Do voters punish incumbents for real wage losses rather than inflation?
Core argument: Using total local inflation to deflate wages, the estimated coefficient on real wage growth is −0.052 for county vote-share change and −0.048 for margin change, and is negative in every column of Table 3.
Table 3 presents estimates that decompose the economic environment into the wage–price gap G(k) and nominal price growth ∆P(k). Across vote-share and margin outcomes, the coefficient on real wage growth is negative in every column. With total [local] inflation used as the deflator of wages, the estimates are −0.052 for vote-share change and −0.048 for margin change. This sign is consistent with a basic retrospective accountability intuition applied to real income: counties where wages outpaced prices more strongly (higher real wage growth) tended to support the incumbent party more and shift less toward the opposition party. A county whose standardized real wage loss is one standard deviation larger than that of the mean county is predicted to shift toward the Republican ticket by 0.052 standard deviations in vote share change and 0.048 standard deviations in margin change (total-inflation column), or approximately 0.10 and 0.19 percentage points, respectively. Thus, among counties that lost real purchasing power on average, those that lost more relative to the mean shifted more strongly toward the Republican party, consistent with retrospective “punish-the-incumbent” voting.


