Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
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Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle

Bart Hobijn and Ayşegül Şahin National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
September 24, 2021
Is Database:
Database

A 1pp decline in the unemployment rate exerts a 0.65pp upward pressure on the Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR).

The relationship between unemployment and labor force participation is cyclical, with a 1pp decline in the unemployment rate exerting a 0.65pp upward pressure on the Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR). This dynamic is driven by fluctuations in job-loss and job-finding rates rather than changes in labor force entry and exit. During strong labor markets, increased employment stability reduces job-loss risk, enhancing labor force attachment and participation. The participation cycle lags the unemployment cycle, typically bottoming out nine months after unemployment peaks. This lag is longer during deeper recessions, amplifying the uneven impact of economic downturns across different demographic groups. As the unemployment rate approaches its natural level, the cyclical pressures on participation and employment-to-population ratios converge, underscoring the interconnectedness of these economic indicators.

Bart Hobijn and Ayşegül Şahin, "Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle," National Bureau Of Economic Research, September 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w29222

Bart Hobijna and Aysegul Sahin argued that labor force participation is cyclical and lags the unemployment cycle; that LFP is driven by upticks in employment stability, for example lower job-loss risk and tight labor markets as opposed to labor force entry and exit. Unemployed workers are more likely to drop out of labor force than employed worker, ultimacy employment stability (or instability) is driving the participation cycle, "....The decomposition reveals thatthe source of the participation cycle is fluctuations in job-loss and job-finding rates, rather than cyclical movements in labor force entry and exit rates. The magnitude of the participation cycle is large. Cyclical downward pressures on employment from participation are two-thirds that of unemployment. Moreover,the participation cycle delays the recovery in employment because it lags the unemployment cycle. It also amplifies the unevenness of the impact of recessions. Groups that see large increases in their unemployment rates also experience more pronounced participation cycles. Despite differences in their magnitudes, the source of the participation cycle is the same for all groups..."

This implies that, "...the bulk of the drop in the participation rate since the onset of the pandemic is cyclical and that the cyclical recovery in participation likely will trail that of the unemployment rate.....They result in the estimate that 1.5 percentage points of the 1.7-percentage-point decline in the participation rate from February 2020 to June 2021 is due to the cyclical drag on the participation rate associated with the deterioration of job-loss and job-finding prospects since the onset of the pandemic. This result holds not just for the aggregate data. For all groups in our sample, the bulk of the decline in their participation rates is due to the participation cycle...."
Their dynamic, “..The entry and exit component captures the part of changes in the participation rate that can be traced back to changes in the probabilities of workers flowing across the participation margin, i.e., into and out of the labor force. This component puts upward pressure on participation at the beginning of recessions when the likelihood that the employed and unemployed drop out of the labor force goes down. Mostly, however, it captures the time-varying long-run trend behavior of the participation rate. The procyclical pressures on the participation rate come from the cycle component, which we call the participation cycle in the rest of this paper. These are the pressures exerted on labor force participation by job-loss (flows from employment to unemployment), and job-finding (flows from unemployment to employment). At first glance, it might sound puzzling that the flows that do not involve crossing the participation margin are the source of the procyclicality of the labor force participation rate. The intuition comes from recognizing that those who are unemployed are substantially more likely to drop out of the labor force than the employed.Specifically, the exit rate from the labor force for the unemployed averaged around 25 percent in 1978-2019. This is almost an order of magnitude larger than the labor force exit rate of employed workers which averaged 2.8 percent during the same period. The difference in these exit rates from the labor force creates a wedge that we refer to as the attachment wedge. The higher the fraction of the labor force that is unemployed, i.e., the higher the unemployment rate, the more likely workers are to drop out of the labor force in the future, which lowers the participation rate going forward. Since movements in job-loss and job-finding are the main drivers of fluctuations in the unemployment rate (Elsby et al., 2015), the unemployment cycle and the participation cycle are closely tied together. In terms of magnitude, we find that the procyclical forces that affect the labor supply during business cycles are large. Our analysis reveals that the downward pressure that the participation cycle puts on the employment-to-population (EPOP) ratio is about two-thirds that of the unemployment cycle. Moreover, the participation cycle lags the unemployment cycle. On average, the participation cycle bottoms out nine months after the unemployment rate peaks. This lag is even longer for deeper recessions. The participation and unemployment cycles tend to converge during labor market recoveries, moving in tandem especially in later phases of expansions. When the unemployment rate gets close to or is below its natural rate, declines in unemployment and cyclical upward pressures on participation have about the same effect on the EPOP ratio. This observation is consistent with the Perry-Okun rule that during strong labor markets a 1-percentage-point decline in the unemployment rate results in cyclical upward pressure of 0.65 percentage point on the participation rate. Using a very different methodology and more recent data we find a rule of thumb very similar to Perry (1971) and Okun (1973)... Our results establish that increases in employment stability for those in the labor force during strong labor markets put upward pressure on participation. That is, the reductions in job-loss and increases in job-finding when labor market conditions improve result in fewer and shorter periods of unemployment (see Marston, 1976), which reduces the likelihood that participants drop out of the labor force...."

