Edward Conard

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Wage Inequality and the Rise in Labor Force Exit: The Case of US Prime-Age Men

Pinghui Wu Federal Reserve Bank Of Boston
Date Posted:
December 7, 2022
Is Database:
Database

Change in their relative earnings accounted for 44% of the growth in labor force exits among non-college men between 1980-2019, suggesting a decline in social status is a likely factor driving the decline in prime-age labor force participation. @BostonFed

This paper investigates whether prime-age non-college men are more inclined to leave the labor force when their expected earnings fall relative to the earnings of other workers in their labor market. The empirical model takes into account that a job not only provides economic security but also affirms a worker’s social status, which is tied to their position relative to their age range peers. According to [a regression analysis] estimate, a 10% growth in expected earnings has an associated 0.12 percentage point decrease in the exit rate. Contrarily, a 10% growth in reference earnings has an associated 0.13 percentage point increase in the exit rate, fully discounting the earnings effect. These coefficients offer suggestive evidence that non-college men’s labor market exit behavior is tied to the relative values of their earnings. Over the course of the study period, non-college men’s relative earnings declined 30% on average. Based on the estimates, this decline in relative earnings had an associated 49 percentage point increase in the exit rate, accounting for 44% of the total growth in the exit rate among non-college men over this period. In contrast, changes in real earnings alone account for only 18% of the total growth in exit rate.

Change in their relative earnings accounted for 44% of the growth in labor force exits among non-college men between 1980-2019, suggesting a decline in social status is a likely factor driving the decline in prime-age labor force participation. “This paper investigates whether prime-age non-college men are more inclined to leave the labor force when their expected earnings fall relative to the earnings of other workers in their labor market. The empirical model takes into account that a job not only provides economic security but also affirms a worker’s social status, which is tied to their position relative to their age range peers. According to [a regression analysis] estimate, a 10% growth in expected earnings has an associated 0.12 percentage point decrease in the exit rate. Contrarily, a 10% growth in reference earnings has an associated 0.13 percentage point increase in the exit rate, fully discounting the earnings effect. These coefficients offer suggestive evidence that non-college men’s labor market exit behavior is tied to the relative values of their earnings. Over the course of the study period, non-college men’s relative earnings declined 30% on average. Based on the estimates, this decline in relative earnings had an associated 49 percentage point increase in the exit rate, accounting for 44% of the total growth in the exit rate among non-college men over this period. In contrast, changes in real earnings alone account for only 18% of the total growth in exit rate“

Their bottom line

“…Over the course of the study period, non-college men’s relative earnings declined 0.30 log point (see Figure 2), which was the combined result of a 0.17- log-point decline in their real median earnings and a 0.23-log-point growth in the reference earnings. A back-of-the-envelope calculation based on the OLS estimates suggests that this decline is associated with a 0.49 percentage point increase in the exit rate, accounting for 44 percent of the net growth in non-college men’s labor force exit rate during this period. In contrast, changes in real occupation earnings alone account for only 18 percent of the total increase in the labor exit rate for non-college men, leaving a larger unexplained growth trend….”

The core of the paper, “…this paper investigates whether prime-age noncollege men are more inclined to leave the labor force when their expected earnings fall relative to the earnings of other workers in their labor market. The empirical model takes into account that a job not only provides economic security but also affirms a worker’s social status, which is tied to their position relative to their age range peers. The model uses a difference-in-differences framework and for identification relies on the variation in non-college men’s relative earnings across states and occupations over time. The sample consists of state-occupation-level panel data on labor force exit rates, occupation earnings, and job loss risk matched with information on the state-level earnings distribution and a set of state socioeconomic controls over the period 1980 through 2019….”

The Evidence

“…The results from the ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analysis show that labor force exit rates decline with a worker group’s expected earnings but increase with their reference earnings, defined as the average earnings in a state across all prime-age workers. According to the estimate, a 10 percent growth in expected earnings has an associated 0.12 percentage point decrease in the exit rate. Contrarily, a 10 percent growth in reference earnings has an associated 0.13 percentage point increase in the exit rate, fully discounting the earnings effect. These coefficients offer suggestive evidence that non-college men’s labor market exit behavior is tied to the relative values of their earnings. Over the course of the study period, non-college men’s relative earnings declined 30 percent on average. Based on the estimates, this decline in relative earnings had an associated 49 percentage point increase in the exit rate, accounting for 44 percent of the total growth in the exit rate among non-college men over this period. In contrast, changes in real earnings alone account for only 18 percent of the total growth in exit rate….”

