Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
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Wednesday, March 1, 2023

Managing Disinflations

AI Summary. The authors find no precedent since 1950 for a sizable central-bank-induced disinflation that avoided substantial economic sacrifice or recession, and find that models estimated over periods including high and variable inflation predict the post-pandemic inflation surge better than those estimated over the stable 1985-2019 period.

Stephen Cecchetti, Michael Feroli, et al Chicago Booth Working Paper
Date Posted:
March 1, 2023

A new @ChicagoBooth paper suggests that “raising the inflation target today would be a serious mistake.” The authors estimate that sustaining a disinflation will require unemployment to rise to 5% from January’s 3.4%.

Can central banks reduce inflation substantially without recession?

Core argument: The authors find no post-1950 precedent for a sizable central-bank-induced disinflation in the United States or other major economies that avoided substantial economic sacrifice or recession.

We start by analyzing the large disinflations that occurred since 1950 in the United States and several other major economies. We estimate and simulate a standard model over several time periods, using various linear and nonlinear measures of labor market slack. We draw three main lessons from the analysis: (1) there is no post-1950 precedent for a sizable central-bank-induced disinflation that does not entail substantial economic sacrifice or recession; (2) regardless of the Phillips curve specification, models estimated over a historical period that includes episodes of high and variable inflation do a better job of predicting the post-pandemic inflation surge than those estimated over the stable inflation period from 1985 to 2019; and (3) simulations of our baseline model suggest that the Fed will need to tighten policy significantly further to achieve its inflation objective by the end of 2025.  We see that the model using the full historical period (1962-2022; red line in the graphic above,) implies that inflation will fall only gradually to 3.7 percent by the end of 2025. By contrast, the model estimated over the stable inflation period (1985-2019; blue line in the graphic above,) has inflation falling quickly to the 2 percent target in the first quarter of 2024.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The authors find no post-1950 precedent for a sizable central-bank-induced disinflation in the United States or other major economies that avoided substantial economic sacrifice or recession.
  2. Model simulations estimated over 1962–2022 imply inflation falls only gradually to 3.7 percent by the end of 2025, while the model estimated over the stable-inflation period of 1985–2019 has inflation reaching the 2 percent target in the first quarter of 2024.
  • Banking
  • GDP
    • Inflation
  • Monetary Policy

Stock-Bond Correlations

AI Summary. The trailing three-year correlation between stocks and bonds turned positive for the first time in decades, after roughly 30 years of negative correlation. Classifying regimes by the standard deviation of the trailing stock-bond correlation shows neutral and positive-correlation environments tend to be good for equities and oil, while Treasury bonds and gold benefit from negative-correlation environments.

Greg Obenshain and Noah Kreutter Verdad
Date Posted:
March 1, 2023

.@GregObenshain notes that for the first time in 30 years the trailing 3yr correlation between stocks and long-term government bonds turned positive. Regimes in which the correlation btw stocks and bonds were high have been good for equities and oil.

How does the stock-bond correlation regime affect asset returns?

Core argument: The trailing three-year stock-bond correlation turned positive last year for the first time since November 2000, after 30 years in which the stock-bond correlation was negative.

For the past 30 years, the correlation between stocks and bonds has been negative. But last year, the trailing three-year correlation turned positive for the first time since November 2000. We classify regimes by the standard deviation of the trailing stock-bond correlation, measured with a 30-day half-life, with an absolute deviation of 0.5 or greater needed to mark a positive or negative correlation regime. While the effect is not the strongest, it shows that neutral and positive-correlation environments tend to be good for equities and oil, while Treasurys and gold benefit from negative-correlation environments.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The trailing three-year stock-bond correlation turned positive last year for the first time since November 2000, after 30 years in which the stock-bond correlation was negative.
  2. Correlation regimes are classified by the standard deviation of the trailing stock-bond correlation measured with a 30-day half-life, requiring an absolute deviation of 0.5 or greater to mark a positive or negative regime.
  3. Neutral and positive-correlation environments tend to be good for equities and oil, while Treasurys and gold benefit from negative-correlation environments, though the effect is not the strongest.
  • Financial Markets
  • GDP
    • Inflation

Why Are Young Liberals So Depressed?

AI Summary. A 2021 study of US adolescents found depressive symptoms diverged by political ideology as well as gender, with liberal girls showing the largest increase and conservative boys the smallest, and liberal boys reporting more depression than conservative girls. The author argues progressive institutions teach catastrophizing and the language of "harm," which reinforces feelings of harm and undermines long-term emotional regulation.

