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Liquidity Traps, Local and Global (Somewhat Wonkish)

AI Summary. Europe's weak domestic demand, reflected in core inflation of 0.6%, is exported globally through large current account surpluses, while low inflation interacting with the zero lower bound on interest rates keeps policy from reaching equilibrium. Liquidity traps can persist locally despite international capital mobility when domestic demand stays weak.

Paul Krugman Krugman Blog
Date Posted:
April 2, 2015
Is Database:
Database

Europe’s liquidity trap is driven by weak domestic demand, low inflation, and a shared currency without fiscal integration.

Can liquidity traps persist locally despite mobile international capital?

Core argument: Core inflation in Europe stands at 0.6%, indicating weak domestic demand that is exported globally through large current account surpluses.

The debate on liquidity traps highlights the persistent challenges of secular stagnation, particularly in Europe, where declining working-age populations and a shared currency without fiscal integration contribute to a contractionary fiscal policy bias. Core inflation in Europe is at 0.6%, indicating weak domestic demand, which is exported globally through large current account surpluses. This situation is exacerbated by low inflation interacting with the zero lower bound, preventing interest rates from reaching their equilibrium. Despite international capital mobility, liquidity traps can persist locally if domestic demand remains weak, as seen in Japan's experience with deflation and the zero lower bound. The global savings glut, driven by countries like Germany, suggests that these imbalances will continue unless policies are implemented to boost demand and address trade and capital flow imbalances.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Core inflation in Europe stands at 0.6%, indicating weak domestic demand that is exported globally through large current account surpluses.
  2. Europe's declining working-age population and a shared currency without fiscal integration contribute to a contractionary fiscal policy bias, with low inflation interacting with the zero lower bound to keep interest rates from reaching equilibrium.
  3. Liquidity traps can persist locally despite international capital mobility when domestic demand stays weak, as in Japan's experience with deflation and the zero lower bound, and a global savings glut driven by countries such as Germany sustains these imbalances absent policies to boost demand.

really good Krugman on the Bernanke/Summers debate "...Bernanke correctly, I’d argue, criticizes Summers for insufficient attention to international capital flows - but then argues that once you do allow for international capital movement it obviates many of the secular stagnation concerns, which I believe is wrong....most persuasive evidence that the US may face secular stagnation comes from the lackluster recovery of 2001-2007...mother of all housing bubbles...unsustainable rise in household debt... a fairly unimpressive expansion by historical standards....seem to point to fundamental weakness in private demand. But one reason for the sluggish growth in demand for U.S.-produced goods and services was a huge trade deficit, the counterpart of huge reserve accumulation in China and other emerging markets. So Bernanke argues that what Summers sees as evidence of secular stagnation actually reflects the global savings glut....moral of the Japanese example is that if other countries are managing to achieve a moderately positive rate of inflation, but you have let yourself slip into deflation or even into “lowflation”, you can indeed manage to find yourself in secular stagnation even if the rest of the world offers positive-return investment opportunities. Which brings me to the future of the global savings glut....the case for secular stagnation in Europe is considerably stronger than it is for the U.S.. Working-age population is declining, Japan-style; the euro system, with a shared currency but no fiscal integration, arguably imparts a strong contractionary bias to fiscal policy; and core inflation is already down to just 0.6 percent.By the logic I’ve already laid out, this should imply a persistently very weak euro and a persistently large European current account surplus, as Europe in effect tries to export its secular stagnation - a process limited only by the way low inflation or deflation interact with the zero lower bound to keep interest rates from falling to their Wicksellian equilibrium rate....implies is that even if you downplay domestic U.S. weakness and focus on the export of capital from other countries, especially Germany, there’s no good reason to believe that this new version of the global savings glut will end any time soon.....Europe’s trade and capital imbalances are the result of fundamental weakness of domestic demand, which is then exported to the rest of us, who aren’t that strong either. If true, this says that we have a problem that must be solved with policies that boost demand. So on the policy debate, I come down firmly on the Summers side...." Krugman, Paul, "Liquidity Traps, Local and Global (Somewhat Wonkish),"Krugman Blog, April 1, 2015. Available at:http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/04/01/liquidity-traps-local-and-global-somewhat-wonkish/Liquidity Traps, Local and Global (Somewhat Wonkish) April 1, 2015 Photo

