Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
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Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun

Greg Ip Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
July 25, 2022
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Database

@greg_ip @WSJ BIS forecasts private sector debt service will consume an additional 3% of income by 2025 if policy rates rise 4.25%. Housing & equity prices could be 5% lower, adjusted for inflation. Interest rate pain from higher inflation is far from over.

The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) forecasts that if advanced economy central banks raise policy rates by 4.25 percentage points, private-sector debt service will consume an additional 3% of income by 2025. This scenario would also result in housing and equity prices being 5% lower, adjusted for inflation. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that a one-percentage-point increase in real rates could boost the annual deficit by $250bn in 2026, or roughly 1% of GDP. With publicly held debt rising from 35% of GDP in 2007 to 98% now, the cost of servicing this debt could increase significantly if bond yields rise above current levels. As inflation remains high, the potential for increased interest rates poses a significant risk to both private and public financial stability, indicating that the economic pain from higher inflation is far from over.

In the decade before and then through the early pandemic, the Fed was fighting to keep the economy growing and inflation from slipping below 2%. So it kept real short-term interest rates negative and bought bonds, which helped keep real bond yields below 1%. Low real rates bolstered stock and housing prices, and encouraged businesses to borrow; corporate debt climbed to a record relative to gross domestic product. (Households’ leverage plummeted after the financial crisis and hasn’t really recovered since.)The Bank for International Settlements recently evaluated what would happen if advanced economy central banks raised their policy rates 4.25 percentage points, as much as the Fed tightened in 2004-2006. Housing and equity prices would both end up 5% lower, adjusted for inflation, in 2025 than now, and private-sector debt service would consume an additional 3% of income. Federal budget math also gets ugly. In 2007 publicly held debt was 35% of GDP. A financial crisis, pandemic and two recessions later, it is 98%. But because bond yields have fallen from 5% then to 3% now, the cost of servicing that debt hasn’t increased.Furthermore, the Fed bought a lot of those bonds to hold down yields, remitting their interest back to Treasury. It paid for the bonds by issuing newly created electronic money, called reserves, to commercial banks, with an interest rate of close to zero. The Congressional Budget Office reckons a one-percentage-point increase in real rates will boost the annual deficit by $250 billion in 2026, or roughly 1% of GDP. Debt, already on an upward trajectory, will rise even faster.

Greg Ip, "Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun,"Wall Street Journal, July 20, 2022, https://www.wsj.com/articles/interest-rate-pain-from-higher-inflation-has-barely-begun-11658327626

Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun

Inflation hurts for many reasons, but one of the most important is that it usually means higher interest rates. Yet in the past year, while inflation has jumped 7 percentage points, the Fed’s short-term interest-rate target has gone up just 1.5 points and the 10-year Treasury note yield just 1.9 points.

The gap reflects a belief by investors that in a few years, inflation will relatively painlessly slide back to around 2%, the Federal Reserve’s target, allowing rates to return to the ultralow levels that prevailed before the Covid-19 pandemic. What if instead inflation remains stubborn and rates have to rise a lot more? That would spell trouble for an economy where asset values, private and public debt have risen on the assumption that rates will remain historically low.

Higher inflation boosts profits, incomes and asset values and thus neutralizes the effect of rising nominal rates. Thus, monetary policy becomes restrictive not through higher nominal rates, but higher real rates—nominal rates minus inflation.

Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun: Extended Excerpt Image 1


In the decade before and then through the early pandemic, the Fed was fighting to keep the economy growing and inflation from slipping below 2%. So it kept real short-term interest rates negative and bought bonds, which helped keep real bond yields below 1%. Low real rates bolstered stock and housing prices, and encouraged businesses to borrow; corporate debt climbed to a record relative to gross domestic product. (Households’ leverage plummeted after the financial crisis and hasn’t really recovered since.)

Low real rates also became a justification for governments to worry less about deficits and debt, which President Biden’s team incorporated in their stimulus and budget plans. Mr. Biden’s budget projections put real short-term interest rates around zero over the coming decade, and the real bond yield at around 1%.

Those assumptions reflect a belief that the factors holding down real rates before the pandemic, such as sluggish economic growth, aging, a surplus of global savings, and investors’ desire for safety, will resume. Markets seem to agree: Inflation-indexed bonds put the real 10-year bond yield at just 0.5% and see inflation plummeting to around 2% in a year from 9.1% in June. Markets see the Fed raising its target interest rate two more percentage points, to between 3.5% and 3.75%, by next spring and then cutting it.