Matt Yglesias Slow Boring
Date Posted:
March 1, 2023

.@mattyglesias notes that young liberals’ depression rates have increased compared to younger conservatives’ and suggests that this may be caused by a progressive tendency to “catastrophize” political issues.

Do political beliefs shape teen depression beyond gender?

Core argument: Gimbrone, Bates, Prins, and Keyes find in their 2021 paper that liberal girls show the largest increase in depressive affect among US adolescents and conservative boys the smallest, with symptoms diverging by political ideology as well as gender.

A 2021 paper by Catherine Gimbrone, Lisa Bates, Seth Prins, and Katherine Keyes titled “The politics of depression: Diverging trends in internalizing symptoms among US adolescents by political beliefs.” The CDC survey doesn’t ask teens about their political beliefs, but Gimbrone et. al. find not only divergence by gender, but divergence by political ideology. Breaking things down by gender and ideology, they find that liberal girls have the highest increase in depressive affect and conservative boys have the least. But liberal boys are more depressed than conservative girls, suggesting an important independent role for political ideology. Mentally processing ambiguous events with a negative spin is just what depression is. And while the finding that liberals are disproportionately likely to do it is interesting and important, it’s not sound practice to celebrate that or tell them that they are right to do it. Progressive institutional leaders have specifically taught young progressives that catastrophizing is a good way to get what they want. Leaning into the language of “harm” creates and reinforces feelings of harm, and while using that language may give a person some short-term power in progressive spaces, It’s pretty bad for most people’s long-term ability to regulate their emotions, to manage inevitable adversity, and to navigate a complicated world.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Gimbrone, Bates, Prins, and Keyes find in their 2021 paper that liberal girls show the largest increase in depressive affect among US adolescents and conservative boys the smallest, with symptoms diverging by political ideology as well as gender.
  2. Liberal boys report more depression than conservative girls in the Gimbrone et al. analysis, suggesting an independent role for political ideology beyond gender.
  3. Progressive institutional leaders have taught young progressives that catastrophizing is an effective way to get what they want, and leaning into the language of "harm" may confer short-term power in progressive spaces while harming long-term emotional regulation and the ability to manage adversity.
  • Family/Marriage
  • Politics
  • Workforce

Girl Who Died of Bird Flu Did Not Have Widely-Circulating Variant

AI Summary. An 11-year-old girl in southern Cambodia who died after being infected with H5N1 avian influenza carried a different strain than the one causing mass deaths in wild and domestic birds globally, according to the researchers who sequenced viral samples from her.

Smriti Mallapaty Nature
Date Posted:
March 1, 2023

The Cambodian girl who died of the bird flu last week had been infected with a different strain than the one that is circulating globally. @Nature

The Cambodian girl who died of the bird flu last week had been infected with a different strain than the one that is...

Did a fatal bird flu case involve the globally circulating strain?

Core argument: An 11-year-old girl in southern Cambodia who died after infection with avian influenza A (H5N1) carried a different strain from the one causing mass deaths in wild and domestic birds globally, according to the scientist who led the viral sequencing.

An 11-year-old girl in southern Cambodia who died last week after being infected with avian influenza A (H5N1) had a different strain than the one causing mass deaths in wild and domestic birds globally, says the scientist who led the effort to sequence viral samples from the girl. Scientists were initially concerned that the girl might have been infected with the widely circulating virus that is now spreading in some mammal species and has infected a handful of people since 2020.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. An 11-year-old girl in southern Cambodia who died after infection with avian influenza A (H5N1) carried a different strain from the one causing mass deaths in wild and domestic birds globally, according to the scientist who led the viral sequencing.
  2. Scientists were initially concerned the Cambodian girl had been infected with the widely circulating H5N1 virus that is spreading in some mammal species and has infected a handful of people since 2020.
  • Science

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts

AI Summary. The authors attribute the decline in the U.S. natural rate of interest mainly to rising income inequality rather than demographic shifts, noting the top 10% of earners gained 10–15 percentage points of national income share and now save 3–3.5 percentage points more of national income annually than before 1980.

Amir Sufi Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
Date Posted:
March 1, 2023
Is Database:
Database

The decline in the natural rate of interest (r*) in the U.S. is primarily driven by rising income inequality rather than demographic shifts. Since the 1980s, the top 10% of earners have increased their share of national income by 10-15pp.