Liquidity Traps, Local and Global (Somewhat Wonkish): Extended Excerpt Image 1

Credit International Monetary Fund

If my analysis of the European problem is right, however, this is pretty much irrelevant: Europe’s trade and capital imbalances are the result of fundamental weakness of domestic demand, which is then exported to the rest of us, who aren’t that strong either. If true, this says that we have a problem that must be solved with policies that boost demand. So on the policy debate, I come down firmly on the Summers side. Mobile908.303.9747Office212.404.4646

he US and the international community should continue to oppose national policies that promote large, persistent current account surpluses and to work toward an international system that delivers better balance in trade and capital flows.

Which brings me to the policy debate. Bernanke seems to be saying that if there is a problem, it can be solved by cracking down on currency manipulation:

What this in turn implies is that even if you downplay domestic U.S. weakness and focus on the export of capital from other countries, especially Germany, there’s no good reason to believe that this new version of the global savings glut will end any time soon.

Sure enough, if we try to figure out the market’s implied prediction for the euro, it seems to imply persistent weakness. The euro/dollar rate is down around 30 percent from its level before Europe began running such large surpluses. Meanwhile, German 10-yearreal interest ratesare around -1, while U.S. real rates are slightly positive; this implies that markets expect the euro to recover only a third or so of its recent decline over the next decade.

By the logic I’ve already laid out, this should imply a persistently very weak euro and a persistently large European current account surplus, as Europe in effect tries to export its secular stagnation - a process limited only by the way low inflation or deflation interact with the zero lower bound to keep interest rates from falling to their Wicksellian equilibrium rate.

And this makes sense: the case for secular stagnation in Europe is considerably stronger than it is for the U.S.. Working-age population is declining, Japan-style; the euro system, with a shared currency but no fiscal integration, arguably imparts a strong contractionary bias to fiscal policy; and core inflation is already down to just 0.6 percent.

But look at what bond markets are saying! German interest rates - presumably an indicator of perceived euro safe rates - are negative out to seven years; the 10-year rate is only 16 basis points. This is telling us that markets expect the euro area economy to be depressed, and ECB rates very low, for many years to come. In effect, European bond markets are flashing a secular stagnation warning.

As Bernanke notes, as far as big current account surpluses go, Germany is the new China. However, he argues that the large current account surplus of the euro area as a whole is a temporary phenomenon driven by cyclical weakness in the euro periphery, and therefore not likely to be a source of persistent trouble.

Which brings me to the future of the global savings glut.

The moral of the Japanese example is that if other countries are managing to achieve a moderately positive rate of inflation, but you have let yourself slip into deflation or even into “lowflation”, you can indeed manage to find yourself in secular stagnation even if the rest of the world offers positive-return investment opportunities.

OK, it’s not full equalization. but not too far off — despite being at the zero lower bound for many years, Japan ended up offering more or less competitive real returns.

The answer is that real returns in Japan weren’t exceptionally low - they were, in fact, more or less equal to those abroad. But this equalization of real rates didn’t occur through an equalization of Wicksellian natural rates. Instead, what happened was that persistent deflation in Japan, combined with the zero lower bound, kept the actual real interest rate well above the Wicksellian rate. Here’s the data from 1996 to 2008, with inflation measured by the GDP deflator and interest rates measured by 6-month Libor:

When I first approached this issue, that’s what I thought. But I immediately ran up against a big real-world counterexample: Japan. Japan has effectively been at the zero lower bound since the 1990s, and it wasn’t until the end of 2008 that the rest of the advanced world joined it there. So why didn’t capital flood out of Japan in search of higher returns, driving the yen down and boosting Japan out of its trap?

Still, secular stagnation - as opposed to liquidity-trap analysis in general - is concerned with excess saving that lasts a very long time, that’s quasi-permanent. So in that case wouldn’t we expect capital mobility to be decisive? Shouldn’t it be impossible to have secular stagnation in just one country?