But if inflation proves more stubborn, nominal and real rates will likely have to go much higher than this benign outlook implies. This is the first tightening cycle since the early 1990s when inflation started out well above the Fed’s objective. To push it back down would, in theory, require substantially positive real rates. What this means for the Fed’s short-term interest-rate target is unclear because it depends on where underlying inflation ends up once current energy and supply disruptions dissipate. Still, popular rules of thumb inspired by the economist John Taylor prescribe a nominal rate target of 7%, according to a June Fed report, about double current expectations.

That would be a rude awakening for markets. The Bank for International Settlements recently evaluated what would happen if advanced economy central banks raised their policy rates 4.25 percentage points, as much as the Fed tightened in 2004-2006. Housing and equity prices would both end up 5% lower, adjusted for inflation, in 2025 than now, and private-sector debt service would consume an additional 3% of income.

Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun: Extended Excerpt Image 2


“The tighter monetary conditions needed to bring down inflation could cast doubt on assets—including housing—priced for perfection on the assumption of persistently low real interest rates and ample central bank liquidity,” the BIS said.

Federal budget math also gets ugly. In 2007 publicly held debt was 35% of GDP. A financial crisis, pandemic and two recessions later, it is 98%. But because bond yields have fallen from 5% then to 3% now, the cost of servicing that debt hasn’t increased. Furthermore, the Fed bought a lot of those bonds to hold down yields, remitting their interest back to Treasury. It paid for the bonds by issuing newly created electronic money, called reserves, to commercial banks, with an interest rate of close to zero.

Interest-Rate Pain From Higher Inflation Has Barely Begun: Extended Excerpt Image 3


Higher inflation increases nominal GDP, the denominator in the debt to GDP ratio. Because inflation in the past year was so much higher than interest rates, the debt to GDP ratio actually dropped. If interest rates rise above inflation, that dynamic reverses. Treasury’s interest expense goes up directly as debt rolls over and indirectly as the higher interest the Fed must pay on reserves reduces its remittances to the Treasury. The Congressional Budget Office reckons a one-percentage-point increase in real rates will boost the annual deficit by $250 billion in 2026, or roughly 1% of GDP. Debt, already on an upward trajectory, will rise even faster.

It’s been a long time since rising interest rates forced Congress and the president into painful decisions on which spending to cut or taxes to raise. Thanks to higher inflation, they may face those decisions again.

  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
    • Growth
    • Inflation
Previous articleJuly 25, 2022A New Interpretation Of Productivity Growth Dynamics In The Pre-Pandemic And Pandemic Era U.S. Economy, 1950-2022Analysis by @RobertGordon suggests pandemic-era productivity gains were due to temporary reallocation effect, not new innovations, with long-term growth likely reverting to pre-pandemic trends. @nberpub.Next articleJuly 25, 2022How Effective Is More Money? Randomizing Unconditional Cash Transfer Amounts in the USCOVID cash transfer impact study yields null results: RCT (n=5000) shows one-time payments ($500/$2k) fail to improve financial/psychological/health outcomes despite short-term spending boost.
Showing 100 database articles primarily about Fiscal Deficits

US 30-Year Bonds Erase Gains From Treasury’s Buyback Surprise

AI Summary. US government bond yields have returned to near two-decade highs despite a buyback program targeting long-dated debt, indicating that investor concern over rising government borrowing remains unresolved.

Michael MacKenzie and Alice Gledhill Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 20, 2026
Is Database:
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The 30-year yield rose ~7bps to as much as 5.27%, and the 10-year yield hit 4.71%, erasing “almost all” the gains that followed Treasury’s surprise decision to increase buybacks of longer-dated bonds.

Does government debt buyback activity actually reduce long-term borrowing costs?

Core argument: The 30-year Treasury yield surged 7 basis points to 5.27%, erasing virtually all gains from the Treasury’s surprise buyback announcement and signaling the intervention failed to calm investor concerns over fiscal sustainability.

US Treasuries erased almost all of the gains that followed the Trump administration’s surprise decision to increase buybacks of longer-dated bonds, signaling the move has done little to alleviate the angst about the surging government debt that has pushed some yields to the highest in close to two decades. The 30-year yield on Thursday rose over seven basis points to as much as 5.27%, where it was just ahead of the US Treasury Department’s announcement early Wednesday, before paring the gain. The 10-year yield touched 4.71%, just shy of its highest level since early 2025.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The 30-year Treasury yield surged 7 basis points to 5.27%, erasing virtually all gains from the Treasury’s surprise buyback announcement and signaling the intervention failed to calm investor concerns over fiscal sustainability.
  2. The 10-year Treasury yield reached 4.71%, approaching its highest level since early 2025, as surging government debt continues to pressure long-duration bonds.

