rao, and Amir Sufi. 2013. "Household balance sheets, consumption, and the economic slump." The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 128(4): 1687-1726.

Mondragon, John, and Johannes Wieland. 2022. "Housing Demand and Remote Work."

Stroebel, Johannes, and Joseph Vavra. 2019. "House prices, local demand, and retail prices." Journal of Political Economy, 127(3): 1391-1436.

________________________________

1. The analysis and conclusions set forth are those of the authors and do not indicate concurrence by other members of the research staff or the Board of Governors. The authors thank Ari Gelbard, Raghav Warrier, and Adithya Raajkumar for excellent research assistance. Return to text

2. While changes in the unemployment rate are not significantly associated with inflation excluding shelter in this sample, they are negatively associated with shelter inflation. Hazell et al. (2022) find that the regional Phillips curve for rents is substantially steeper than for inflation excluding shelter. Return to text

3. Because the BEA data at a metro-area level are only available for 2020, we use personal income growth for 2020 relative to 2019. Since the progressivity of fiscal support in 2021 was similar to 2020 generally, our measure likely captures broad cross-sectional patterns in earnings and transfers over this period. Return to text

4. For more information, seehttps://www.bls.gov/cpi/factsheets/owners-equivalent-rent-and-rent.htmReturn to text

5. Purchases on credit cards that do not become revolving balances are still included in our data. Information in the Y-14 is anonymized and does not contain transaction-level detail. Accounts associated with the same consumer cannot be linked across or within reporting banks. The large banks reporting to the FR Y-14M account for a high percentage of total credit card spending. For other work using this data, see Adams, Bord and Katcher (2021); Horvath, Kay and Wix (2021). Return to text

Aditya Aladangady, Elliot Anenberg, and Daniel Garcia, "House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19"Federal Reserve Board, https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/house-price-growth-and-inflation-during-covid-19-20221117.html

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-191

1. Introduction

House prices have risen rapidly during the pandemic, creating $9 trillion in owner occupied housing wealth between the first quarter of 2020 and the first quarter of 2022. Both housing and non-housing inflation also moved up over this time period to its highest level in many decades. This note considers whether the large increase in housing wealth has been an important contributor to non-housing inflation during the pandemic.

There are two main channels through which increases in housing wealth can contribute to non-housing inflation. First, the increase in housing wealth can stimulate additional consumption among existing homeowners, either because they feel wealthier or by relaxing borrowing constraints (Guren et al., 2021; Mian, Rao and Sufi, 2013; Aladangady, 2017). This shift in aggregate demand can result in non-housing inflation, especially when the slope of the aggregate supply curve is steep, as may have been the case during the pandemic. Second, homeowners may become less price sensitive as they become wealthier, allowing some firms to respond to a less price-elastic demand curve by raising markups and prices (Stroebel and Vavra, 2019).

This note documents a strong positive association between non-housing inflation and house price growth across major metropolitan areas during the first two years of the pandemic. Also, we show this correlation is much stronger than in recent history. The association during the pandemic does not appear to be driven by other leading omitted variables that could be correlated with local house price growth and inflation, such as changes in the local unemployment rate or population growth. In addition, we find a strong cross-sectional correlation between house price growth and both nominal and real credit card spending.

Taken together, our results provide suggestive evidence that house price growth has been an important contributor to inflation during the pandemic, in part by shifting aggregate demand along a steeper-than-normal aggregate supply curve. A back-of-the-envelope calculation based on our regression estimates suggests that house price growth could explain about 1/3 of the increase in the consumer price index (CPI) excluding housing services between February 2020 and February 2022. At the lower bound of the 90 percent confidence interval around our regression estimate, house price growth still explains 13 percent of the increase in the CPI excluding housing services.

2. Inflation and House Price Growth Across Metro Areas

We estimate the cross-sectional relationship between inflation and house price growth using the regression equation:

(1) Δlog(cpixi)=β0+β1Δlog(hpii)+β2Xi+εi(1) Δlog(cpixi)=β0+β1Δlog(hpii)+β2Xi+εi

where cpixcpix is the CPI excluding housing services for metro area ii, hpihpi is the CoreLogic house price index for metro area ii, XiXi is a vector of other local characteristics, and ΔΔ denotes the two-year change in the variable, February 2022 relative to February 2020.

The CPI is available for the 21 largest metro areas in the country, in addition to Honolulu, HI and Anchorage, AK, which jointly account for about 40 percent of the U.S. population. Table 1 reports summary statistics and sources for the variables used in this analysis.

House Price Growth and Inflation During COVID-19: Extended Excerpt Image 5


The scatter plot in Figure 1 shows a strong positive association between Δlog(cpixi)Δlog(cpixi) and Δlog(hpii)Δlog(hpii). Table 2, column 1 shows that a one percentage point increase in house price growth is associated with a 0.15 percentage point increase in inflation. Also, house price growth alone explains 42 percent of the cross-sectional variation in non-housing inflation during the pandemic.