But this isn’t right if the weakness in European demand is perceived as temporary (where that could mean a number of years). For in that case the weakness of the euro will also be seen as temporary: the further it falls, the faster investors will expect it to rise back to a “normal” level in the future. And this expected appreciation back toward normality will equalize expected returns after a decline in the euro that is well short of being enough to raise the natural rate of interest all the way to its level abroad. International capital mobility makes a liquidity trap in just one country less likely, but it by no means rules that possibility out.

You might think not: as long as there are positive-return investments abroad, capital will flow out. This will drive down the value of the euro, increasing net exports, and raising the Wicksellian natural rate. So you might think that you can’t have a liquidity trap in just one country, as long as capital is mobile.

Let’s first ask whether the possibility of investing abroad obviates the problem of liquidity traps in general (as opposed to secular stagnation.) To do this, consider theanalysis I laid outa couple of months ago when I was trying to think about the dollar and U.S. recovery, but run it in reverse. Suppose that a country or currency area - let’s call it Europe — suffers a decline in aggregate demand. And suppose that this threatens to push the Wicksellian natural rate of interest - the rate of interest at which desired savings and investment would be equal at full employment — below zero. Can this happen if there are positive-return investments outside of Europe?

That’s a good point. But Bernanke then goes on, as I understand him, to argue that international capital flows should solve the problem of secular stagnation unless if affects the world as a whole, because capital can seek higher returns abroad; he also argues that the global savings glut is mainly a thing of the past, and that in any case such problems can be addressed mainly by putting pressure on foreign governments to open their capital accounts and stop pursuing policies that promote excessive current account surpluses. And in these assertions, I’d suggest, he goes somewhat astray.

Start with Bernanke’s critique of Summers. The most persuasive evidence that the US may face secular stagnation comes from the lackluster recovery of 2001-2007. We experienced the mother of all housing bubbles, fueled by a huge, unsustainable rise in household debt - yet all we got was a fairly unimpressive expansion by historical standards, and little if any inflationary overheating. This would seem to point to fundamental weakness in private demand. But one reason for the sluggish growth in demand for U.S.-produced goods and services was a huge trade deficit, the counterpart of huge reserve accumulation in China and other emerging markets. So Bernanke argues that what Summers sees as evidence of secular stagnation actually reflects the global savings glut.

As it happens, the role of capital flows in the logic of liquidity traps is an issue I tackled right at the beginning, back in 1998; and I’ve been trying to work out how it plays into the discussion of secular stagnation, which is basically the claim that countries can face very persistent, quasi-permanent liquidity traps. So I think I may have something useful to add here.

There’s been a really interesting back and forth betweenBen BernankeandLarry Summersover secular stagnation. I agree with most of what both have to say. But there’s a substantive difference in views, in which Bernanke correctly, I’d argue, criticizes Summers for insufficient attention to international capital flows - but then argues that once you do allow for international capital movement it obviates many of the secular stagnation concerns, which I believe is wrong.

  • Inflation
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
    • Growth
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
Previous articleApril 1, 2015On Secular Stagnation: A Response to Bernanke@LHSummers: The concept of secular stagnation is explored as a significant factor in recent macroeconomic developments, with excess foreign saving depressing real interest rates & global coordination necessary to ensure adequate demand & distribution.Next articleApril 7, 2015Do You Really Want to Know How Ben Bernanke Thinks? Also andBen Bernanke’s economic perspective focuses on the natural rate of interest, where supply and demand for safe assets are balanced at full employment. @LHSummers and @PaulKrugman debate global imbalances and secular stagnation.
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The Anatomy of Tariff Pass-Through into Consumer Prices

AI Summary. Federal Reserve Bank of New York researchers estimate that about 26% of a uniform tariff passes through into non-oil consumer goods prices over twelve months, with roughly 64% of that effect coming directly from higher import prices and the rest through domestic producers' input costs and markups. Pass-through into import prices is nearly immediate, while domestic price responses build gradually.

Mary Amiti,Sebastian Heise and David Weinstein Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
October 7, 2026
Is Database:
Database

FRBNY estimates that a uniform 10% tariff raised consumer-goods prices 2.6% after 12 months: 1.7pp directly via imported final goods, and 0.9pp mainly via higher imported-input costs for domestically produced goods, with the latter effect building over 9–12 months.