“…The relationship between relative earnings and labor force exit rates varies by worker demographics. Across races and ethnicities, a correlation between labor force exit rate and relative earnings is identified among non-Hispanic White men but absent among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic men. Across age groups, the magnitude of the correlation between exit rate and relative earnings declines with age, with the strongest correlation observed among men aged 25 to 34. The correlation between relative earnings and exit rate also weakens when the sample is stratified by a worker’s marital status. These findings suggest that a decline in social status among White men and marriage market sorting are potential channels through which relative earnings affect men’s labor force exit decisions. A supplementary analysis further reveals that the labor force exit rate of non-college men increases with both the level and the skewness of the reference group’s earnings distribution. Conditional on the state median earnings not increasing or decreasing, non-college men are more likely to leave the labor force when the top earners in a state make disproportionately more than the other workers, showing further evidence that earnings inequity may undermine non-college men’s work incentives…”

The Decline in Less Educated Men’s Labor Market Status

“…From 1980 to 2019, the US prime-age non-college men’s labor market return steadily declined relative to that of college-educated workers. During this period, noncollege men’s median weekly earnings fell 17 percent, while college-educated men experienced a 20 percent earnings gain, increasing the weekly earnings gap nearly 150 percent from $280 to $687. In addition, non-college men’s earnings premium over women’s quickly dissipated as gender equity improved. Over this period, the median earnings of women grew 32 percent, significantly outpacing the growth rate of men’s earnings. Most of the growth was from college-educated women, whose earnings increased a stellar 39 percent….Figure 1 plots how relative earnings have changed over time for US men and women by college education status….”

“…Compared with their 1980–1982 level, non-college men’s relative earnings have followed a consistent downward trend over the last 40 years, despite periodic real earnings gains. Specifically, from 1980 to 2019, the value of non-college prime-age men’s median earnings fell from 104 percent to only 69 percent of the average earnings across their prime-age peers. In contrast, relative earnings for college-educated men, college-educated women, and non-college women grew initially, from 1980 to 1993, and then saw a modest downward trend reflecting the accelerated earnings growth at the upper tail of the earnings distribution and the overall stagnation of earnings at the median during the later years of the sample period. Nevertheless, the decline rate was substantially smaller compared with the rate at which relative earnings for non-college men fell. Together, these patterns highlight the earnings dispersion across education levels as well as the increased skewness in the earnings distribution over the last four decades….”

Relative Earnings and Labor Force Exit Rate: An Inverse Relationship

“…Figure 2 plots the changes in college-educated and non-college men’s relative earnings (panel A) and labor force exit rate (panel B) over time from their 1980–1982 values. Compared with college-educated men, non-college men have experienced a much steeper fall in relative earnings as well as a more sizable rise in their labor force exit rate, showing the negative correlation between the two. This inverse relationship also appears across subgroups of non-college men….” image001.png “…Panel A of Figure 3 plots the changes in relative earnings for non-college men by their occupations’ skill-level requirements. Following the 2010 Standard Occupational Classification System (SOC) and the convention in this literature, high-skill occupations here include management, professional, and public safety occupations (SOC: 11–31, 331–333). Middle-skill occupations include sales and administrative support occupations (SOC: 41, 43); production, installation, and repair occupations (SOC: 49, 51); and transportation and construction occupations (SOC: 45, 47, 53). Low-skill occupations comprise various service occupations (SOC: 33–39).5 While non-college men in all three occupation groups experienced sizable declines in relative earnings, the decline was steeper for workers in the middle-skill occupations (–33 percent) than for those in the low-skill occupations (–26 percent) or the highskill occupations (–20 percent). Panel B of Figure 3 shows that non-college men in the middle-skill occupations also experienced the most rapid increase in labor force exit rate, followed by workers in the low-skill occupations and in the high-skill occupations. The decline in non-college men’s relative earnings during the 1980–2019 period also varied spatially. Because of state-level differences in industrial composition, the college wage premium rose at different speeds across states, and the extent of the decline in non-college men’s relative earnings ranged from 10 percent to 64 percent depending on where a worker lived….Together, these descriptive statistics offer suggestive evidence that the labor force exit rate increases when relative earnings fall. These patterns, however, are subject to the influence of other confounding factors and may be only coincidental….” image003.png

Pinghui Wu, “Wage Inequality and the Rise in Labor Force Exit: The Case of US Prime-Age Men,” Federal Reserve Bank Of Boston, December 2022, https://www.bostonfed.org/publications/research-department-working-paper/2022/wage-inequality-and-the-rise-in-labor-force-exit-the-case-of-us-prime-age-men.aspx

  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce
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Showing 93 database articles primarily about Unemployment/Participation

What’s Behind the Declining Trend Unemployment Rate?