Related Articles:

  • Bessent Boosts Debt Buybacks After Climb in Treasury Yields — The US Treasury doubled the size of its buyback operations for long-dated government debt to reduce upward pressure on yields, which had reached their highest level in nearly two decades.
  • The Coming Great Repression? — Higher public debt is historically associated with lower, not higher, government bond returns, as financial repression forces banks to hold low-yield bonds and cheap reserves, suppressing borrowing costs. This mechanism reduced British public debt by ~91% of GDP in 1945–55, dwarfing the contributions from inflation or budget surpluses.
  • The United States Capital Structure — Government bondholders hold the riskiest position in the U.S. fiscal structure, absorbing adverse shocks through inflation or financial repression, while entitlement recipients function as senior claimants whose payments are politically protected.
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
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A Long-Run Economic Model for Projecting the Finances of the U.S. Government and National Spending on Healthcare: Analysis of Productivity Increases and Health Sector Reform

AI Summary. U.S. federal debt is projected to reach 151% of GDP by 2036 and 309% by 2056 as rising real interest rates exceed economic growth, creating a self-reinforcing cycle of higher deficits and debt. National health spending is projected to reach 21.2% of GDP by 2036, rising to 37.2% by

Mark Warshawsky American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
July 23, 2026
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Warshawsky projects US debt-to-GDP will be 151% in 2036, well above CBO’s 120% projection, as higher real rates and a dynamic Baumol cost-disease effect will increase healthcare spending relative to GDP in an aging economy.

Will rising healthcare costs overwhelm U.S. fiscal capacity?

Core argument: U.S. federal debt-to-GDP reaches 151% by 2036 and 309% by 2056 under this general-equilibrium model—far exceeding CBO’s 120% and 175% projections—as real interest rates outpace economic growth, locking deficits and debt in a self-reinforcing spiral.

The Congressional Budget Office makes certain simplifying assumptions on health care spending, and is based on current law. By contrast, in the model presented in this paper, these variables are simultaneously determined by supply and demand, based on logical functional forms and parameter estimates from the literature or empirical analysis, and the model is based on current policy. This approach better reflects real economic relationships—between health care spending, the federal budget, and investment in capital—and changing underlying conditions, especially demographics. Within the next twenty or so years, the model predicts that federal government debt will grow significantly beyond historical experience, to be judged unsustainable because the real interest rate exceeds real economic growth. Debt-to-GDP will be 151% in 2036, 218% in 2046, and 309% in 2056, compared to CBO’s 120% in 2036 and 175% in 2056. Real interest rates rise for several decades, ratcheting interest payments, deficits, and debt in a vicious cycle.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. federal debt-to-GDP reaches 151% by 2036 and 309% by 2056 under this general-equilibrium model—far exceeding CBO’s 120% and 175% projections—as real interest rates outpace economic growth, locking deficits and debt in a self-reinforcing spiral.

Related Articles:

  • Can AI Avert the Impending Federal Budget Crisis? — Higher economy-wide productivity growth raises incomes but also accelerates healthcare inflation, so a productivity surge from 1.8% to 2.7% raises GDP per capita from $102,000 to $110,000 by 2035 while pushing healthcare spending from 21% to 21.7% of GDP.
  • How Might Fiscal Policy Respond to the Rise of Artificial Intelligence? — A 0.5% annual productivity growth boost would reduce publicly held federal debt by 39% of GDP over 30 years, cutting roughly half of the projected rise from 101% to 175% of GDP, through higher tax revenue, slower spending growth relative to GDP, and debt dilution that outweighs higher borrowing costs.
  • The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2026 to 2036 — CBO projects a deficit of 5.8% of GDP in 2026, unchanged from 2025. Outlays, at 23.3% of GDP, will exceed their 50-year mean by 2.1pp; revenue of 17.5% is just…
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets

Intergovernmental Grants to School Districts and Educational Outcomes During the COVID-19 Pandemic

AI Summary. Emergency federal education grants during the pandemic did not measurably reduce student learning loss, partly because qualifying districts saw local revenues fall by ~$907 per pupil over three years — offsetting federal funds rather than supplementing them.

Jeffrey Clemens, Philip Hoxie and Stan Veuger National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
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Exploiting a discontinuity in K-12 public school districts’ qualification for Covid emergency funding (ESSR), Clemens et al find that the funds did not mitigate learning loss. To a large extent, local districts used them to lower property taxes.

