Edward Conard

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Comment: Tax Evasion at the Top of the Income Distribution: Theory and Evidence

AI Summary. The authors argue that a widely cited estimate of tax evasion overstates it by about $460bn, reaching $1,230bn in filer evasion versus roughly $770bn implied by national accounts. They attribute the gap to detection-controlled estimation multipliers that reallocate detected evasion disproportionately to top income brackets.

David Splinter Working Paper
Date Posted:
May 14, 2021
Is Database:
Database

@DavidSplinter Working Paper: Auten and Splinter argue that Zucman’s methodology overestimates tax evasion by approximately $460bn.

Are estimates of tax evasion by top earners overstated?

Core argument: Auten and Splinter argue that Zucman's methodology overstates tax evasion by roughly $460bn, with his estimate of $1,230bn in filer evasion exceeding the roughly $770bn reported in national accounts by more than half.

Auten and Splinter argue that Zucman's methodology overestimates tax evasion by approximately $460bn. They highlight that Zucman's approach, which includes detection-controlled estimation (DCE) multipliers, significantly inflates evasion figures by reallocating detected evasion disproportionately to the top income brackets. Their analysis suggests that national accounts report about $770bn in filer evasion, while Zucman's estimates reach $1,230bn, including capital gains not accounted for in national income. This discrepancy indicates that Zucman's figures exceed national income estimates by more than half, suggesting a need for more distributionally consistent methods to assess true top income shares and underreporting rates.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Auten and Splinter argue that Zucman's methodology overstates tax evasion by roughly $460bn, with his estimate of $1,230bn in filer evasion exceeding the roughly $770bn reported in national accounts by more than half.
  2. Auten and Splinter contend that Zucman's detection-controlled estimation multipliers inflate evasion figures by reallocating detected evasion disproportionately to top income brackets.
  3. Auten and Splinter note that Zucman's $1,230bn evasion estimate includes capital gains not counted in national income, and they call for more distributionally consistent methods to assess top income shares and underreporting rates.

Gerald Auten and David Splinter, "Comment: Tax Evasion at the Top of the Income Distribution: Theory and Evidence," Working Paper, May 5, 2021, http://www.davidsplinter.com/AutenSplinter-TaxEvasion.pdf

Their takeaway, “…While some increase in high-income audit rates may be appropriate, additional enforcement resources could also help audit selection by better identifying returns with lower reported incomes but higher likelihood of evasion. The combined efforts and increased cooperation of IRS divisions could lead to improved methods of selecting returns for audit and help maintain high ROIs for enforcement activities…. We note in this comment, however,that estimates of evasion not detected in NRP audits using simple DCE multipliers and allocating in proportion to reported income are not distributionally consistent. Moreover, we believe these approaches tend to overstate true top incomes and underreporting rates. We suggest alternative methods that would be more distributionally consistent. These suggest substantially less impact of evasion on top income shares. We are aware that there is considerable additional sophisticated evasion by some high-income individuals not found in NRP audits….”

They make the case this overstates the top income share, “.. Two-thirds of the estimated increase in top income shares results from applying DCE multipliers. This approach causes exaggerated upward re-ranking of returns with large amounts of detected evasion,shifting estimated evasion from the bottom and middle to the top of the income distribution. The second largest increase in top shares results from allocating additional passthrough evasion by reported income. However, returns with business losses appear to be allocated little additional evasion despite accounting for over one third of evaded income….While offshore evasion has received considerable attention, it accounts for only a small portion of the total effect on top income shares….”
Bottomline, “…National accounts explicitly break out proprietor evasion (combined amount for sole proprietors and partnerships) of $561 billion and wage evasion of $75 billion when averaging 2006-2013 (at 2012 dollars). Auten and Splinter (2019a, online data Table T1) provide estimates of likely evasion in national accounts for other income sources. For 2006-2013, there is annual evasion of about $44 billion for farms, $43 billion for rents, and $80 billion for S corporations. To compare with GLRRZ, there are smaller amounts for dividends and interest evasion that should be added and non-filer portions that should be removed from the values above. If we assume the former is $50 billion and the latter is 10 percent,this suggests about $770 billion in filer evasion in national income. In comparison, GLRRZ add $1,304 in audit-based evasion in 2012 (Table A6, exam and DCE columns). But this amount includes capital gains realizations that are not in national income. Excluding $70 billion in added evaded capital gains (5.3 percent of total based on Table A1) suggests that GLRRZ add audit-based filer evasion comparable to national income definitions of about $1,230 versus about $770 billion in national income.11 Therefore, the GLRRZ filer evasion estimate appears to exceed amounts in national income by $460 billion, or more than one half.This represents an additional 3 percent of national income…”