Does rising income inequality explain the falling natural interest rate?

Core argument: The top 10% of U.S. income earners have raised their share of national income by 10–15 percentage points since the 1980s, and the resulting rise in their savings is identified as the primary driver of the decline in the natural rate of interest.

The decline in the natural rate of interest (r*) in the U.S. is primarily driven by rising income inequality rather than demographic shifts. Since the 1980s, the top 10% of income earners have increased their share of national income by 10-15 percentage points, leading to a significant rise in savings. This group now saves 3-3.5 percentage points more of national income annually compared to pre-1980 levels, accounting for 30-40% of total private savings from 1995 to 2019. In contrast, saving rates across age groups show less variation, challenging the demographic explanation. The data indicates that the widening gap in savings between the top 10% and bottom 90% is a key factor exerting downward pressure on r*.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The top 10% of U.S. income earners have raised their share of national income by 10–15 percentage points since the 1980s, and the resulting rise in their savings is identified as the primary driver of the decline in the natural rate of interest.
  2. The top 10% of U.S. earners save 3–3.5 percentage points more of national income annually than before 1980, accounting for 30–40% of total private savings from 1995 to 2019.
  3. Saving rates vary less across age groups than across income groups, which challenges the demographic explanation for the fall in r* in favor of the widening savings gap between the top 10% and bottom 90%.

Mian/Straub/Sufi research presented over the weekend at Jackson Hole argues that the rise in inequality, rather than demographics has driven down the interest rates. The basic mechanism is the rich have a greater propensity to save and the resulting risk adverse capital drives down r*, note this study looks at the United States (so it’s not accounting for incoming hot money) Bottom line, "...Downward pressure on the natural rate of interest (r*) is often attributed to an increase in saving. This study uses microeconomic data from the SCF+ to explore the relative importance of demographic shifts versus rising income inequality on the evolution of saving behavior in the United States from 1950 to 2019. The evidence suggests that rising income inequality is the more important factor explaining the decline in r*. Saving rates are significantly higher for high income households within a given birth cohort relative to middle and low income households in the same birth cohort, and there has been a large rise in income shares for high income households since the 1980s. The result has been a large rise in saving by high income earners since the 1980s, which is the exact same time period during which r* has fallen. Differences in saving rates across the working age distribution are smaller, and there has not been a consistent monotonic shift in income toward any given age group. Both findings challenge the view that demographic shifts due to the aging of the baby boom generation explain the decline in r*....

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 1


"...Saving rates across the within-birth cohort income distribution vary far more than saving rate differences across the working-age distribution. The top 10% income households within a given birth cohort have a saving rate that is between 10 and 20 percentage points higher than the bottom 90%.The large difference is present over the entire sample period, and it becomes even larger over time. Furthermore, there was a large shift in the share of income going to the top 10% of the withinbirth cohort income distribution from 1983 to 2019. By the end of the sample period, the top 10% of the within-birth cohort income distribution had an income share that was almost 15 percentage points higher than the top 10% prior to the 1980s. The higher saving rate of the top 10% together with the large shift in income to the top 10% combined to generate a significant increase in savings entering the financial system from high income households. Overall, we estimate that between 3 and 3.5 percentage points more of national income were saved by the top 10% from 1995 to 2019 compared to the period prior to the 1980s. This represents 30 to 40% of total private saving in the U.S. economy from 1995 to 2019.The rise in saving by high income households is likely a powerful force putting downward pressure on r*...."

Pushback at demographic argument

"...In contrast, the evidence is less favorable to the view that the baby boom generation is responsible for a rise in saving that pushes down r*. For example, saving rates across the working age distribution do not vary substantially. As a result, even when the baby boomers entered into the higher saving rate middle-age group, the rise in actual saving was modest. More generally, the limited variation in saving rates across the working age distribution makes it difficult for any large shift in income across the age distribution to explain patterns in household saving behavior. Another challenge to the baby boom generation explanation is the time series of income share shifts across the age distribution since the 1980s. The decline in r* has been monotonic and steady from 1980 onward. In contrast, the income share received by age groups with the highest saving rates has shown significant upward and downward movement since the 1980s, reflecting the entry and exit of the baby boom generation into the middle of the working age distribution. There is no statistically significant relationship in the time series between r* and the income share going to households headed by an individual between 45 and 64.This issue is especially pronounced in recent years. The baby boom generation is entering the low saving rate retirement years at the end of the sample, and so their saving should be expected to decline substantially. Yet measures of r* continue to decline. Finally, the large differences in saving behavior between high income households and the rest of the population is present within the baby boom generation. While the top 10% of the baby boom generation saved more than earlier generations, the bottom 90% actually saved less. The difference in saving behavior within the baby boom generation highlights the drawback of treating this generation as a monolith; the rich and non-rich households of the baby boom generation have displayed substantially different saving behavior over their life cycle...."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 2