AI Summary. The structural unemployment rate fell from 7.8% to 4.8% between 1976 and 2024, with over half of the 3.3 percentage point decline driven by workforce composition shifts, particularly rising educational attainment, which alone accounts for 1 percentage point of the reduction.

Andreas Hornstein, Marianna Kudlyak, Greeshma Avaradi and Taerin Kim Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Date Posted:
August 26, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Hornstein et al find that about half of the ~3pp drop in the trend unemployment rate since 1976 is due to compositional change in the work force towards lower unemployment “types ” – in particular, older and more educated workers.

Is rising education driving down structural unemployment?

Core argument: The U.S. trend unemployment rate fell 3.3 percentage points—from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024—with rising educational attainment alone accounting for 1.0 percentage point of that structural decline.

We find that the trend unemployment rate declined from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024 [Figure 1]. Roughly half of that decline reflects compositional change. Figure 2 separates the estimated cumulative change in the annual unemployment trend since 1976 into its components. The total decline was about 3.3 percentage points by 2024. Changes in workforce composition account for a little more than half of that decline. Rising educational attainment is the single largest compositional force, lowering the trend about 1pp. Figure 4 plots estimated education shares for entering cohorts of women, and these patterns are similar for male cohorts (not shown). The figure shows a steady long-run fall in the share of new female cohorts with less than high school education and a steady rise in the share with some college or a college degree. [Returning to Figure 2], changes in group-specific LFP rate trends contribute only ~0.3 pp. The remaining decline, a bit under 1pp, comes from lower group-specific trend unemployment.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. trend unemployment rate fell 3.3 percentage points—from 7.8% in 1976 to 4.8% in 2024—with rising educational attainment alone accounting for 1.0 percentage point of that structural decline.
  2. Workforce compositional shifts explain slightly more than half of the 3.3-percentage-point decline in trend unemployment since 1976, making demographic change the dominant driver over the period.
  3. Group-specific labor force participation trends contributed only 0.3 percentage points to the trend unemployment decline, while lower group-specific unemployment rates drove the remaining approximately 1.0 percentage point reduction.

Related Articles:

  • Global Views: They’re Not Hiking — The decline in unemployment has been driven by lower labor force participation, not an increase in employment. Hatzius stresses continued weakness in wage…
  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce

College Grads Struggle to Find Jobs. Non-Grads Are Giving Up

AI Summary. The narrowing unemployment gap between young college graduates and non-graduates reflects rising labor force dropout among non-graduates, not equal job market outcomes; the share of young non-graduates who are employed is 1.7 percentage points below pre-pandemic levels and falling, while graduates are near recovery.

Justin Fox Bloomberg
Date Posted:
August 25, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Labor force participation is rising for American college graduates aged 25–29, and is now at 89.4% – above its pre-pandemic level. Participation among non-college members of that age cohort is falling; at 78.7%, it is now below its pre-pandemic level.

Are non-graduates disappearing from the job market?

Core argument: The narrowing education-unemployment gap among young adults reflects labor force withdrawal by non-degree holders—not diminished diploma value—as workers who stop seeking jobs are excluded from unemployment calculations.

The narrowing of [the unemployment gap btw college and non-college workers] in recent years has lent support to narratives that college diplomas are losing their value amid the rise of large language models, the purported return of blue-collar work, and other job market changes. But while it may well be that diplomas have lost value, the recent shrinking of the young-adult education-unemployment gap seems to be driven mainly by a different phenomenon. Growing numbers of young adults without college degrees simply aren’t trying to find work and thus aren’t counted in unemployment calculations. The employment-population ratio for young college grads is not far off from where it was just before the pandemic and seems as if it might be headed upward again after a sharp drop in 2023 and 2024, for non-grads it is 1.7 percentage points lower than before the pandemic and clearly trending downward.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The narrowing education-unemployment gap among young adults reflects labor force withdrawal by non-degree holders—not diminished diploma value—as workers who stop seeking jobs are excluded from unemployment calculations.
  2. Young adults without college degrees carry an employment-population ratio 1.7 percentage points below pre-pandemic levels and trending downward, while college graduates have nearly recovered to pre-pandemic parity.