They describe Zucman’s methodology, “…GLRRZ’s analysis has four steps. First, it uses audit study micro data to add detected evasion. Second, GLRRZ imputes undetected evasion using a set of multipliers developed from earlier audit data. These multipliers are from detection-controlled estimation (DCE) and can nearly quadruple the amount of evasion in audit studies.Third, it adds imputations of additional evasion from passthrough entities (including partnerships, S corporations, and certain other sources). The amounts already in the NRP audits are removed and then this assumed total passthrough evasion is allocated by reported income, such that essentially all goes to the top of the distribution. Fourth, GLRRZ estimates how income from offshore wealth affects income distributions... Combining the four components of estimated evasion, GLRRZ argue that top 1% fiscal income shares increase by 1.5 percentage points (pp). This includes a 0.5pp decrease from detected evasion, 1.1pp increase from undetected evasion using DCE multipliers, 0.6pp increase from additional business evasion, and 0.3pp increase from income of offshore wealth..”

Ben and I both read Auten and Splinter arguing Zucman and his fellow travelers are likely overstating tax evasion at the top. However they don’t have a quantification table in the paper so we can’t exactly draw out the calculation you were interested in. AS do note a directional answer in the text, “…this suggests about $770 billion in filer evasion in national income. In comparison, GLRRZ add $1,304 in audit-based evasion in 2012 (Table A6, exam and DCE columns). But this amount includes capital gains realizations that are not in national income. Excluding $70 billion in added evaded capital gains (5.3 percent of total based on Table A1) suggests that GLRRZ add audit-based filer evasion comparable to national income definitions of about $1,230 versus about $770 billion in national income.11 Therefore, the GLRRZ filer evasion estimate appears to exceed amounts in national income by $460 billion, or more than one half…”

Ben Comment:“I did a deeper dive this weekend to work out a quantification like you asked for. I didn’t really see a good way to do that because AS don’t have access to the micro data. There’s no where in the paper where they say “we think Zucman et al overestimate things by X%”. That said, they do give some other papers to compare with. I’m laying that out below with some caveats.Steve, anything to add? AS highlight several issues with the Zucman methodology and suggest the Zucman estimate is too high. Their main 2 points are 1) Marco adjustments (DCE multipliers) are inappropriate for micro data and 2) allocating too much passthrough tax-evasion to the top end of the income distribution. That said - Section 2.b has a nice comparison:National accounts explicitly break out proprietor evasion (combined amount for sole proprietors and partnerships) of $561 billion and wage evasion of $75 billion when averaging 2006-2013 (at 2012 dollars). Auten and Splinter (2019a, online data Table T1) provide estimates of likely evasion in national accounts for other income sources. For 2006-2013, there is annual evasion of about $44 billion for farms, $43 billion for rents, and $80 billion for S corporations. To compare with GLRRZ, there are smaller amounts for dividends and interest evasion that should be added and non-filer portions that should be removed from the values above. If we assume the former is $50 billion and the latter is 10 percent, this suggests about $770 billion in filer evasion in national income. In comparison, GLRRZ add $1,304 in audit-based evasion in 2012 (Table A6, exam and DCE columns). But this amount includes capital gains realizations that are not in national income. Excluding $70 billion in added evaded capital gains (5.3 percent of total based on Table A1) suggests that GLRRZ add audit-based filer evasion comparable to national income definitions of about $1,230 versus about $770 billion in national income.11 Therefore, the GLRRZ filer evasion estimate appears to exceed amounts in national income by $460 billion, or more than one half. This represents an additional 3 percent of national income.So compared to the GLRRZ (Zucman paper) overshoots the NIPA estimates by almost 60% ($460Billion over estimate from NIPA estimate of evasion of 770B). As far as I understand, the first paragraph says the AS 2019a estimate it in line with the NIPA estimate. I would say these are the bounds. The Zucman estimate exists because they think evasion in the official accounts is understated - so I’d take this as a lower bound. However, AS make a compelling case that the Zucman number is overstated - so this would be our upper bound. If we split the difference, we come to 996.5B in evasion. Then there is the issue of attributing evasion appropriately. This is a tough issue and, while it seems clear that Zucman doesn’t do it right, AS don’t really suggest what the proper allocation is. I also want to note that on pg 13, AS point out that there is a Piketty Saez zucman (2018) paper that says there is about 637B in evasion - Lower than the official NIPA accounts. This paper allocates about 40% (250B) of this evasion to the top 1%.”