".... The left panel of Figure 3 shows the saving rates out of own income for within-birth cohort income groups.More specifically, the figure shows the average annualized saving rates out of own income for the period from 1953 to 2019. As mentioned in Section 3, the income groups are formed within a given birth cohort. For example, for the group of households where the household head was born between 1955 and 1964, the methodology estimates the saving rate for each year for the top 10%, next 40%, and bottom 50% within this birth cohort. This helps to ensure that the differences in saving rates across income groups for a given birth cohort are not driven by life-cycle effects. By construction, households with a head that is in the same birth cohort are at similar points of their life cycle regardless of the income position within the birth-cohort.10 For every year of the SCF+, we sum the saving and income for each income group across all birth cohorts present in that year. We then calculate the saving rate of the income group as the sum of the saving by the income group scaled by the sum of income for the income group. For each SCF+ year, this yields a saving rate for the top 10%, next 40%, and bottom 50% of the within-birth cohort income distribution. The left panel of Figure 3 reports the average saving rates for each of the groups across all years of the SCF+. The left panel shows that saving rates are substantially higher for the top 10% income group within a given birth-cohort. The top 10% income group has a saving rate that is 13 percentage points higher than the next 40%, and almost 20 percentage points higher than the bottom 50%. It is well known that higher income households have higher saving rates than lower income households…However, the within-cohort sorting done in this study shows that this large difference is not due to life cycle effects. This is important because high income households may have higher saving rates because high income households happen to be in the part of the life cycle associated with higher saving rates. By examining the within-birth cohort distribution of income, the methodology used here ensures that a life cycle effect is not responsible for the large differences in saving rates across the income distribution. In short, high income households save a significantly larger fraction of their income relative to lower income households, even if they are similar in age. The right panel focuses on saving rates across age bins. As mentioned in Section 3, the saving rate of a given birth cohort is included in an age bin if in that survey year the median age of the birth cohort fits within the bin. As the right panel shows, there are life cycle differences in saving rates, but the differences are smaller in magnitude relative to the differences in saving rates across the within-birth cohort income distribution, especially for cohorts with a median age below 64. A birth cohort saves about 6 percentage points more when it is in the 45 to 54 age bin relative to the 18 to 34 age bin. This is less than half the difference in saving rates between the top 10% and middle 40%, and less than a third the difference between the top 10% and bottom 50%...."

"... The evidence supports the idea that rising income inequality is an important factor putting downward pressure on r*. The saving rates of high income households within a given birth cohort are significantly higher than middle and low income households. As income has shifted toward high income households over time, they have saved 3 to 3.5 percentage points more of national income compared to the pre-1980 period. The evidence is less convincing for the baby boom generation explanation for the decline in r*. Saving rates across the working age distribution do not vary as much compared to saving rates across the within-birth-cohort income distribution, and income shift patterns are ambiguous. Demographics are one of the most cited explanations for the decline in r*. The analysis here casts doubt on one prominent channel for demographics to affect r*. There are likely other channels through which demographics matter for r*; however, these other channels should be articulated clearly and they should be subjected to empirical testing. The relative strength of the rising inequality and shifting demographics hypotheses is perhaps best measured by looking into the future. Current measures of r* are extremely low, and futures markets indicate an expectation that r* will stay low in the future. The traditional demographics view argues that measures of r* should be expected to rise as the baby boom generation retires, a process that is already underway. More recently, there has emerged disagreement on whether shifting demographics should be expected to raise or lower r* going forward..."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 3


"...Figure 4 is a heat map showing the bivariate distribution of saving rates across the within-birth cohort income distribution and the age distribution. As it makes clear, differences in saving rates across the income distribution are substantial for every age group between 18 and 64. Moving south to north across income groups in every age group between 18 and 64 leads to a substantial rise in saving rates. In contrast, fixing the income group, there is much less variation in saving rates across the age distribution. Moving from west to east is not associated with a vast difference in saving rates. Saving rates vary far more by income than by age, at least for households with a head between 18 and 64. The shift-share equation along with the results presented in Figures 3 and 4 provide the first reason why the rise in income inequality is a more powerful force affecting saving relative to demographics. Saving rates differ far more across the within-birth cohort income distribution than the age distribution. Even if there are large changes in income shares across the age distribution due to a particularly large birth cohort such as the baby boom generation, those changes should not be expected to have large effects on saving given that the saving rate differences across the working age distribution are relatively small. In contrast, a change in the share of income across the income distribution should be expected to have large effects. We turn to the change in the share of income in the next section...."