Implications, "...The source of the upward pressures on participation during expansions has important policy implications especially in light of the maximum employment mandate being a broad based and inclusive goal. If the prevailing view were true, progress towards maximum employment when the labor market is hot and the unemployment rate is low mainly would be made through the re-entry into the labor force of workers from marginalized groups. Therefore, it would be important for policymakers to focus on movements in the participation rates of the groups of workers that bear the brunt of labor market downturns when the unemployment rate is low. Instead, our results suggest there is little need to shift the attention from the unemployment to the participation rate, especially of marginalized groups, at the tail end of expansions because the same forces are at play for all groups in the labor market. For all groups, the Perry-Okun rule is a reasonable rule of thumb. This means that, during the latter stages of the business cycle when the unemployment rate is low, cyclical upward pressures on participation move almost in lockstep with changes in unemployment rates. This is because for all groups the main procyclical forces on participation are driven by fluctuations in job-loss and job-finding rates that also account for the bulk of the movements in the unemployment rate. However, the magnitude of the participation cycle is highly uneven across groups as a consequence of the differences in the cyclicality and levels of unemployment rates. We find that the participation cycle amplifies the well-documented unevenness of recessions, as captured by different increases in group-specific unemployment rates. Groups with a higher increase in the incidence of unemployment also have larger procyclical pressures on their participation rate. Therefore, the groups hardest hit during recessions have the largest cyclical upward pressures on participation during recoveries and expansions. This includes low-skilled workers and workers who identify as Black, or African American, and Hispanic. Our new finding complements Wolfers’ discussion of Aaronson et al. (2019) where he shows that disadvantaged groups with higher unemployment rates also tend to have more cyclical unemployment rates….”

Evidence"... Figure 7 plots the cumulative contribution of the entry/exit and cycle to the change in the LFPR since the start of 1978 for the total population for 1978-2019 in panel (a).25 The entry/exit component is the main driver of the long-run trend in the LFPR. Interestingly, it also exhibits a countercyclical pattern putting upward pressure on the LFPR during recessions and a downward pressure later in expansions. This finding challenges the popular view that the procyclicality of the participation rate has its origins in discouraged workers leaving the labor force during recessions and re-entering the labor force as labor market conditions improve. We find that the net contribution of labor force entry and exit is not procyclical at all. On the contrary, the entry/exit component is decisively countercyclical, pushing against the procyclical forces we identify. It is the exit component that is responsible for the upward trend in participation from 1978 through 2000, largely driven by women (panel (c)). The increase in labor force participation among women was not because women was not because those who were not part of the labor force became more likely to join. Instead, it was driven by the increased attachment to the labor force of those women who already were part of it. While the entry component was relatively muted for women until the 2000s, it accounts for most of the decline since early 2000 in the participation rate of both men and women...."

Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle: Extended Excerpt Image 1


"...To better visualize business-cycle variation,Figure 8 plots the cumulative contribution of the entry/exit and cycle components quantified by the decomposition for each business cycle starting at the trough in the unemployment rate, indicated by the vertical dashed lines. The figure reveals that the entry/exit component played no role in the procyclical fluctuations in participation. As we saw in panels (c) and (d) of Figure 6, both the average unemployed and employed worker are more attached to the labor force during recessions than during expansions. This decline in exit rate from participation in downturns puts upward pressure on the participation rate during recessions and in the earlier parts of expansions. The mild procyclicality of the LFPR is due to the participation cycle. It is strongly procyclical and does not have a discernible trend. Therefore, it reveals the source of the procyclical pressures on participation: The rise in the unemployment rate at the onset of recessions puts downward pressure on participation because the likelihood that those in the labor force remain attached declines. This is because the composition of the labor force shifts towards unemployed workers who are less attached than the employed. In the later stages of expansions, workers in the labor force become more attached to the labor force as the pool of unemployed shrinks. This rise in attachment, which is achieved through lower job loss rates and better job finding prospects, puts upward pressure on the participation rate...."

Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle: Extended Excerpt Image 2


"... Figure 9 plots the cumulative contribution to the change in the EPOP ratio of each of the two terms: the first one is the unemployment cycle defined as the change in the unemployment rate relative to its trough and the second term is the participation cycle. The figure shows that, even though the LFPR is only mildly procyclical, the procyclical forces that shape labor supply are of only slightly smaller magnitude than those captured in the unemployment cycle. Across the recessions in the figure, the trough in the participation cycle is, on average, about two-thirds that of the unemployment cycle. It also lags the unemployment trough by nine months, on average. This lag is longer during deeper recessions. We find that the cyclical pressures from participation and unemployment on the EPOP ratio are about the same later in expansions. This can be seen from both lines going up at about the same rate….”

Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle: Extended Excerpt Image 3


"...In subsection 5.1 we show that the participation cycle amplifies the unemployment cycle: groups that experience higher increases in their unemployment rates during recessions also face more cyclical downward pressures on participation. However, in spite of the differential effect of recessions on different groups, the core forces that put upward pressure on their participation rates when the labor market is strong are the same ones that drive down their unemployment rates. Therefore, there is no need to shift attention from the unemployment rate to the participation rates of marginalized groups. Declines in unemployment naturally result in upward pressures on participation for all groups—including the marginalized ones.... Figure 11 plots the cyclical run ups and declines in unemployment rates by business cycle for all groups by topic. It shows that those groups that see large increases in their unemployment rates at the onset of recessions tend to see steep declines in their unemployment rates in expansions. The question relevant for our analysis, of course, is to what extent these improvements in unemployment rates translate into upward pressures on participation rates. As we discussed in the previous section, what is crucial for the transmission of improvements in job-loss and job-finding to increases in the participation rate is the attachment wedge. Table 1 also reports the average attachment wedge, as well as average participation rates, for the groups we analyze over our sample period. The attachment wedge is positive for all groups and those with higher participation rates tend to have lower attachment wedges. These positive attachment wedges imply that the participation cycle results in procyclical pressures on the participation rate for all groups...."