  • Taxation
Previous articleMay 13, 2021Top Income Shares and the Difficulties of Using Tax DataTop Tax Rates And taxes Actually Collected As A Percentage of Income For Top 1%, Top 10%, And Bottom 50%.Next articleMay 17, 2021U.S. Market Concentration and Import CompetitionUS manufacturing market concentration remained stable btw 1992-2012 when accounting for foreign firms’ sales.
Showing 48 database articles primarily about Taxation

The Impact of Tariffs on the Cost of Capital in the US

AI Summary. Incorporating tariffs into the standard cost-of-capital framework, researchers estimate US tariffs raised the economy-wide marginal effective tax rate on new investment by 4.2 percentage points to 17.0%, with equipment hit hardest at 26.1 percentage points. That increase offsets the 3.5 percentage point reduction from the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

Kyle Pomerleau, Thomas Brosy, Robert McClelland and John Wong American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
October 7, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The IEEPA tariffs through January 2026 raised equipment’s user cost of capital 9%, from 17.7% to 19.3%. With depreciation unchanged, the required pre-tax net return rose 1.6pp, 4.3% to 5.9%, a tax at purchase that expensing cannot eliminate.

Do tariffs raise the effective tax rate on new investment?

Core argument: Tariffs in force before the February 20, 2026 Supreme Court ruling in Learning Resources v. Trump raised the economy-wide marginal effective tax rate on new US investment by 4.2 points, from 12.8 percent to 17.0 percent, and the cost of capital by 2.7 percent, the AEI authors estimate.

The standard Hall-Jorgenson user cost of capital framework defines the minimum gross required return on an additional unit of capital. The service price of capital (SS) is the minimum pretax gross return required on a new investment; the minimum pretax net return (ρrho) equals SS minus economic depreciation. Consider imported equipment requiring a 25% gross return: 20% to cover depreciation and 5% shareholders’ demanded return. A 10% tariff raises the cost of capital to 27.5%. [Thus the minimum pretax net return—the hurdle rate—rises from 5% to 7.5%]. For equipment, tariffs raise the cost of capital 9%, from 17.7% to 19.3%: 86% of the burden is direct, 14% indirect. 100% bonus depreciation reduced the equipment METR from 19.1% to 4.1%; tariffs raised it to 30.3%, more than offsetting the tax cut.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Tariffs in force before the February 20, 2026 Supreme Court ruling in Learning Resources v. Trump raised the economy-wide marginal effective tax rate on new US investment by 4.2 points, from 12.8 percent to 17.0 percent, and the cost of capital by 2.7 percent, the AEI authors estimate.
  2. Equipment bore the largest estimated burden, with its marginal effective tax rate rising 26.1 points from 4.1 percent to 30.3 percent and its cost of capital up 9.0 percent, while mainframes and PCs saw a 26.6 percent cost-of-capital increase.
  3. The estimated 4.2 point tariff-driven increase in the marginal effective tax rate offset the One Big Beautiful Bill Act’s 3.5 point reduction, leaving a net 0.8 point rise economy-wide and an 11.1 point net increase for equipment.

