Edward Conard

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  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
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Short-Run Effects of 2025 Tariffs So Far

Ernie Tedeschi Yale University
Date Posted:
September 3, 2025

Ernie Tedeschi estimates tariffs have raised ~$88B in new revenue since January, with the new tariffs raising ~$23B in revenue in August alone. The actual average effective tariff was likely ~11.5% in August relative to 2.4% at the start of the year.

[We] estimate that the US has raised $146 billion in total net customs duty revenues in calendar year 2025 so far through August. This total stems from all US tariffs, not just those adjusted in 2025. Before the 2025 tariff announcements, the average effective US tariff rate was 2.4% which raised about $7 billion a month in net customs duty revenues. The new 2025 tariffs have raised roughly $88 billion in revenues so far, with about $23 billion of that new tariff revenue posted in August alone when the average effective tariff rate was likely 11-12%, up from 10% in June and July. This comes to roughly 0.8% of GDP each month, a meaningful amount of deficit reduction. The new tariffs are raising a bit less revenue than would be expected given where policy has been set. One way of illustrating is comparing actual to expected revenues. TBL projects that new 2025 tariff policy as of August 6 would be expected to raise an additional $29 billion per month in net tariff revenues, but as mentioned above, actual revenues in August will likely be $23 billion higher, about a fifth less than we would project given current statutory tariff rates.

Related Articles:

  • Tariffs Are Generating Meaningful New Revenue — The current tariff regime will raise ~$2.8T net new revenue through 2034, conventionally scored, according to a CRFB estimate. “Those who wish to reduce or…
  • Trump Signals Imminent Supreme Court Appeal to Protect Tariffs — The administration will appeal to the Supreme Court an appellate court ruling that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act does not allow the President…
  • Are Businesses Absorbing the Tariffs or Passing Them on to Their Customers? — About ¾ of firms facing tariff-induced cost increases reported passing on costs to consumers: ~⅓ of mfg and ~45% of service firms fully passed on all cost…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation
  • GDP
Previous articleSeptember 3, 2025Global Bonds Rally After Poor US Economic DataAmid a global sell-off of long bonds, the 30-year Treasury yield hit 5% until disappointing data on US job openings caused it to retreat to 4.9%, and Japan’s 30-year yield briefly hit a record high.Next articleSeptember 3, 2025Fair ShakesCapital spending by the tech sector drove 35–45% of US GDP growth over the past three quarters. Without this capex, Mike Cembalest notes, “US growth might already have converged to ~1% due to weakness in consumption.”
Showing 56 database articles primarily about Trade (not deficits)

The Global Economy Is Threatened Again by Trade Imbalances

AI Summary. Global trade imbalances have reached 3.7% of world economic output, the highest since the 2008 financial crisis, as deficits and surpluses have become more persistent and structurally entrenched across economies.

Greg Ip The Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
June 12, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Greg Ip warns that while global imbalances are “narrower” than they were pre-crisis, “they are more persistent and more entrenched in national behavior,” pointing to China’s trade surplus and chronic US fiscal deficits.

Are persistent trade imbalances becoming a structural threat to global stability?

Core argument: Global trade imbalances reached 3.7% of GDP last year, up from a post-2008 low, driving renewed financial stability risks across.

The IMF calculates that deficits plus surpluses reached 3.7% of global gross domestic product last year after falling steadily from around the global financial crisis. Until the early 2000s, they fluctuated between 1% and 3%. This is worrisome. Current-account deficits played a part in the crises that swept Latin America in the early 1980s, East and Southeast Asia in the late 1990s, the U.S. in 2007-09, and the eurozone from 2009 on. Today’s imbalances look different. While annual deficits are narrower than 15 years ago, they are more persistent and more entrenched in national behaviour. Take the U.S., whose current-account deficit of $1.1 trillion is by far the largest single imbalance. Last year, tariffs did reduce some imports, but because the AI boom sucked in foreign-made tech equipment, the current-account deficit narrowed only slightly. The bigger contributor to the U.S. current-account deficit is its budget deficit, which sustains excessive U.S. spending and inadequate saving. The IMF estimates a budget deficit of 2% of GDP increases the current-account deficit by 0.5% of GDP.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Global trade imbalances reached 3.7% of GDP last year, up from a post-2008 low, driving renewed financial stability risks across.
  2. Current-account deficits have narrowed vs. 15 years ago but grown more persistent, leading to entrenched structural imbalances that amplify systemic.
  3. Trade imbalances fluctuated 1–3% of GDP through the early 2000s before spiking post-crisis, indicating a structural shift in savings behavior.