How much of a tariff reaches consumer prices within a year?

Core argument: Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.

Tariff pass-through into U.S. import prices is nearly complete. Instrumenting realized duty rates with statutory tariffs to account for endogenous sourcing and exemptions, tariff pass-through into consumer-goods import prices is about 90.5%; a 10% increase in the duty rate raises import prices about 9.1%. At twelve months, a uniform 10% tariff raises consumer-goods prices 2.639%: 1.694pp through the direct channel, 0.770pp through marginal costs, and 0.175pp through strategic complementarity. Import-price pass-through is essentially immediate, while domestic prices adjust gradually; the contribution of the two indirect channels roughly doubles between six and twelve months, with much of the overall adjustment occurring within nine to twelve months. For the actual 2025–26 tariffs, the direct channel accounts for about 70% of the estimated effect; the marginal-cost channel accounts for about 22%, with strategic complementarity accounting for the remainder. Because the regressions include date fixed effects, the tariff contribution is identified relative to less-exposed goods and should be read as illustrative rather than as the absolute contribution to aggregate goods CPI.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.
  2. The two indirect channels — marginal costs from imported inputs (0.77 percentage points) and strategic complementarity in domestic markups (0.17 points) — account for 36 percent of the total effect and roughly double between six and twelve months after tariff implementation.
  3. Applied to the actual 2025–26 tariff schedule, the authors estimate the cumulative tariff contribution to goods CPI reached about 2.9 percentage points by February 2026, with import-price pass-through near 90 percent and retail pass-through of 0.56.

Related Articles:

  • The State of U.S. Tariffs July 24, 2026 — The average statutory US tariff rate stands at 11.1% and, under current law including scheduled increases, is projected to reach 11.8% by year-end. The authors estimate current-law tariffs will raise consumer prices by about 0.7% and generate roughly $1.9tn over ten years, with revenue somewhat lower after accounting for tariffs' negative effect on economic output.
  • Who Is Paying for the 2025 U.S. Tariffs? — The authors estimate that 94% of U.S. tariff costs were borne domestically over the first eight months of 2025, with a 10% tariff associated with only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices. Pass-through into U.S. import prices later declined to 86%, shifting more of the burden to foreign exporters.
  • Demand-Driven Inflation — Demand and supply curves estimated from pre-pandemic data imply relatively flat demand curves in the US and euro area, so adverse supply shifts would produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation. The authors argue explaining the observed combination of high inflation and output requires outward demand shifts, including accommodative monetary policy alongside fiscal expansion.
  • Inflation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • GDP
    • Trade (not deficits)

Demand-Driven Inflation

AI Summary. Demand and supply curves estimated from pre-pandemic data imply relatively flat demand curves in the US and euro area, so adverse supply shifts would produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation. The authors argue explaining the observed combination of high inflation and output requires outward demand shifts, including accommodative monetary policy alongside fiscal expansion.

Domenico Giannone and Giorgio Primiceri Bookings Papers on Economic Activity
Date Posted:
October 1, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Giannone and Primiceri revisit the relative role of supply vs. demand shocks in generating the post-Covid inflation. Because aggregate demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic data are flat, supply shocks alone would not have generated large inflation in the absence of added demand stimulus.

Did outward demand shifts, not supply shocks alone, drive recent inflation?

Core argument: Demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic US and euro-area data are relatively flat, reflecting central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation, so adverse supply shifts produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation.

Demand and supply curve slopes are estimated from pre-pandemic data using the essentially definitional restriction that supply shocks move prices and output in opposite directions along demand curves, while demand shocks move them together along supply curves; the plotted slopes represent Bayesian posterior medians rather than uniquely identified estimates. The estimated demand curves are relatively flat in both the US and euro area [Figure 7], reflecting the central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation. With those slopes, adverse supply shifts cause large output losses but comparatively little inflation. [To successfully explain] the combination of inflation and output observed in 2022 therefore requires demand to shift outwards too. Strong demand, including unusually accommodative monetary policy [on top of strong fiscal expansion], cushioned the output losses while increasing inflation [Figure 7]. In 2021–22, both inflation and GDP as subsequently revised exceeded forecasts in the US and euro area. That combination is suggestive of unexpectedly strong demand, whereas an adverse supply surprise alone would raise inflation but lower output. [Figure 9].