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Showing 111 database articles primarily about Inflation

Choking Iran's Economy Is the Least Bad Way to End the War

AI Summary. Iran's economy is contracting at its fastest rate in roughly 40 years, with inflation above 50%, food costs doubling year-over-year, and the national currency near worthless.

Javier Blas Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Inflation in Iran is running at at least ~69%, its highest annual rate in 70 years. The black market exchange value of a rial hit a record low of ~1.85mm rials to the dollar, relative to 50,000 per dollar five years ago.

Is economic collapse the only path to ending the conflict?

Core argument: Iran’s inflation rate exceeds 50% annually — the highest in nearly 70 years of records — while food and essential goods costs have doubled year over year, severely compressing household purchasing power across the economy.

[Iran's] economy is on track to suffer the biggest annual contraction since the nadir of the Iran-Iraq War in the mid-1980s. Inflation is running well above 50%, the highest annual rate since records start nearly 70 years ago. Worse, the cost of food and other necessities has already doubled from a year ago. Its currency, the rial, is worthless. In the black market, the exchange rate has collapsed to a record low of about 1.85 million rials to the dollar; five years ago, roughly 50,000 rials were enough to buy a greenback.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Iran’s inflation rate exceeds 50% annually — the highest in nearly 70 years of records — while food and essential goods costs have doubled year over year, severely compressing household purchasing power across the economy.
  2. Iran’s GDP is on track for its steepest annual contraction since the mid-1980s Iran-Iraq War nadir, a deterioration that surpasses every recessionary episode across four intervening decades.

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  • U.S. Economy Less Vulnerable To Geopolitical Oil Price Shocks Than In The Past — Kilian, et al find that the impact of an energy shock on US real GDP growth has fallen to 1/20th of what it would have been in 1980, due both to the declining…
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A Return To Monetarism?

AI Summary. Excessive money growth reliably signals inflationary pressure regardless of whether its source is monetary or fiscal policy, because any fiscal expansion that increases money supply is captured in price-gap models tracking monetary aggregates.

Peter Ireland, Stephen Miran and Nouriel Roubini Hudson Bay Capital
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Ireland, Miran, and Roubini compare the actual price level to the predictions of an equilibrium model relating prices to money supply. Predicted inflation hit a 60-year high in 2020–21, months before inflation surged and then crashed once the Fed hiked.

Does excess money growth always predict inflation regardless of its source?

The graphs in Figure 3 show quite clearly how the surge in money growth starting in 2020 and continuing in 2021 put enormous upward pressure on inflation, to a degree unprecedented in the post-1967 sample period. And while the large and negative price gaps that followed in 2022 and 2023 are likewise indicative of strong disinflationary pressures applied through subsequent monetary tightening, one can’t see these graphs without asking: Had Federal Open Market Committee members been monitoring measures of money growth with the help of the P-star [price target based on monetary aggregates] model, might they have ended QE and raised interest rates sooner and more quickly, thereby avoiding at least some of the post-2020 inflation? Of course, massive fiscal expansion was another driver of the post-2020 surge in inflation, as suggested by fiscal theories of the price level. The model simply observes that regardless of its originating source, excessive money growth signals that inappropriate macroeconomic policies are fueling higher inflation. Fiscal expansions that expand money supply will be reflected in a P-star model.

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Home Alone: Inflation And The New Fed Chair

AI Summary. Current inflation conditions — including labor market tightness, price pressures, supply chain stress, and the output gap — align more closely with historical conditions that prompted the Federal Reserve to raise rates than to cut them. Averaging multiple monetary policy benchmarks points to an optimal interest rate range of 4.00%–4.85%

Michael Cembalest J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
May 27, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Cembalest notes labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector and the implied output gap are “much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them.”

Does current inflation warrant higher rates than the Fed currently plans?

Core argument: Monetary policy rules average a 4.00–4.85% Fed Funds range vs. the current 3.50–3.75%, indicating tightening bias drives futures pricing toward.

Inflation indicators the Fed watches include labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector, supply chain tightness and the “output gap” which measures how far actual growth is above/below potential growth. [The two] charts plot these four variables at the time of prior Fed decisions to increase or cut policy rates; green dots indicate when the Fed cut, red dots indicate when the Fed tightened and yellow circles show today’s values. In other words: current values are much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them. That may be why the futures curve is now pricing in Fed hikes instead of the cuts that were priced in at the start of the year. Superwonky: averaging several different monetary rules of thumb (Taylor rules, inertial, alternative r*, forward-looking) yields a Fed Funds range of 4.00% - 4.85% compared to the current range of 3.50% - 3.75%.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Monetary policy rules average a 4.00–4.85% Fed Funds range vs. the current 3.50–3.75%, indicating tightening bias drives futures pricing toward.
  2. Labor market tightness, manufacturing price pressures, supply chain constraints, and positive output gaps align with historical rate-increase conditions, leading markets.

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  • Are Government Bonds Safe in Times of War and Pandemic? — US government bonds, normally safe assets, become risky in times of war because of negative real returns due to bursts of inflation. As in the fiscal theory of…
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US Consumer Sentiment Slides to Record Low on Price Concerns

AI Summary. US consumer sentiment has fallen to a record low, driven by rising price expectations of 4.8% over the next year and 3.9% over the long term.