Related Articles:

  • Understanding Global Imbalances — Four economies—the United States, China, Germany, and Japan—account for roughly two-thirds of global imbalances, with current account surpluses and deficits now lasting twice as long as they did in the 1980s. Persistent imbalances have accumulated into large foreign asset and liability positions, with the United States holding net foreign liabilities
  • Why Global Imbalances Matter — Surplus economies depend on deficit countries as buyers of excess goods, giving deficit nations structural leverage despite appearing financially weak.
  • The U.S. Trade Deficit: Myths and Realities — Obstfeld @PIIE argues that current account deficits have not been forcibly “imposed” on the US from abroad since 2002. Rejecting Pettis’ tax on capital flows…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • China
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit

Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Are Suffering Industrial Rot

AI Summary. North-east Asian manufacturing has become almost entirely dependent on AI-related production, with all 15% of the region's industrial output growth since 2019 driven by AI-linked goods. Output at factories unrelated to AI has shrunk, leaving chips and data-centre hardware accounting for 40–80% of exports across South Korea and Taiwan.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
May 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The industrial production of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan has risen 15% since 2019 – entirely driven by AI-related demand. Apart from chip-making, IP has shown no trend since 2011. The fall in non-chip output is likely due to Chinese competition.

Is North-East Asia's economy becoming dangerously dependent on AI manufacturing?

Core argument: Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Are Suffering Industrial Rot.

North-east Asian manufacturing is getting narrower. Chips and other gear related to AI make up over 40% of South Korean exports, more than double their share just two years ago. In Taiwan it is 80% of exports, compared with about half before the pandemic. After accounting for firms not neatly captured as AI-linked in official statistics, like Japan’s Advantest (which makes chip-testing gear) and Taiwan’s Foxconn (which produces data-centre servers, among other electronics), The Economist finds that all 15% of the region’s rise in industrial output since 2019 is thanks to AI. In Japan, South Korea and Taiwan output at factories unrelated to AI has shrunk in recent years.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Are Suffering Industrial Rot.
  2. North-east Asian manufacturing is getting narrower.
  3. In Taiwan it is 80% of exports, compared with about half before the pandemic.

Related Articles:

  • China’s Next-Generation Industrial Policy — China's exports are shifting away from consumer goods and toward intermediate inputs and capital goods, with those categories rising 26% and 32% respectively over three years. This reflects a strategy of progressively localizing entire supply chains, embedding China deeper into global manufacturing systems as a supplier of components and machinery
  • China Is Making Trade Impossible — Robin Harding argues, “China is making trade impossible. If it will buy nothing from others but commodities and consumer goods, they must prepare to do…
  • Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push — GS estimates that for every 1pp export-driven increase in Chinese GDP, advanced economies experience a 0.1–0.3pp drag. “China Shock 2.0 is likely to crowd out…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • China
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Productivity
    • Investment

State of U.S. Tariffs: February 21, 2026

John Iselin Yale University
Date Posted:
February 23, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The new 15% tariffs under Section 122 bring the mean effective tariff rate to 13.7%, down from 16.9% prior to the SCOTUS ruling that the IEEPA tariffs were illegal. Section 122 tariffs will expire in 150 days unless extended by Congress.

The Budget Lab (TBL) estimates the effects of all US tariffs and foreign retaliation implemented through February 20, 2026, including the new 15% Section 122 tariffs and the elimination of IEEPA-based tariffs. Under our baseline case, the Section 122 tariffs expire after 150 days. Before the IEEPA tariffs were struck down, consumers faced an overall average effective tariff rate of 16%, the highest since 1936. Immediately following the IEEPA ruling, the rate fell to 9.1%. After the Section 122 tariffs were imposed, the rate rose to its current level of 13.7%. If those tariffs expire in 150 days, the rate will fall again to 9.1%. Assuming Section 122 tariffs expire in 150 days, the administration’s tariffs will raise about $1.3 trillion over 2026-35, though slower economic growth reduces revenues and brings the net dynamic revenue to $1.1 trillion. (If they are instead made permanent, these figures would be $2.2 trillion and $1.9 trillion.)

Related Articles:

  • US Notches One of Its Biggest Annual Trade Gaps Since 1960 — The US trade deficit was $901.5B in 2025, effectively unchanged from 2024 despite the new tariff regime. The US bilateral deficit with China fell to $202B, the…
  • Help for the Heartland? The Employment and Electoral Effects of the Trump Tariffs in the United States — Tariffs implemented during the 2018-2019 trade war were “at best a wash, and may have been mildly negative” in terms of employment, but increased political…
  • Did Tariffs Make American Manufacturing Great? New Evidence from the Gilded Age — In a study of over 80 US manufacturing industries from 1870-1909 @cmicmeissner concludes that higher tariff rates reduced labor productivity. “The era’s high…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • GDP

Trump’s Options After the Supreme Court Said His Tariffs Are Illegal

Isabel Gottlieb Bloomberg
Date Posted:
February 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Trump has at least five tools he can use to offset the IEEPA tariffs; however, none of them offer the latitude that Trump’s interpretation of IEEPA allowed. Section 338 of Smoot-Hawley, which has never been used, likely has the broadest scope.