"... The left panel of Figure 5 shows that the share of income going to the top 10% of the within-birth cohort income distribution has increased substantially since the early 1980s. In aggregate, the share of income earned by the top 10% has risen between 10 and 15 percentage points..."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 4


"... Figure 6 shows this important result in more detail. Each marker in Figure 6 represents the share of a given birth cohort’s overall income earned by the top 10% of that birth cohort when the cohort is in a given age bin. Each birth cohort is represented by the same set of markers across the age bins. The earliest birth cohort includes household heads born between 1925 and 1934 and the latest includes those born between 1975 and 1984. As the figure shows, there has been a steady upward trend in the top 10% income share for every subsequent birth cohort across all age bins. As an example, when the 1925 to 1934 birth cohort was in the 45 to 54 age bin (in the 1970s and 1980s), the top 10% of the 1925 to 1934 birth cohort earned 33% of the total income earned by the birth cohort. When the 1965 to 1974 birth cohort was in the 45 to 54 age bin (in the latest years of the sample period), the top 10% earned 47%. During the prime working age years, the top 10% of the 1965 to 1975 birth cohort had an income share that was 14 percentage points higher relative to the top 10% of the 1925 to 1934 birth cohort. There has a been a steady and large rise in the income share of the top 10% within birth-cohort income group. What about shifts in income across the age distribution? The right panel of Figure 5 shows the share of income going to birth cohorts for which the household head has a median age between 45 to 64. We focus on this group because it tends to have the largest saving rates across the age distribution, and previous research suggests that this group is particularly important in driving saving (e.g., Rachel and Smith (2015), Lunsford and West (2019)). The effect of the baby boom generation is clear. The share of income going to the 45 to 64 age group falls steadily until the late 1990s, when the baby boom generation enters into this age group. From the middle 1990s to 2010, the share rises. As the baby boom generation begins to retire during the 2010 to 2019 period (an individual born in 1950 hits 65 in 2015), the share of income going to the 45 to 64 age group begins to fall. A comparison of the two panels of Figure 5 provides another reason why the rise in income inequality is a stronger candidate for explaining the decline in r* relative to the baby boom generation. The rise in the top 10% within-birth cohort income share starts in the 1980s and steadily rises through the end of the sample period, corresponding almost exactly to the downward pattern in r*. In contrast, the income share of the 45 to 64 age bin starts high in the 1960s, falls until the middle 1990s, rises to 2010, and then begins to fall once the baby boomers begin to retire. This pattern is not correlated with the steady decline in r* from 1980 onward….”

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 5


"... Figure 7 makes this point explicit by focusing on the time series correlation between r* and the two income shares shown in Figure 5. The left panel shows a scatter plot of r* against the top 10% within birth-cohort income share across the sample period. There is a remarkably strong negative correlation: the rise in the top income share has been closely associated with the decline in r*. In contrast, the right panel shows a weak relationship in the time series between the income share of the 45 to 64 group and r*. The R-squared from a linear regression is 0.74 for the top 10% but only 0.04 for the 45 to 64 group. The weak relationship in the right panel casts doubt on the view that a bulge entering the 45 to 64 age group is responsible for the downward long-term trend in r*….”