Maximum Employment and the Participation Cycle: Extended Excerpt Image 4


State of Labor Market (Current recovery)

"...The results are reported in the bottom half of Table 3. The “cycle” column of the row labeled “Total” shows that the estimated cyclical downward pressures on participation in 2021 are 0.4 percentage points lower than those in 2014. This finding has three important implications. First of all, in spite of a lower participation rate, the cyclical downward pressures on participation in 2021 are close to those in 2014. Thus, the similarities between early fall 2014 and the summer of 2021 extend beyond the unemployment and labor market flow rates to the participation cycle. The second is that it provides information about the average annual trend decline in LFPR. If the participation cycle now is comparable with that in September 2014, as the table suggests, then this implies that most of the 1.2-percentage-point decline in the participation rate from September 2014 through June 2021 is due to the secular downward trend in the participation rate. This observation suggests that the annual average decline in trend participation was about 0.17 percentage points a year during that period.41 This is in line with the estimate of the CBO of around 0.2 percentage points a year and slightly lower than the cohort-based estimates presented in Figure 3. The third implication is that the cyclical gains in participation that accumulated from 2014 through 2019 have not completely been erased by the COVID-19 Recession. On the contrary, the results by group in the “cycle” column of the second half of Table 3 show that cyclical downward pressures on the participation rates of young workers, those with less than a high school education, as well as Black or African Americans are all estimated to be a percentage point or more lower now than in the wake of the Great Recession. Put differently, the expansionary labor market in the 2014-2019 period helped create employment stability for these groups, which increased their attachment to the labor force. Even though the COVID-19 shock brought the participation cycle to a similar point as in September 2014, these groups still carried over part of the gains of the previous expansion, as evident in the differences in the cycle component in the second half of Table 3...."

Ben Comment, “Cool paper. Took a very simple decomposition and really took it to its logical conclusion for some real insight. I think we all sort of intuitive grasped some of this - I remember in 2009 people talking about the unemployment rate going up during the recovery because of reentrance into the labor market - but it’s very nice to see someone formalize it and do it well.”

  • Business Cycle
  • GDP
    • Growth
  • Workforce
    • Unemployment/Participation
Previous articleSeptember 16, 2021Skilled Workers Are Scarce, Posing a Challenge for Bidens Infrastructure PlanLabor shortage threatens Biden’s $1.4tn infrastructure plan: With a skilled worker gap and only 10% under age 25, construction faces a 2m-worker shortfall by 2025, risking delays in critical projects.Next articleSeptember 27, 2021Greg Mankiw's Blog: Follow-up referencesHigher tax rates significantly contribute to lower work effort in Western Europe compared to the US, according to economic analyses.
Showing 218 database articles primarily about Business Cycle

3% vs. 60%

AI Summary. Direct lending represents roughly 3% of total U.S. household and business debt, a fraction of the 60% share mortgages held at the peak of the housing bubble.

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
April 8, 2026
Is Database:
Database

Torsten Sløk notes the direct lending market is ~$2T or 3% of household and non-financial debt outstanding. To provide context, he shows that in 2006, on the eve of the crisis, mortgages accounted for ~60% of such debt.

Core argument: Direct lending represents a small but growing alternative to traditional bank financing for businesses and households.

The direct lending market is roughly $2 trillion, or about 3% of total debt outstanding for US households and businesses. By comparison, mortgages accounted for about 60% of total household and corporate debt at the peak of the housing bubble in 2006.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Direct lending represents a small but growing alternative to traditional bank financing for businesses and households.
  2. The mortgage market’s dominance has shifted dramatically since the 2006 housing peak, reducing systemic risk concentration.
  3. Non-bank lenders now capture meaningful market share in credit provision across the economy.

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Top 10% of Earners Drive a Growing Share of US Consumer Spending

Jonnelle Marte Bloomberg
Date Posted:
September 17, 2025
Is Database:
Database

Mark Zandi finds Americans in the top 10% of the income distribution accounted for 49.2% of consumer spending in Q2, the highest level since 1989.

Consumers in the top 10% of the income distribution accounted for 49.2% of total spending in the second quarter, up from 48.5% in the first quarter, reaching the highest level in data going back to 1989, according to an analysis of Federal Reserve data by Mark Zandi, chief economist for Moody’s Analytics. In contrast, the bottom 80% of the income distribution, or consumers making less than roughly $175,000 a year, have seen their spending merely keep pace with inflation since the pandemic.