Related Articles:

  • Blunt Tariffs Undermine Efforts To Reshore High-Tech Manufacturing — Computer and electronic products manufacturers import 37% of their intermediate inputs and capital equipment, chemical manufacturers 33%, and transportation equipment manufacturers 27%. Broad tariffs may push some sourcing domestically over time, but many inputs will simply cost more, making American manufacturers less competitive globally.
  • Help for the Heartland? The Employment and Electoral Effects of the Trump Tariffs in the United States — The authors find that the combined effect of U.S.-China trade war import tariffs, retaliatory tariffs, and farm subsidies on employment in exposed U.S. locations was at best a wash and possibly mildly negative, while residents of tariff-protected areas became less likely to identify as Democrats and more likely to vote Republican.
  • Tariffs are Dumb Enough to (Almost) Work — A universal 15% tariff on imported goods could raise roughly $300–$400bn annually, a fraction of what a value-added tax would generate but real revenue given U.S. imports of about $4tn. The author argues tariffs are a poorly designed form of consumption tax that could build political groundwork for replacing them with a more efficient value-added tax.
  • Taxation
  • GDP
  • Productivity
    • Investment

Ongoing State Tax Revenue Implications of the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act

AI Summary. The authors estimate that billionaire departures tied to a proposed California wealth tax would cut state income, sales, and other tax collections by $3.53bn–$4.49bn a year, with a $2.77bn lower bound based only on the nine publicly identified emigres. The analysis classifies 212 California billionaires by wealth source, assuming departures retain different shares of California-source income.

Jared Walczak California Tax Foundation
Date Posted:
April 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Walczak estimates the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act would reduce annual state tax revenues by ~$3.53B to $4.49B due to billionaire departures and associated spillovers. The NPV of these ongoing losses would be several times the wealth tax revenue.

How much state tax revenue would billionaire departures cost annually?

Core argument: The authors estimate the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act would cut state income, sales, and other tax collections by $3.53 billion to $4.49 billion per year under their primary billionaire-departure scenarios.

This paper estimates ongoing annual reductions in state tax revenue under scenarios based on announced and anticipated billionaire departures. The analysis considers direct impacts on individual income and, to a much lesser extent, sales tax collections, along with spillover effects. We identify 212 California billionaires using the Forbes billionaire list and classify each based on whether their wealth is primarily held in publicly traded equity, a privately held operating business, financial fund management, or a diversified mix of sources. We use classification-specific assumptions of income loss subject to a given billionaire’s departure, assuming that only 5% of public founders’ income will remain California source after a departure, compared to 55 percent for private operating business owners, 35% for financial management, and 15% for diversified wealth. Under our primary scenarios, the wealth tax yields ongoing reductions of $3.53 billion to $4.49 billion per year in income, sales, and other tax collections. Calculations based exclusively on the nine publicly identified billionaire emigres yield $2.77 billion in recurring revenue loss and can be regarded as a lower bound. Actual out-migration almost certainly already exceeds that which has been publicly reported, and continued departures should be expected should the initiative advance.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The authors estimate the 2026 California Billionaire Tax Act would cut state income, sales, and other tax collections by $3.53 billion to $4.49 billion per year under their primary billionaire-departure scenarios.
  2. Limiting the calculation to the nine publicly identified billionaire emigres yields $2.77 billion in recurring revenue loss, which the authors regard as a lower bound.
  3. The analysis classifies 212 California billionaires from the Forbes billionaire list and assumes post-departure California-source income of 5% for public founders, 55% for private operating business owners, 35% for financial management, and 15% for diversified wealth.