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 6


"...The saving rate differences and shifts in income shares suggest that the rise in income inequality is the stronger determinant of the change in saving over time, a result that is confirmed in Table 1. In particular, Table 1 focuses on within-birth cohort income groups, and it reports each component of the shift-share equation 3. For the pre-period (t = 0), we focus on annual averages for the 20 years prior to the rise in top income shares: 1962-1983. For the post period…we focus on the last 25 years of the sample in which r* has fallen to an extremely low level: 1995-2019. All values reported in the table represent the average annual values over these time periods. The first column shows average saving rates in the pre-period (s0), and it reveals that there are large differences across income groups, a fact already shown for the full period in Figure 3. The second column shows the change in the annual average top 10% within birth cohort income share…. The top 10% earn 11.8 percentage points more of total income in the post period relative to the pre period, with both the next 40% and the bottom 50% experiencing a substantial reduction. Multiplying these two columns together yields the change in saving expected using the shift-share approach, which is reported in column 3. If saving rates for each group remained stable, the methodology predicts a rise in saving by the top 10% of 3.0 percentage points of national income every year. To put this in perspective, the average private saving to national income ratio for the 1995 to 2019 period was 8.9 percentage points. The shift share alone for the top 10% predicts a rise in saving that is 1/3 of the aggregate amount in the post period. The decline in predicted saving for the bottom 90% is modest given the low initial saving rates...."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 7


".. The saving by the top 10% is slightly larger than predicted, coming to 3.3 percentage points of national income annually. In other words, relative to the 1962 to 1983 period, the top 10% saves 3.3 percentage points more of national income every year, which represents 37 percent of annual average private saving in the post period. In contrast, the bottom 90% have reduced their saving substantially, given the large decline in saving rates....The bottom line from Table 1 is that the rise in income inequality combined with high saving rates of high income households leads to a substantial rise in saving by the top 10% of the within cohort income distribution from 1995 to 2019. The rise in income inequality leads to a large rise in saving, and therefore is a likely culprit when assessing forces that push down r*…”

"...Table 2 conducts a similar exercise using age bins as groups instead of income. As already shown, saving rates across the age distribution do not vary substantially, and the income share shift patterns are more subtle. As a result, it should not be surprising that the shift-share approach does not predict substantial differences in saving across the age distribution. The aging of the population associated with the baby boom generation is evident, as income shares are higher for those between 45 and 74. But the size of the income share shift is modest, and the difference in saving rates is relatively small. In terms of actual saving, saving rates have fallen across almost the entire age distribution, with the exception of the 35 to 44 age bin. They have fallen substantially for the oldest age group evaluated, the 65 to 74 bin. As a result, actual saving has fallen for almost all the age groups. This highlights an important implication: a methodology that ignores the within birth-cohort income distribution will tend to find a steady decline in saving across most of the age distribution....."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 8


'... Figure 8 shows the saving to aggregate national income ratio for the six main birth cohorts of the sample, ranging from those born between 1925 to 1934 to those born between 1975 and 1984. Saving by each birth cohort starts low as the cohort enters the work force, and then shows a hump shape that is particularly striking for the 1935 to 1944 and 1945 to 1954 cohort. The larger size of the baby boom generation translates into a rise in saving coming from that group, particularly for the late baby boomers born between 1955 and 1964. However, the birth cohort coming after the baby boomers (1965 to 1974) also saves substantially more than previous generations. From 2014 to 2019, the saving to national income ratio of the 1965 to 1974 cohort is larger than saving at any point in time for the 1935 to 1944 and 1945 to 1954 birth cohorts. As the results in Section 4.3 suggest, this rise in saving coming from the later birth cohorts is driven entirely by the top of the income distribution within these cohorts. This fact is shown in Figure 9. Starting with the 1955 to 1964 birth cohort (the late baby boomers), the top 10% of each birth cohort shows a substantial rise in saving relative to the top 10% of earlier birth cohorts. For example, consider the top 10% of the 1965 to 1974 birth cohort. This is not a particularly large cohort, and yet the saving by the top 10% of this cohort is larger than saving by the top 10% of any previous cohort with the exception of 1954 to 1965 cohort (the late baby boomers). In contrast, if we focus on the next 40% and bottom 50%, we see that saving is actually falling with each subsequent birth cohort. This is shown in Figure 10. This is particularly striking for the 1965 to 1974 and the 1975 to 1984 birth cohort. The next 40% and bottom 50% are saving less than previous birth cohorts…”

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 9

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 10


"...The saving heat map in Figure 11 summarizes these results. More specifically, Figure 11 is constructed by taking the average annual saving to national income ratio in each within-cohort income group and age group cell from 1995 to 2019, and then subtracting average from the preperiod from 1962 to 1983. For every age bin except for the 18 to 34 group, the top 10% is saving significantly more in recent years relative to the pre-period. The bottom 90% is saving less in almost every age bin. As with saving rates, the crucial variation is across the within-cohort income distribution, not the age distribution....."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 11


"...In recent years, the rich are saving more and the non-rich are saving less. This statement is true when defining the rich and non-rich within a given birth cohort, and so this result is not due to mechanical life cycle effects. In Figure 12, the saving by the top 10% and bottom 90% of all of the birth cohorts are summed, respectively. As the figure shows, since the 1980s, saving by the top 10% has risen substantially while saving by the bottom 90% has fallen substantially. By the end of the sample period, when evaluating the sum of each group, all of the private saving in the U.S. economy is generated by the top 10%...."