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic US and euro-area data are relatively flat, reflecting central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation, so adverse supply shifts produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation.
  2. Explaining the 2022 combination of inflation and output requires an outward shift in demand, with strong demand — including unusually accommodative monetary policy atop fiscal expansion — cushioning output losses while raising inflation.
  3. In 2021–22, both inflation and GDP as subsequently revised exceeded forecasts in the US and euro area, a combination suggestive of unexpectedly strong demand, since an adverse supply surprise alone would raise inflation but lower output.

Related Articles:

  • Are Government Bonds Safe in Times of War and Pandemic? — Government bonds severely underperform in wartime, in absolute terms and relative to equities, housing, and economic growth, unlike in financial crises when bonds tend to outperform stocks. The U.S. and U.K. reduced war-driven debt-to-GDP ratios without explicit default, using surprise inflation and financial repression that shifted fiscal burdens onto bondholders.
  • Why Did Inflation Rise And Fall In 2021-24? Channels And Evidence From Expectations — Across countries, unexpectedly higher government deficits relative to earlier International Monetary Fund forecasts are associated with unexpectedly higher inflation, measured by each factor's contribution to the increase in public debt, a relationship the author finds statistically significant. This evidence is consistent with a fiscal channel for inflation.
  • Fiscal Influences on Inflation in OECD Countries, 2020-2022 — Across 21 economies, the authors find that headline and core inflation responded positively to a measure of government spending increases scaled by pre-pandemic debt-to-GDP and average debt duration. Estimated coefficients of 0.4–0.5 suggest 40–50% of the extra spending was financed through inflation, with the rest through conventional public finance.
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy

Is The World Really Drowning In Debt?

AI Summary. The Institute of International Finance reports global debt as a share of output rose less than 10 percentage points between 2018 and mid-2026, peaking at 337% in early 2021 before falling 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. Inflation eroded the debt burden, as it did in the UK after the Second World War.

Martin Wolf Financial Times
Date Posted:
September 30, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Wolf notes that the global debt-to-GDP ratio rose by less than 10pp btw 2018 and June 2026: after peaking at 337% in early 2021, it fell by 27pp by the end of 2023, as inflation boosted nominal GDP and eroded the value of existing debt.

Does inflation reduce the global debt burden?

Core argument: IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.

The IIF shows that between 2018 and June 2026, the rise in the ratio of global debt to output was less than 10 percentage points. The story is striking: the ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021, before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. What was this magical “debt-buster”? Good old-fashioned (and supposedly “unexpected”) inflation. This is — to put it mildly — not the first time inflation has wiped out debt. It was, to take one of countless examples, an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt. For countries able to print the money in which their debt is denominated, that is often what happens.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.
  2. Between 2018 and June 2026, the IIF shows the ratio of global debt to output rose by less than 10 percentage points.
  3. Inflation has wiped out debt before, forming an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt, and often does so for countries able to print the currency in which their debt is denominated.

Related Articles:

  • Are Government Bonds Safe in Times of War and Pandemic? — Government bonds severely underperform in wartime, in absolute terms and relative to equities, housing, and economic growth, unlike in financial crises when bonds tend to outperform stocks. The U.S. and U.K. reduced war-driven debt-to-GDP ratios without explicit default, using surprise inflation and financial repression that shifted fiscal burdens onto bondholders.
  • The Coming Great Repression? — Across countries and over time, higher public debt burdens are associated with lower relative returns on government bonds, the opposite of standard risk-premium predictions. The authors estimate financial repression—making banks captive bond buyers and loading them with low-return reserves—contributed 90.7 percentage points of GDP to Britain's postwar debt reduction, versus 20.3 from surprise inflation.
  • Global Debt Report 2026 — Gross central government borrowing across OECD countries rose 7% to a record $17tn, about 23% of GDP, and is projected to reach roughly $18tn, or 24% of GDP. The United States and Japan account for close to 80% of the area's refinancing requirements, with the US share rising from 57% to 70%.
  • Inflation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Government Spending
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy

Choking Iran's Economy Is the Least Bad Way to End the War

AI Summary. Iran's economy is on track for its largest annual contraction since the mid-1980s, with inflation above 50% — the highest in nearly 70 years of records — and food and other necessities costing double a year earlier. Its currency has fallen to a record low of about 1.85m rials per dollar on the black market.