President Donald Trump can lean on alternative legislation to try to rebuild his tariff wall, after the US Supreme Court ruled that he can’t use a 1977 emergency law to impose import taxes. [Notably], Section 338 of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930. The Depression-era provision empowers the president to introduce tariffs on imports from nations “whenever he shall find as a fact” that these countries impose unreasonable charges or limitations, or engage in discriminatory behavior against US commerce. There’s no prerequisite for a federal agency to conduct an investigation before the president can apply tariffs. Section 338 has never been used before to impose tariffs. If Trump were to lean on this provision, such an unprecedented move may invite legal challenges. The possibility that Trump could tap Section 338 has alarmed some Democrats in the House of Representatives — five lawmakers introduced a resolution in March 2025 to repeal this section of the 1930 law.

Related Articles:

  • Help for the Heartland? The Employment and Electoral Effects of the Trump Tariffs in the United States — Tariffs implemented during the 2018-2019 trade war were “at best a wash, and may have been mildly negative” in terms of employment, but increased political…
  • The Incidence of Tariffs: Rates and Reality — Actual 2025 tariff rates are, to date, far less than statutory rates, but the costs of the tariffs are mostly borne by the US – estimated tariff…
  • Who Is Paying for the 2025 U.S. Tariffs? — A FRBNY analysis finds that ~90% of tariffs’ economic burden was borne by American firms and consumers in the first 8 months of 2025. Between January and…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation
  • GDP

State of U.S. Tariffs: February 20, 2026

John Iselin Yale University
Date Posted:
February 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Without the IEEPA tariffs, the mean effective tariff rate is 9.1%, down from 16.9%. The previous tariff regime was projected to raise ~$2.7T over 2026–35 ($2.3T dynamically). The SCOTUS decision will cut revenue by about 50% to ~$1-1.2T with or without refunds.

The Budget Lab estimates the effects of all US tariffs and foreign retaliation implemented in 2025 after the decision by the Supreme Court of the United States that President Trump exceeded his authority to invoke the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose reciprocal tariffs. Without IEEPA tariffs, consumers will face an overall average effective tariff rate of 9.1%, which remains the highest since 1946 excluding 2025. (If IEEPA tariffs had been allowed to stay in effect, this figure would have been 16.9%.) All tariffs to date as of February 2026 are projected to raise about $1.2 trillion over 2026-35, though slower economic growth reduces revenues and brings the net dynamic revenue to $1 trillion. (With IEEPA, these figures would be more than twice as large.) The economic implications of the SCOTUS decision are complicated by two major factors. First, in the short-term, firms will be aggressively seeking refunds on tariffs paid in 2025, which has large revenue effects and uncertain distributional effects. Second, the current Administration has stated its intent to replace IEEPA tariffs with tariffs using other authorities, but there remain timing and other questions regarding these steps.

Related Articles:

  • US Notches One of Its Biggest Annual Trade Gaps Since 1960 — The US trade deficit was $901.5B in 2025, effectively unchanged from 2024 despite the new tariff regime. The US bilateral deficit with China fell to $202B, the…
  • China Is Making Trade Impossible — Robin Harding argues, “China is making trade impossible. If it will buy nothing from others but commodities and consumer goods, they must prepare to do…
  • Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push — GS estimates that for every 1pp export-driven increase in Chinese GDP, advanced economies experience a 0.1–0.3pp drag. “China Shock 2.0 is likely to crowd out…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation
  • GDP

Industrial Policies, Global Imbalances and Technological Hegemony

Ambrogio Cesa-Bianchi, Andrea Ferrero, Luca Fornar, and Martin Wolf Bank of England
Date Posted:
February 12, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Cesa-Bianchi et al show that countries (primarily in East Asia) that make more intensive use of industrial policies have had more rapid growth in manufacturing employment, total factor productivity, and exports, but not larger trade surpluses.

Figure 5 [see image gallery] reports scatter plots together with correlation coefficients (ρ) and associated t-statistics. The data reveal strong and interesting correlations. The left panel shows that countries with higher use of industrial policies experienced larger rises (or smaller drops) in manufacturing employment shares. The correlation is 0.52 and highly statistically significant. The right panel shows that an analogous result applies to TFP growth, with a similar correlation (0.48) and high statistical significance. As one would expect, East-Asian countries play an important role in driving these correlations. This conforms with the popular view that East-Asian countries have adopted a strategy of outward-oriented growth, characterized by policies that promote tradable sectors. Figure 6 shows the relationship between industrial policies and export growth (left panel) and the current account to GDP ratio (right panel), both averaged over the 2002- 2019 period. The results show a positive relation between industrial policies and exports, though with a smaller coefficient (0.30) and lower statistical significance than for TFP or manufacturing employment shares. Industrial policy does not appear to be related to current account to GDP ratio in the raw cross-country data.

Related Articles:

  • The Dangerous Triumph Of Neo-Mercantilism — China’s refusal to address its excess saving will likely fracture the global economy, Wolf argues. He suggests reviving Keynes’ attempt, rejected by the US at…
  • Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push — GS estimates that for every 1pp export-driven increase in Chinese GDP, advanced economies experience a 0.1–0.3pp drag. “China Shock 2.0 is likely to crowd out…
  • Europe Has No Choice But To Intervene On Trade — Pettis argues that unless the EU is “willing to dismantle its welfare system and force down wages relative to productivity to restore competitiveness,” it must…
  • Trade (not deficits)
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
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