What explains the decline in r ? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts: Extended Excerpt Image 12

On Rognlie

“…One issue with the wealth-based shift-share approach is that the baseline year age-wealth profile...may be sensitive to the year chosen because of pure valuation effects that are unrelated to saving. This is indeed what has happened to the age-wealth profile in the United States, as shown in Figure 15. The age-wealth profile has changed significantly over the past 50 years, becoming steeper over time. This is especially striking for households with a head that is 65 or older. As a result, a shift-share approach using the age-wealth profile from a baseline year of, say, 1971 will find smaller effects of aging on the wealth to income ratio relative to a shift-share approach using the age-wealth profile from a baseline year of 2019….”

"... In summary, the conclusion we reach based on these results is that the central pattern in the discussion of household saving behavior in the United States since the 1980s is the widening gap in saving between the top 10% and the bottom 90% of the income distribution. Furthermore, this gap does not appear to be driven by life cycle issues, as it is present even when comparing the rich and non-rich within the same birth cohort. Explanations for the decline in r* should be consistent with this widening gap in saving between the rich and the non-rich...."

Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi, "What explains the decline in r∗? Rising income inequality versus demographic shifts," Federal Reserve Bank Of Kansas City, August 2021, https://www.kansascityfed.org/documents/8337/JH_paper_Sufi_3.pdf

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • GDP
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

Thursday, March 2, 2023

Checking In On the U.S. Housing Market

AI Summary. U.S. construction spending on manufacturing facilities has doubled from mid-2021 levels, with the growth attributable to the computers and electronics industry, which is running at 6x its recent average. The amounts remain small relative to total U.S. construction spending of $152bn on a seasonally adjusted basis.

Matt Klein The Overshoot
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023

.@M_C_Klein reports that construction spending by the computer and electronics industry is running at 6x its pace in mid-2021.

Is surging factory construction spending driven by computers and electronics?

Core argument: U.S. construction spending on manufacturing facilities as of January 2023 was double its mid-2021 level, with the growth attributable to the computers and electronics industry, which is running at 6x its recent average.

Construction spending on manufacturing facilities has been surging. In dollar terms, spending as of January 2023 was double what it was as recently as mid-2021. Moreover, this growth is entirely attributable to surging spending by the computers and electronics industry, which is currently running 6x the recent average. These numbers are not large relative to total U.S. construction spending ($152 billion January on a seasonally-adjusted basis) but they are worth paying attention to. Ideally, this investment should eventually lead to more domestic productive capacity that will boost long-term growth and reduce inflationary constraints on spending.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. construction spending on manufacturing facilities as of January 2023 was double its mid-2021 level, with the growth attributable to the computers and electronics industry, which is running at 6x its recent average.
  2. Manufacturing facility construction spending remains small relative to total U.S. construction spending, which was $152 billion in January on a seasonally adjusted basis.
  3. Rising manufacturing construction investment could eventually add domestic productive capacity that boosts long-term growth and eases inflationary constraints on spending.
  • Investment
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
  • Productivity

40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid They'll Lose Their Jobs Over a Misunderstanding

AI Summary. A survey of over 1,400 faculty members by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression found 52% fear losing their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or over something from their past posted online. Nearly three-quarters of conservative faculty and 40% of liberal faculty expressed this fear.

Samuel Abrams Reason
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023
Is Database:
Database

.@SamuelAbramsAEI notes a recent survey that found over half of college professors are concerned about losing their job over a misunderstanding or something they said in the past.

.@SamuelAbramsAEI notes a recent survey that found over half of college professors are concerned about losing their job over...

Do professors across the political spectrum fear losing their jobs over misunderstandings?

Core argument: 52 percent of faculty surveyed by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) say they fear losing their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or over someone posting something from their past online.