María Paula Mijares Torres Bloomberg
Date Posted:
May 26, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The Michigan Consumer Sentiment Index hit a record low in May, falling ~10% month over month. Consumers foresee prices advancing 4.8% over the next year. Inflation and high gas prices have long been major causes of sentiment drops.

Are rising price expectations undermining consumer confidence?

Core argument: Michigan consumer sentiment fell 5 pts to 44.8, undershooting all economist forecasts, driving heightened recession risk perceptions.

The University of Michigan’s final May sentiment index decreased 5 points to 44.8 from April. The gauge was weaker than all projections in a Bloomberg survey of economists as well as the preliminary reading of 48.2. Consumers expect prices to rise an annualized 3.9% over the next five to 10 years, up from 3.5% in April and the highest in seven months. They also saw costs advancing 4.8% over the next year.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Michigan consumer sentiment fell 5 pts to 44.8, undershooting all economist forecasts, driving heightened recession risk perceptions.
  2. Five-to-10-year inflation expectations surged to 3.9% from 3.5% month-over-month, the highest in seven months, leading to eroded purchasing power confidence.
  3. One-year price expectations of 4.8% vs. 3.9% long-term forecasts signal consumers expect near-term cost acceleration to outpace eventual moderation.

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  • $50 Trillion Safe-Haven Debt Market Upended by Iran War Inflation — The $50tn market for Group of Seven sovereign bonds is under pressure as investors price in persistent inflation, driving long-term yields to their highest level in two decades. Rising government debt and unresolved post-pandemic price pressures are compounding the risk, forcing expectations of higher interest rates to contain inflation.
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Where Did All the Affordable Cars Go?

AI Summary. The average new car costs ~$50,000, with sub-$20,000 options nearly extinct, while repair costs have risen 15%, making car ownership unaffordable for budget consumers. Removing import barriers on lower-cost foreign vehicles would expand access, as comparable Chinese models sell for ~$20,000 less than U.S. equivalents while offering superior performance

Clifford Winston New York Times
Date Posted:
April 15, 2026
Is Database:
Database

In 2012, there were ~12 new cars available for around $25,000 in real terms in the US. Today, there are only 4 new cars available at that price point. Clifford Winston notes allowing Chinese imports would likely increase that number to 11.

How Can Lower-Cost Foreign Vehicles Improve Car Affordability?

Core argument: Average new car prices reached $50,000, up from sub-$20,000 availability a decade ago, driving affordability crisis for budget consumers.

The average transaction price for a new car now sits around $50,000. In December, it became just about impossible to find one for less than $20,000. For anyone on a budget, an aging car is a trap. Auto repair costs jumped 15% in the last year alone, driven by the complexity of modern sensors and labor shortages. An average trip to the mechanic now costs roughly $840. To fix the problem, policymakers must overturn what has been for decades the third rail in American politics. It is time to stop coddling Detroit automakers [and open] the American market to cars made in China and elsewhere. Chinese cars aren’t just cheaper than the American alternatives. They’re often better. Take BYD’s slightly more upscale Seal sedan. It’s similar to Tesla’s Model 3, introduced nine years ago. But the Seal costs roughly $20,000 less than the Model 3. The Seal’s premium model offers substantially more horsepower, and its battery not only lasts longer, it can also be 80% charged in just 37 minutes. The Seal isn’t just a budget alternative; it is a more advanced machine.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Average new car prices reached $50,000, up from sub-$20,000 availability a decade ago, driving affordability crisis for budget consumers.
  2. Auto repair costs jumped 15% annually to $840 per visit, as sensor complexity and labor shortages result in escalating ownership.

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Inflation Is Down, But Americans Still Feel an Affordability Squeeze

Mark Niquette, Jennah Haque and Jade Khatib Bloomberg
Date Posted:
February 19, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

The US price level has risen 26% since January 2020, leaving Americans’ average weekly real wages up only 3.7% over five years.

The average American’s weekly pay has risen 31% over the past six years. That’s faster than prices across that period, so Americans in the aggregate aren’t losing ground — but inflation wiped out most of their income gains. For low earners, who saw the fastest wage growth after the pandemic, the last year or so has been tougher and they’re now lagging behind. [Grocery] prices are up about 30% since January 2020, about in line with average wage growth. But Americans had gotten used to paying roughly the same at the supermarket each week in the pre-pandemic years. Lately, they’ve been forced to stomach a bigger bill with almost every visit. A double-punch has pushed homeownership out of reach for many Americans: First the pandemic-era surge in prices, and then a steep run-up in mortgage rates. A young married couple now needs 70% of their annual household income to afford the average down payment, according to Goldman Sachs economist Elsie Peng, up from 58% in 2019 and 45% in 2000. [Further], the average principal and interest payment has doubled since early 2020, according to the National Association of Realtors. Employee premiums for family health insurance have risen 23% in the past five years to almost $6,900 on average. And more than 20 million people who rely on Affordable Care Act plans face a hike in their premiums after Congress let Covid-era subsidies expire.

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