Javier Blas Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Inflation in Iran is running at at least ~69%, its highest annual rate in 70 years. The black market exchange value of a rial hit a record low of ~1.85mm rials to the dollar, relative to 50,000 per dollar five years ago.

Is Iran's economy contracting at its fastest rate in decades?

Core argument: Iran's economy is on track for its biggest annual contraction since the nadir of the Iran-Iraq War in the mid-1980s.

[Iran's] economy is on track to suffer the biggest annual contraction since the nadir of the Iran-Iraq War in the mid-1980s. Inflation is running well above 50%, the highest annual rate since records start nearly 70 years ago. Worse, the cost of food and other necessities has already doubled from a year ago. Its currency, the rial, is worthless. In the black market, the exchange rate has collapsed to a record low of about 1.85 million rials to the dollar; five years ago, roughly 50,000 rials were enough to buy a greenback.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Iran's economy is on track for its biggest annual contraction since the nadir of the Iran-Iraq War in the mid-1980s.
  2. Iranian inflation is running well above 50%, the highest annual rate since records began nearly 70 years ago, with the cost of food and other necessities already double year-ago levels.
  3. The rial has fallen to a record low of about 1.85 million to the dollar on the black market, compared with roughly 50,000 rials per dollar five years ago.

Related Articles:

  • Soaring Diesel Prices Rip Across The US Economy — US diesel pump prices reached $5.47 a gallon, approaching a nominal record of $5.82 ($6.64 adjusted for inflation), after rising 8% in a month as wars in the Middle East and Europe constrain production and global supplies. The gap between diesel and crude oil prices has hit a record high.
  • For the Oil Market, the Strait of Hormuz Isn’t Closed — Tanker tracking data identify at least 5m barrels a day of oil still transiting the Strait of Hormuz, and allowing for vessels crossing undetected the true figure could reach 7m–9m. Growing oil spills visible on satellite imagery indicate attacks on tankers alongside efforts to keep the waterway open.
  • U.S. Economy Less Vulnerable To Geopolitical Oil Price Shocks Than In The Past — The United States became a net oil exporter in late 2019, and oil and oil product spending fell from near 8% of GDP in 1980 to 3% in 2024. The authors estimate a 15% global oil supply disruption would now cut annualized U.S. real GDP growth by 0.3pp, versus 1.7pp in the rest of the world.
  • Inflation
  • Energy
  • GDP
  • Politics
  • Security

A Return To Monetarism?

AI Summary. The author argues that a surge in money growth beginning in 2020 put upward pressure on inflation to a degree unprecedented in the sample period since 1967, and that subsequent monetary tightening produced strong disinflationary pressures. Had policymakers tracked money growth using a price-target model, they might have tightened sooner and avoided some of the inflation.

Peter Ireland, Stephen Miran and Nouriel Roubini Hudson Bay Capital
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Ireland, Miran, and Roubini compare the actual price level to the predictions of an equilibrium model relating prices to money supply. Predicted inflation hit a 60-year high in 2020–21, months before inflation surged and then crashed once the Fed hiked.

Would tracking money growth have helped policymakers tighten sooner?

Core argument: The money growth surge beginning in 2020 and continuing into 2021 put upward pressure on inflation to a degree unprecedented in the post-1967 sample period, according to the graphs in Figure 3.