Emergency funding for K-12 public schools was an important component of recession spending packages during COVID, involving $190 billion in additional expenditure. We see no evidence that ESSER funds helped to mitigate learning loss, at least in the short run. We find no statistically significant evidence that districts increased expenditures in SY 2021 or SY 2022. We do find evidence that districts that qualified for additional ESSER funds had statistically significant reductions in local revenues that were in excess of their ESSER funds. This pass-through of federal funds may partially explain why ESSER had minimal impacts on learning loss for districts around the 5% poverty threshold. Our estimates suggest that over the three years, crossing the qualification cutoff for additional ESSER funds is associated with a $907 per pupil decrease in local revenues, or about 8% of the pre-COVID average. We show the decline in local revenues as an event study in Figure 3, which includes a flat pre-COVID trend in local revenues per pupil across the qualification threshold. In Table 5,Column 5 [], we can see that about 80% of the revenue decline came from decreases in revenues from property taxes, [which fell] by $718 per pupil across the 3 years. The findings apply specifically to districts in the neighborhood of the 5% poverty threshold for qualifying for additional ESSER funds.

Related Articles:

  • Aid for Incumbents: The Electoral Consequences of COVID-19 Relief — An additional senator or representative per mm residents predicted about $1,000 dollars in additional COVID aid per capita over 2020-2022, yielding incumbents…
  • What Do States Do with Fiscal Windfalls? Evidence from the Pandemic — Of the almost $1T in Federal pandemic-era fiscal aid to states, 38% went to general government expenditures (excluding healthcare, education, and…
  • Spatial Spillovers and the Effects of Fiscal Stimulus: Evidence from Pandemic-Era Federal Aid for State and Local Governments — Accounting for spillovers from other states, @stanveuger and @jeffreypclemens find that $900B federal pandemic aid translated to $878,000 of spending to create…
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
    • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Education
      • K-12
      • Test Scores

How Might Fiscal Policy Respond to the Rise of Artificial Intelligence?

AI Summary. A 0.5% annual productivity growth boost would reduce publicly held federal debt by 39% of GDP over 30 years, cutting roughly half of the projected rise from 101% to 175% of GDP, through higher tax revenue, slower spending growth relative to GDP, and debt dilution that outweighs higher borrowing costs.

Karen Dynan, Douglas Elmendorf and Louise Sheiner National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
July 13, 2026
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CBO baseline projects debt-to-GDP rising from 101% in 2026 to 175% in 2056. Dynan et al. study how AI might modify that projection. In all but their most optimistic scenario, TFP grows 0.5pp faster, and AI offsets 39–49 pp of that 74pp increase.

Does productivity growth from artificial intelligence solve the federal debt problem?

[In the Base Case], faster economic growth [improves the federal budget and debt outlook] through four channels. First, [higher] incomes increase federal revenue, [while] the progressive tax system [modestly] raises revenue relative to GDP. CBO [estimates] that a [permanent] 0.5 pp increase in annual TFP growth would raise revenue after [30 years] by 0.14% of GDP. Second, [although] faster growth increases [some] federal spending, spending rises [more slowly] than GDP, [reducing noninterest outlays] relative to GDP. Under our [assumptions], discretionary spending falls from 6.1% of GDP in 2025 to 4.5% in 2056. Third, because faster growth does not [change the stock of] existing debt, that debt becomes smaller relative to GDP. Fourth, [stronger] growth generally raises interest rates, increasing the [cost] of new borrowing and [refinancing] existing debt. This represents a partial offset to the [fiscal gains]. [On balance], additional annual TFP growth of 0.5 pp would lower publicly held federal debt after [30 years] by 39% of GDP relative to CBO’s extended baseline. CBO’s extended baseline shows federal debt rising from 101% of GDP in 2026 to 175% in three decades, so this hypothesized increase in growth would offset roughly half of that projected rise.

Related Articles:

  • Can AI Avert the Impending Federal Budget Crisis? — Higher economy-wide productivity growth raises incomes but also accelerates healthcare inflation, so a productivity surge from 1.8% to 2.7% raises GDP per capita from $102,000 to $110,000 by 2035 while pushing healthcare spending from 21% to 21.7% of GDP.
  • U.S. Treasury Investors Are Long in AI — U.S. government debt acts as a leveraged bet on long-run productivity growth, because tax revenue rises automatically with faster growth while spending commitments stay flat. Each 0.1 percentage point increase in permanent productivity growth raises the fundamental value of government debt by $1.3tn, implying a 71 basis point decline in
  • The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2026 to 2036 — CBO projects a deficit of 5.8% of GDP in 2026, unchanged from 2025. Outlays, at 23.3% of GDP, will exceed their 50-year mean by 2.1pp; revenue of 17.5% is just…
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets

Annual Economic Report

AI Summary. Public debt has risen sharply across both advanced and emerging economies, with cyclically adjusted primary deficits nearly doubling in advanced economies to 1.9% of GDP and surging from 0.1% to 1.8% in emerging markets, leaving governments with limited capacity to absorb future economic shocks.