Related Articles:

  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • AI, Immigration, and Collapsing Labor Force Participation — Declining labor force participation concentrates economic output among fewer workers, raising the return on automation and making productivity growth the primary driver of expansion. Any productivity shortfall carries greater consequences because a shrinking worker base cannot compensate through increased participation.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Education
      • College
      • K-12
    • Family/Marriage

The Big Exceptions To The American Manufacturing Jobs Decline

AI Summary. U.S. aerospace and electrical components manufacturing are the two largest sources of job growth in an otherwise declining manufacturing sector, driven by record airline order backlogs and surging demand for electrical infrastructure from data centers. Dedicated data center consumption of electrical equipment and components more than doubled between 2019 and

Jiaxin (Jason) He Agglomerations
Date Posted:
July 24, 2026
Is Database:
Database

The US has lost 300,000 manufacturing jobs since their recent peak in Q2 2023. Two subsectors have seen strong job growth: aerospace manufacturing added 43,000 jobs, and electrical equipment, cable and battery manufacturing added 36,200.

Are aerospace and electrical components bucking the broader manufacturing decline?

Core argument: Aerospace posted a $116.7 billion trade surplus—the largest of any U.S. manufacturing industry—while leading all sectors in job growth since 2023, driven by record commercial airline order backlogs and Boeing's return to profitability and high delivery volumes.

Aerospace leads all manufacturing industries in job growth since 2023. Last year it also posted the largest nominal trade surplus of any manufacturing industry, at $116.7 billion. Driving the growth has been strong commercial and passenger airline demand, including a record-high order backlog. Boeing, the world’s leading airplane manufacturer, returned to profitability and high delivery volumes in 2025. The employment surge in the electrical components subsector tells a different story. It owes its strength to two industries: electrical equipment manufacturing and batteries, wires, cables, and miscellaneous electrical components. These are among the industries that bore the brunt of the China Shock and suffered acute decline in the 2000s. Green energy and electric vehicles likely contributed to their initial recovery, raising demand for batteries and electrical infrastructure. But their continued growth even after the cancellation of EV subsidies in 2025 points to a different, potent, and entirely unsurprising driver: Artificial Intelligence. AI’s manufacturing footprint runs the length of the supply chain. Dedicated data centers more than doubled their real consumption of electrical equipment and components from 2019 to 2024.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Aerospace posted a $116.7 billion trade surplus—the largest of any U.S. manufacturing industry—while leading all sectors in job growth since 2023, driven by record commercial airline order backlogs and Boeing's return to profitability and high delivery volumes.

Related Articles:

  • Does the Import Invasion Explain the Mysterious Disappearance of Productivity Growth in U.S. Manufacturing? — Rising import penetration in U.S. manufacturing after 2000 is strongly linked to slower productivity growth, as foreign competition reduced domestic sales, investment, and innovation capacity, with offshoring of production to Asia severing the link between design and process improvement.
  • Midyear Outlook — AI investment is crowding out rival capital projects by absorbing scarce physical inputs—grid capacity, construction labor, metals, and engineering talent—while semiconductor prices surge where supply constraints meet surging demand. With hyperscaler free cash flow exhausted, over 80% of future AI capital spending requires external financing, including fresh equity issuance.
  • What Would It Take to Bring Back US Manufacturing? Part 1: America’s Structural Headwinds — Bridgewater estimates that closing the ~$3T gap btw US manufacturing output and goods consumption will be an uphill battle. Largely due to manufacturing wages…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Workforce

The Labor Market Explains Why Inflation Won’t Go Away

AI Summary. A labor market operating below the unemployment level consistent with stable prices for an unusually long stretch sustains upward pressure on wages and prices, keeping inflation persistently elevated. Reducing inflation toward the 2% target requires maintaining higher interest rates until excess labor demand is eliminated.

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
July 17, 2026
Is Database:
Database

US unemployment has been under the Fed’s 4.5% estimate of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) for 57 months. Sløk argues “persistent tightness is a key reason inflation has remained elevated.”

Does tight labor demand explain persistent inflation pressure?

With the Fed estimating the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) at below 4.5%, and unemployment having stayed at or below that level for 57 months, tied for the longest such streak on record, the labor market has been operating in excess-demand territory for an unusually long time. That persistent tightness is a key reason inflation has remained elevated: when unemployment runs below NAIRU, wages and prices face sustained upward pressure. Prior episodes of sub-4.5% unemployment were typically far shorter. The current one is one of the longest on record, which helps explain why the ongoing inflation overshoot since 2021 has been so stubborn. The bottom line is that a strong economy is the reason why inflation has been high, and only by keeping rates higher for longer can the Fed cool inflation down towards the FOMC’s 2% inflation target.

Related Articles:

  • The U.S. Job Market is (Still) Inflationary — Notwithstanding the soaring prices of components for manufacturing, Klein argues that “the most important thing to understand about US inflation is that the…
  • Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right — The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.
  • Baby Busts and Growth Booms: Demographic Change and the Macroeconomy — Cross-country evidence from 1950 to 2020 shows that a 1pp lower birth rate is associated with 22 log points (~25%) higher GDP per worker 40 years later and 29…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • GDP
    • Inflation
  • Monetary Policy
  • Workforce

Labor Force Participation Is High If You Measure It Right

AI Summary. The overall labor force participation rate is a misleading measure of labor market health because it does not account for age-related variation in work patterns, making it especially distorted when large population groups shift into retirement-age brackets.