Related Articles:

  • The Net Present Value of the Billionaire Tax Act: An Assessment of the Fiscal Effects of California’s Proposed Wealth Tax — A proposed one-time 5% California tax on the worldwide net worth of individuals above $1bn would have positive net present value only if its revenue exceeds the present value of income taxes lost to departing billionaires. The authors' simulations yield negative net present value in 71% of draws, averaging -$24.7bn.
  • What’s Missing in the Fed’s Data about Ultrarich Portfolios — The Federal Reserve's Distribution of Financial Accounts defines "private business" narrowly as proprietor's equity in noncorporate, nonfinancial businesses, excluding S-corporations, other private corporations, and private equity and hedge fund partnerships, which are lumped into "corporate equities." The Survey of Consumer Finances instead shows private business is roughly 45–50% of top 0.1% wealth.
  • Ed Conard Debates Furman On “The Expected Value of Risk Taking” — A debate on U.S. fiscal policy argues that spending increases, rather than the tax increases needed to fund them, slow growth, and that higher taxes would reduce the expected value of America's innovative risk-taking. The argument holds that cutting debt below 100% of GDP is critical.
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
  • Politics
  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking

Massachusetts Loses Billions in Income After Millionaire Tax

AI Summary. Internal Revenue Service data show residents leaving Massachusetts took a net $4.2bn in adjusted gross income with them, an 8% year-over-year increase, in the first year of a 4% surtax on incomes above $1m, though the number of departing taxpayers slowed. Net outflows predate the surtax, and surtax collections have risen every year.

Greg Ryan Bloomberg
Date Posted:
March 20, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Net outflows of adjusted gross income from Massachusetts increased 8% y/y in 2023 to $4.2B, after a 4% surtax on income over $1mm took effect. Top earners leaving the state were responsible for 70% of the outflow.

Does a millionaire surtax accelerate income leaving the state?

Core argument: Residents leaving Massachusetts took a net $4.2 billion in adjusted gross income with them in 2023, an 8% year-over-year increase and one of the largest totals in the country, according to Internal Revenue Service data.

Residents exiting Massachusetts took a net of $4.2 billion in adjusted gross income with them in 2023, one of the largest totals in the country, after a tax on millionaires took effect. The amount was an 8% year-over-year increase, according to Internal Revenue Service data, even as the total number of taxpayers leaving the state slowed. This was the first year that residents were subject to a 4% surtax on incomes over $1 million after voters approved the levy in 2022 to fund schools and transportation. Despite the tax’s implementation, the number of residents moving out of Massachusetts who reported income of $200,000 or more — the top bracket tracked in the IRS data — fell year-over-year. Net outflows from Massachusetts long predate the millionaires tax, especially to Florida and New Hampshire, its northern neighbor, which has no tax on wages or capital gains. Total lost income was also higher in 2021 than 2023. The state’s millionaires-tax collections have increased every year since 2023 and so far in fiscal 2026 have jumped 19% year-over-year to $1.3 billion.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Residents leaving Massachusetts took a net $4.2 billion in adjusted gross income with them in 2023, an 8% year-over-year increase and one of the largest totals in the country, according to Internal Revenue Service data.
  2. The number of Massachusetts out-migrants reporting income of $200,000 or more, the top bracket tracked in IRS data, fell year-over-year in 2023, the first year of the voter-approved 4% surtax on incomes above $1 million.
  3. Massachusetts millionaires-tax collections have risen every year since 2023 and are up 19% year-over-year to $1.3 billion so far in fiscal 2026, while net outflows to Florida and New Hampshire predate the surtax.

Related Articles:

  • The Net Present Value of the Billionaire Tax Act: An Assessment of the Fiscal Effects of California’s Proposed Wealth Tax — A proposed one-time 5% California tax on the worldwide net worth of individuals above $1bn would have positive net present value only if its revenue exceeds the present value of income taxes lost to departing billionaires. The authors' simulations yield negative net present value in 71% of draws, averaging -$24.7bn.
  • Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California — A California ballot measure raising top marginal income tax rates by up to 3 percentage points prompted an additional 0.8% of the affected tax base to leave the state, with an estimated income elasticity of 2.5–3.2 for high earners who stayed. The authors estimate these responses eroded 45.2% of windfall revenues within one year and 60.9% within two.
  • The Robin Hood State Is Coming For The Rich — In the US, increased redistribution has offset rising pre-tax inequality: Congressional Budget Office data show inequality of taxable income near record highs while inequality after taxes and transfers was lower than in several earlier years and only slightly above 1986. The top 1% of earners paid 40% of income tax in 2022, up from 33% in 2001.
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • Politics

Who Is Paying for the 2025 U.S. Tariffs?