BIS Staff Bank of International Settlements
Date Posted:
June 30, 2026
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Database

BIS warns, “Countries can no longer count on nominal growth to stabilise debt dynamics. They now must run primary surpluses or significantly smaller deficits to maintain stable debt-to-GDP ratios.”

Does rising public debt limit governments' ability to handle future crises?

Core argument: Cyclically adjusted primary deficits in AEs doubled to 1.9% of GDP since 2022 versus 1.1% over 2000–2019, reducing fiscal space.

Many countries entered the current energy crisis with limited fiscal space. Public debt in [Advanced Economies] (AE) has risen steadily over recent years (Graph 15.A), reducing governments’ ability to cushion fallout from higher energy prices. Although the increase partly reflects successive shocks, from the Covid-19 recession to the war in Ukraine, persistent failures to make meaningful progress on fiscal consolidation during economic expansions have also played a part. Cyclically adjusted primary deficits in AEs averaged 1.9% of GDP from 2022 onwards (Graph 15.B), nearly double the 1.1% recorded over the two preceding decades. [Emerging market economies] (EME) have seen an even sharper deterioration (1.8% since 2022 versus 0.1% between 2000 and 2019). Fiscal positions are set to remain strained over the coming years. Debt servicing costs are unlikely to ease soon, as higher interest rate payments continue to weigh on fiscal accounts (Graph 15.C). Deficits in 2027 are projected at or above 2025 levels in most jurisdictions.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Cyclically adjusted primary deficits in AEs doubled to 1.9% of GDP since 2022 versus 1.1% over 2000–2019, reducing fiscal space.
  2. EMEs experienced sharper fiscal deterioration with deficits at 1.8% since 2022 versus 0.1% in 2000–2019, limiting their capacity to cushion.
  3. Higher interest rate payments drive debt servicing costs upward, keeping deficits at or above 2025 levels through 2027 across most.

Related Articles:

  • Global Debt Report 2026 — Across the OECD last year, $13.5T of governmental debt needed refinancing, 70% ($9.5T) of which was US debt, up from 57% in 2020. The US and Japan were…
  • Are Government Bonds Safe in Times of War and Pandemic? — US government bonds, normally safe assets, become risky in times of war because of negative real returns due to bursts of inflation. As in the fiscal theory of…
  • Our Thoughts on Large US Deficits and Their Impact on Bond Yields — Bridgewater believes an increase in the deficit to 7-8% of GDP will not put undue pressure on bond yields. They argue rates reflect total credit creation…
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • GDP

More T-Bills, More Dependence on the Fed

AI Summary. T-bill issuance has reached ~85% of gross Treasury supply, near a two-decade high, making government borrowing costs increasingly sensitive to short-term interest rates set by the Federal Reserve.

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
June 17, 2026
Is Database:
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T-bills are ~85% of gross Treasury issuance, meaning Federal borrowing costs are more closely tied to the front end of the curve, the part most directly under the Fed’s control.

Does rising short-term debt issuance increase government vulnerability to Fed policy?

Core argument: T-bills comprise 85% of gross Treasury issuance, near 20-year highs, tying federal borrowing costs directly to Fed policy rates.

T-bills now account for almost 85% of gross Treasury issuance, near the highest share in over two decades. By tilting issuance toward short-dated debt, the government ties its borrowing costs more closely to the front end of the curve, making its financing increasingly dependent on Fed policy.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. T-bills comprise 85% of gross Treasury issuance, near 20-year highs, tying federal borrowing costs directly to Fed policy rates.
  2. Short-dated debt concentration drives government financing vulnerability to near-term rate decisions, increasing refinancing risk vs. longer-maturity alternatives.
  3. Front-end curve dependence results in fiscal costs rising faster when the Fed maintains restrictive policy, amplifying deficit pressures.

Related Articles:

  • The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2026 to 2036 — CBO projects a deficit of 5.8% of GDP in 2026, unchanged from 2025. Outlays, at 23.3% of GDP, will exceed their 50-year mean by 2.1pp; revenue of 17.5% is just…
  • The Robin Hood State Is Coming For The Rich — Advanced economies have become increasingly redistributive. “While the share of US taxable income going to the top 1% of earners soared, their share of…
  • The United States Capital Structure — Government bondholders hold the riskiest position in the U.S. fiscal structure, absorbing adverse shocks through inflation or financial repression, while entitlement recipients function as senior claimants whose payments are politically protected.
  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • GDP
    • Inflation
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