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Litigation Nation, Engineering Empire

Jonathon Sine Cogitations
Date Posted:
September 2, 2025
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Jonathon Sine argues China “is moving beyond its breakneck industrial prime, facing similar dilemmas to those America confronted in the 1960s and 70s.” The ratio of science/engineering to humanities undergraduate majors is 2:1 in both the PRC and US.

Dan Wang’s “big idea” [is] “China is an engineering state, building big at breakneck speed, in contrast to the United States’ lawyerly society, blocking everything it can, good and bad.” I re-group US college majors according to Chinese disciplines to allow for rough comparison. Surprisingly, the ratio of science/engineering to humanities/social sciences is 2:1, the same as in China (if one groups management with science/engineering, as I also do for China). As with China today, America’s breakneck building phase was decidedly winding down by the 1960s. Urbanization went from 40% in 1900 to 70% by 1960, and grew much more incrementally over the next 60 years to 85% by 2020. The country simply did not need to continue building dams, expressways, and energy production facilities at breakneck pace. It became much more a matter of maintaining and upgrading (which has not gone well, at least according to the American Society of Civil Engineers’ report card). The American [building/investment slowdown that started after the 1970s] may be more about structural economic shifts than lawyers.

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How America’s AI Boom Is Squeezing The Rest Of The Economy

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
August 19, 2025
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

As AI-related investment has risen since 2023, residential and nonresidential investment have declined or flatlined. This may suggest that a relatively rate-insensitive AI buildout is crowding out more interest-sensitive forms of investment.

Something like a sixth of the 2% rise in American real GDP over the past year has come from investments in computer and communications equipment, including chips, and data centres. Add in the grid upgrades to power AI models, plus the intellectual-property value of the software itself, and one estimate puts the boom’s contribution to real GDP growth at 40%. The trouble is that the very sector powering so much of America’s economic growth is squeezing the rest of its output. Housebuilders, for instance, cannot afford to be blithe about higher borrowing costs. Data centres have also constrained the rest of the economy by keeping energy prices high. Average American electricity bills have risen by 7% so far in 2025, at least in part due to the extra strain data centres have put on the grid. Real consumption has flatlined since December. Housebuilding has slumped, as has non-AI business investment.

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Is it Over?

Joseph Wang Fed Guy Blog
Date Posted:
August 18, 2025
Is Database:
Database

Following tepid reactions to the release of GTP-5, Joe Wang observes, “It is looking more like companies are spending hundreds of billions on rapidly depreciating GPUs that produce a commoditized product that most clients only modestly benefit from.”

GPT-5 users widely expressed disappointment in the capabilities of the new release, which seemed in some ways a step back. This sentiment is reflected in benchmarks that show a modest improvement in capabilities since the significant improvement in version 4 released two years ago. In addition, the benchmarks suggest a broader convergence in the capabilities of AI models. Commentary suggests this could be due to inherent limitations in the LLM technology and exhaustion of new training data. AI is fascinating technology, but it may not justify the enormous sums spent in its pursuit. It is looking more like companies are spending hundreds of billions on rapidly depreciating GPUs that produce a commoditized product that most clients only modestly benefit from. The entire macro landscape would look very different without the support of the AI boom.

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US Households and Firms Are in Great Shape

Torsten Sløk Apollo
Date Posted:
March 31, 2025
Is Database:
Database

​​Torsten Sløk notes that US household and banking sector debt has fallen to its lowest level in decades as a % of GDP, while corporate leverage has moved sideways. “The bottom line is that the private sector in the US is in incredibly good shape.”

Household sector leverage and banking sector leverage have declined significantly since 2008. Over the same period, federal government leverage has increased significantly, and corporate leverage has moved sideways. The bottom line is that the private sector in the US is in incredibly good shape.

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