AI Summary. The authors estimate that 94% of U.S. tariff costs were borne domestically over the first eight months of 2025, with a 10% tariff associated with only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices. Pass-through into U.S. import prices later declined to 86%, shifting more of the burden to foreign exporters.

Mary Amiti, Chris Flanagan, Sebastian Heise, and David Weinstein Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
February 13, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

A FRBNY analysis finds that ~90% of tariffs’ economic burden was borne by American firms and consumers in the first 8 months of 2025. Between January and November, however, that incidence declined 8pp as firms reorganised supply chains.

Are U.S. buyers bearing most of the cost of tariffs?

Core argument: U.S. buyers bore 94% of the 2025 tariff incidence during the first eight months of the year, with a 10% tariff associated with only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices.

94% of the tariff incidence was borne by the U.S. in the first eight months of 2025. This result means that a 10% tariff caused only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices. The tariff pass-through into import prices has declined in the latter part of the year. That is, a larger share of the tariff incidence was borne by foreign exporters by the end of the year. In November, a 10% tariff was associated with a 1.4 percent decline in foreign export prices, suggesting an 86% pass-through to U.S. import prices. Given that the average tariff in December was 13% our results imply that U.S. import prices for goods subject to the average tariff increased by 11% (13 times 0.86) more than those for goods not subject to tariffs. These higher import prices caused firms to reorganize supply chains.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. buyers bore 94% of the 2025 tariff incidence during the first eight months of the year, with a 10% tariff associated with only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices.
  2. Tariff pass-through into U.S. import prices declined later in 2025: in November a 10% tariff was associated with a 1.4% decline in foreign export prices, suggesting 86% pass-through.
  3. With the average tariff at 13% in December, the results imply U.S. import prices for tariffed goods rose 11% more than for untariffed goods, prices that led firms to reorganize supply chains.

Related Articles:

  • A Note On Tariffs From The Real World — A large retailer reports that pre-tariff inventory is still being sold, so tariff costs will show up as margin hits later, and that prices must eventually rise roughly 10–15% to cover them. The retailer says its sector's tariff rate went from about 12% to about 33%, and that retailers are holding prices through the holiday season before raising them.
  • U.S. to Cut Tariffs on Bananas, Coffee and Other Goods From Four Countries — The U.S. announced joint statements with four Latin American countries under which it would reduce tariffs on a range of goods not produced domestically, including bananas and coffee from Ecuador and beef from Argentina. Officials said no government-sponsored beef shipments are planned, but tariff cuts on beef are expected.
  • Tariffs Are Generating Meaningful New Revenue — New U.S. tariffs are estimated to generate $1.3tn in net new revenue through the end of the current presidential term and $2.8tn through 2034 before economic effects, about $600bn more than previously enacted tariffs. If a court ruling striking down some tariffs is upheld, the remainder could raise as little as $800bn through 2034.
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
  • GDP
    • Trade (not deficits)

Supply and The Mam

AI Summary. New York City has the highest combined city-state personal tax rate in the US and the highest all-in corporate income tax rate at 17.4%, and the highest industrial, retail and multifamily property taxes per square foot among ten major cities. New York State ranks first in tax collections per capita.

Michael Cembalest J.P. Morgan
Date Posted:
February 5, 2026
Is Database:
Database

At ~15%, NYC has the highest combined city-state personal tax rate in the US, and the top marginal corporate income tax rate at 17.4%. The city also has the highest industrial, retail and multifamily property taxes per square foot of 10 major cities.

Does New York City impose the highest taxes among major US cities?

Core argument: New York City carries the highest all-in corporate income tax rate in the US at 17.4%, combining state and city taxes plus the MTA surcharge, along with the highest combined city-state personal tax rate.