Justin Fox Bloomberg
Date Posted:
July 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Adjusted for the age composition of the population, US labor force participation, at 61.8%, is near an all-time high, reflecting delayed retirement of older workers.

Does labor force participation tell us what we think it does?

The labor force participation rate is the number of people 16 and older who have jobs or are actively looking for them, divided by the civilian (that is, not uniformed military) noninstitutional (that is, not in prison or the like) population 16 and older. While this percentage can tell us useful things about, say, the sustainability of Social Security or the overall availability of labor, its validity as a gauge of the health of the labor market is limited by the reality that labor force participation varies greatly by age. It’s a flawed metric that is currently more flawed than usual as the youngest members of the giant baby boom generation age into their mid-60s. The addition this year of nearly 1.7 million 65-and-older Americans to the BLS population estimates, because of belated adjustments stemming from the 2020 Census, just adds to the distortions.

Related Articles:

  • Baby Busts and Growth Booms: Demographic Change and the Macroeconomy — Cross-country evidence from 1950 to 2020 shows that a 1pp lower birth rate is associated with 22 log points (~25%) higher GDP per worker 40 years later and 29…
  • AI, Immigration, and Collapsing Labor Force Participation — Declining labor force participation concentrates economic output among fewer workers, raising the return on automation and making productivity growth the primary driver of expansion. Any productivity shortfall carries greater consequences because a shrinking worker base cannot compensate through increased participation.
  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce

'Nobody Wants to Work Anymore': Lifetime Labor Market Experiences and the Decline of Male LFP in the United States

AI Summary. Declining male labor force participation in the United States is driven by cohort-level beliefs shaped by lifetime exposure to weak male labor markets, with each generation participating less than the last at every age.

Remy Levin and Daniela Vidart National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
June 16, 2026
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Btw 1986 and 2019, prime-age males who grew up observing a one–SD lower male earnings history had a 7pp lower LFP rate in adulthood, holding current labor‑market conditions fixed.

Does weak labor market exposure permanently reduce male workforce participation?

Core argument: Male labor force participation decline correlates strongly with cohort-level lifetime labor market experiences, driving persistent participation gaps across generations independent.

We propose a new channel contributing to the long-run decline in [male labor force participation] (MLFP) in the United States: changes in American men’s lifetime experiences of the aggregate male labor market have shaped their beliefs about the returns to participation, influencing labor supply decisions in ways that persist even in the face of current market conditions. MLFP and national lifetime male labor market experiences, holding contemporaneous conditions fixed, are highly correlated over time (Figure 1, Panel A). Second, the decline in MLFP is largely driven by cohort-level differences: recent cohorts participate at lower rates than previous generations at every age (Figure 1, Panel B). These patterns suggest that men’s labor market participation is the history, embedded in each cohort’s memory, of the labor markets experienced by the men around them. The effects on MLFP are stronger for experiences of same-race male labor markets, demonstrating the central role of reference-group identity, and are driven by conditions experienced during men’s formative childhood years not explained by educational attainment of subjects or their fathers. Finally, we show that lifetime male labor market experiences are correlated with direct measures of men’s personal wage and employment expectations, but not their expectations for the macroeconomy as a whole.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Male labor force participation decline correlates strongly with cohort-level lifetime labor market experiences, driving persistent participation gaps across generations independent.
  2. Same-race male labor market conditions experienced during childhood shape adult participation expectations more than macroeconomic beliefs, leading to reference-group-driven labor.
  3. Recent cohorts participate at lower rates than previous generations at every age, demonstrating that formative-year labor market exposure—not education—drives long-run.

Related Articles:

  • How Labor Force Participation Has Diverged Across Genders — Male labor force participation has fallen steadily since the 1970s, while female participation rose sharply before plateauing, driven by shifts in education levels and age composition rather than a single cause.
  • Bachelors Without Bachelor’s: Gender Gaps in Education and Declining Marriage Rates — The rise in female college enrollment from 1930-80 hasn’t reduced marriage rates for college women. “The overall decline in marriage rates is driven almost…
  • Post-Pandemic Recovery for America’s Prime Age Labor Force: A Tale of Two Sexes — Nicholas Eberstadt notes that the labor force participation rate for prime-age women is up 5pp since the pandemic to an all-time high, while the rate for…
  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Workforce
    • Demographics
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