The graphs in Figure 3 show quite clearly how the surge in money growth starting in 2020 and continuing in 2021 put enormous upward pressure on inflation, to a degree unprecedented in the post-1967 sample period. And while the large and negative price gaps that followed in 2022 and 2023 are likewise indicative of strong disinflationary pressures applied through subsequent monetary tightening, one can’t see these graphs without asking: Had Federal Open Market Committee members been monitoring measures of money growth with the help of the P-star [price target based on monetary aggregates] model, might they have ended QE and raised interest rates sooner and more quickly, thereby avoiding at least some of the post-2020 inflation? Of course, massive fiscal expansion was another driver of the post-2020 surge in inflation, as suggested by fiscal theories of the price level. The model simply observes that regardless of its originating source, excessive money growth signals that inappropriate macroeconomic policies are fueling higher inflation. Fiscal expansions that expand money supply will be reflected in a P-star model.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The money growth surge beginning in 2020 and continuing into 2021 put upward pressure on inflation to a degree unprecedented in the post-1967 sample period, according to the graphs in Figure 3.
  2. The large negative price gaps of 2022 and 2023 indicate strong disinflationary pressures from subsequent monetary tightening, raising the question of whether FOMC members using the P-star model would have ended quantitative easing and raised interest rates sooner and more quickly.
  3. Massive fiscal expansion was another driver of the post-2020 inflation surge, as suggested by fiscal theories of the price level, and fiscal expansions that expand the money supply are reflected in a P-star model.

Related Articles:

  • Money and Inflation — The M2 money supply has contracted for the first time in sixty years, shrinking at an annual rate of nearly 5%, yet inflation has remained high rather than turning to deflation. The author argues this undercuts the claim that money supply growth drives inflation, since the same logic implies severe deflation should now follow.
  • State Dependence of Monetary Policy During Global Supply Chain Disruptions — The authors present descriptive evidence that global supply chain disruptions were associated with elevated transportation costs, goods supply-demand imbalances, and a surge in goods prices, steepening the aggregate supply curve. In the disrupted state, a contractionary monetary policy shock produces muted responses in real output and spare capacity but a substantially stronger decline in goods prices.
  • What Next for r*? A Capital Market Equilibrium Perspective On The Natural Rate of Interest — A capital-market equilibrium model estimates that the steady-state safe natural rate of interest across advanced economies has fallen from about 5% to about 0%, driven by slower growth, demographics, higher mark-ups, and rising risk premia. The author estimates that artificial-intelligence-driven growth and heightened inflation risk could each raise it by about 1 percentage point.
  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy

Home Alone: Inflation And The New Fed Chair

AI Summary. Current readings on labor market tightness, manufacturing price pressures, supply chain tightness and the output gap resemble conditions that have historically preceded Federal Reserve rate increases rather than cuts, and futures markets are pricing in hikes. Averaging several monetary policy rules implies a policy rate of 4.00%–4.85% versus the current 3.50%–3.75%.

Michael Cembalest J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
May 27, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Cembalest notes labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector and the implied output gap are “much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them.”

Do current inflation indicators point toward rate hikes rather than cuts?

Core argument: Averaging several monetary policy rules — Taylor rules, inertial, alternative r*, and forward-looking — yields a Fed Funds range of 4.00%–4.85%, above the current 3.50%–3.75% range.

Inflation indicators the Fed watches include labor market tightness, price pressures in the manufacturing sector, supply chain tightness and the “output gap” which measures how far actual growth is above/below potential growth. [The two] charts plot these four variables at the time of prior Fed decisions to increase or cut policy rates; green dots indicate when the Fed cut, red dots indicate when the Fed tightened and yellow circles show today’s values. In other words: current values are much closer to conditions that have historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates rather than to lower them. That may be why the futures curve is now pricing in Fed hikes instead of the cuts that were priced in at the start of the year. Superwonky: averaging several different monetary rules of thumb (Taylor rules, inertial, alternative r*, forward-looking) yields a Fed Funds range of 4.00% - 4.85% compared to the current range of 3.50% - 3.75%.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Averaging several monetary policy rules — Taylor rules, inertial, alternative r*, and forward-looking — yields a Fed Funds range of 4.00%–4.85%, above the current 3.50%–3.75% range.
  2. Labor market tightness, manufacturing price pressures, supply chain tightness, and the output gap sit much closer to conditions that historically prompted the Fed to raise policy rates than to cut them.
  3. The futures curve is pricing in Fed hikes rather than the cuts priced in at the start of the year.

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  • Inflation
  • GDP
  • Monetary Policy
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