NYC has the highest combined city-state personal tax rate in the US and the highest all-in corporate income tax rate at 17.4% (state plus city plus MTA surcharge). According to the [Citizens Budget Commission], New York State is the highest tax jurisdiction in the US based on tax collections per capita and #2 on tax collections per $1,000 of personal income. NYC has the highest industrial, retail and multifamily property taxes per square foot of ten major cities.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. New York City carries the highest all-in corporate income tax rate in the US at 17.4%, combining state and city taxes plus the MTA surcharge, along with the highest combined city-state personal tax rate.
  2. The Citizens Budget Commission ranks New York State as the highest tax jurisdiction in the US by tax collections per capita and #2 by tax collections per $1,000 of personal income.
  3. New York City has the highest industrial, retail, and multifamily property taxes per square foot among ten major cities.

Related Articles:

  • As New Jobs In Finance Dry Up, New York City’s Fiscal Model Is Wilting — New York state's share of US taxpayers reporting over $1m in income fell from 12.7% in 2010 to 8.7% in 2022, and the Citizens Budget Commission estimates state and city income tax receipts from that group would have been $13bn higher had the share held. Job growth has concentrated in lower-paid health care and social assistance.
  • The Stationary Bandits of New York City — New York City's construction costs exceed international benchmarks: Paris installs metro platform edge doors for about €3.7m per station while the Metropolitan Transportation Authority says it needs $55m per station. The author argues stringent crane operator licensing and sidewalk shed regulations protect a small number of unionized contractors from competition.
  • Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California — A California ballot measure raising top marginal income tax rates by up to 3 percentage points prompted an additional 0.8% of the affected tax base to leave the state, with an estimated income elasticity of 2.5–3.2 for high earners who stayed. The authors estimate these responses eroded 45.2% of windfall revenues within one year and 60.9% within two.
  • Taxation
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Government Spending
  • Politics

Laffer Curves Are Flat

AI Summary. Laffer curves estimated with a realistic tax base are flatter than those using simplified broad or narrow bases, implying smaller revenue gains from raising top tax rates and a lower revenue-maximizing top rate. The authors estimate federal individual income tax revenue peaks at a 47% top rate, yielding only 1.3% more revenue, about 0.1% of GDP.

Rachel Moore, Brandon Pecoraro and David Splinter Joint Committee on Taxation
Date Posted:
January 28, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

JCT calculations suggest that properly constructed individual income tax Laffer curves are flat over wide ranges. Modeling shifting across business types and interactions btw various taxes under 2022 law, they find revenue is ~ constant for top rates btw 37% and 55%.

How much revenue would raising top tax rates actually generate?

Core argument: A Laffer curve estimated with a tax calculator and the true tax base peaks at a top rate of 47%, yielding only 1.3% more federal individual income tax revenue, about 0.1% of GDP.

Laffer curves estimated with more realistic taxes are flatter, suggesting less potential revenue gains from top rate increases and a lower revenue-maximizing top rate. Standard simplifications miss meaningful behavioral margins such as shifting across tax bases and sectors. Interactions between federal individual income taxes and other taxes produce even flatter Laffer curves and smaller revenue gains from higher top rates. Panel A of Figure 2 shows how federal individual income tax revenues change as the top tax rate varies along the x-axis. With a broad base, total income enters the tax function as a single base, applying the top rate to all income even though much of it qualifies for lower preferential tax rates. With a narrow base, only wage income enters the tax function, which fails to apply the top tax rate to any capital income. The true tax base lies between the narrow and the broad base. The Laffer curve estimated using the tax calculator and true base reaches a more modest peak (only 1.3% more tax revenue) at a top tax rate of 47%. Notably, this additional federal income tax revenue is only about 0.1% of GDP. Relative to both the narrow and broad bases, the true base implies smaller potential revenue gains and a lower revenue-maximizing top tax rate.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A Laffer curve estimated with a tax calculator and the true tax base peaks at a top rate of 47%, yielding only 1.3% more federal individual income tax revenue, about 0.1% of GDP.
  2. The true tax base lies between a narrow base covering only wage income and a broad base applying the top rate to all income, and it implies smaller potential revenue gains and a lower revenue-maximizing top rate than either.
  3. Standard simplifications omit behavioral margins such as shifting across tax bases and sectors, and interactions between federal individual income taxes and other taxes produce flatter Laffer curves with smaller revenue gains from higher top rates.

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