As the academy gets younger it grows more authoritarian, according to a new survey of over 1,400 faculty members conducted by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE). More than half of faculty—52 percent—say they're afraid they'll lose their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or because someone posted something from their past online. While almost three-quarters of conservative faculty expressed this year, 40 percent of even liberal faculty agree. That's staggering: two in five professors who are a part of the prevailing orthodoxy on campus are fearful of losing their jobs over a misunderstanding.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. 52 percent of faculty surveyed by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) say they fear losing their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or over someone posting something from their past online.
  2. Nearly three-quarters of conservative faculty report this fear, compared with 40 percent of liberal faculty, in FIRE's survey of more than 1,400 faculty members.
  3. FIRE's survey of over 1,400 faculty members indicates that as the academy grows younger it becomes more authoritarian.

Sam Abrams notes a recent survey that found over half of college professors are concerned about losing their job over a misunderstanding or something they said in the past, “…As the academy gets younger it grows more authoritarian, according to a new survey of over 1,400 faculty members conducted by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE). More than half of faculty—52 percent—say they’re afraid they’ll lose their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or because someone posted something from their past online. While almost three-quarters of conservative faculty expressed this year, 40 percent of even liberal faculty agree. That’s staggering: two in five professors who are a part of the prevailing orthodoxy on campus are fearful of losing their jobs over a misunderstanding…”

Samuel Abrams, “40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid They’ll Lose Their Jobs over a Misunderstanding,” Reason, March 1, 2023, https://www.aei.org/op-eds/40-percent-of-liberal-professors-are-afraid-theyll-lose-their-jobs-over-a-misunderstanding/

40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid They’ll Lose Their Jobs over a Misunderstanding

As the academy gets younger it grows more authoritarian, according to a new survey of over 1,400 faculty members conducted by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE). The free speech group’s findings portend a dark future for higher education if this course isn’t reversed—and if faculty minds don’t become more open to dissenting viewpoints.

Over the past decade or so, many academic departments embraced ideological views in their teaching and research, promoting social justice–laden scholarship as a way of correcting the wrongs of the past. Unsurprisingly, many departments developed left-of-center academic monocultures, becoming unfriendly to differing opinions. Young faculty entering the profession are only adding to this academic echo chamber.

As a professor, I’m on the younger side for faculty members. My cohort is much more illiberal than their older colleagues. Two-thirds of faculty over 55 years old said students shouting down a speaker is never acceptable. That number plummets to 37 percent for faculty 35 and under.

Shockingly, younger faculty report more acceptance of violence to combat speech. While 97 percent of older faculty say it’s never acceptable for students to use violence to stop a campus speech, only 79 percent of younger faculty agree. That one in five younger professors show any level of acceptance for violence to stop speech should alarm all of us.

Mixing age with ideology reveals even more pronounced support for illiberal attitudes. Among liberal faculty 35 and under, only 23 percent indicated that students shouting down a speaker is never acceptable, compared with 88 percent of conservative faculty. Moderate faculty in this age group were also much more likely than their conservative colleagues to endorse the acceptability of these tactics.

Perhaps most alarming of all, only 64 percent of young and liberal faculty say it’s never acceptable for students to use violence to stop a campus speech.

Illiberalism runs deep among young liberal faculty members, and their views regrettably resemble those of their students rather than their more senior peers. As newer and far less tolerant numbers of professors replace older faculty, colleges and universities may be in a true crisis if the higher education enterprise destroys its core values.

The research also finds that faculty members are self-censoring at higher rates. In 1955, at the end of the second Red Scare after World War II during the age of McCarthy and deep anti-communist fear, 9 percent of social scientists said they toned down their writing for fear of causing controversy. Today, 25 percent say they’re very or extremely likely to self-censor their writing in academic publications.

More than half of faculty—52 percent—say they’re afraid they’ll lose their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or because someone posted something from their past online. While almost three-quarters of conservative faculty expressed this year, 40 percent of even liberal faculty agree. That’s staggering: two in five professors who are a part of the prevailing orthodoxy on campus are fearful of losing their jobs over a misunderstanding.

As the report says, this “speaks volumes about the climate of fear, intimidation, and censorship on campus.”

This cannot be the environment of the future. Our society cannot thrive when opposing voices are met with fists rather than facts. And as a professor, I know that what starts on campus rarely stays there. This fear will continue to grow and infect our neighborhoods, our workplaces, and our communities.

There is still time to course correct. But students, trustees, donors, alumni, and the public must demand better from the faculty today before these young authoritarians run higher education tomorrow.

  • Politics

Honestly, It's Probably the Phones

AI Summary. The article argues that smartphones are the likely explanation for declining teen happiness, noting that the technology became commonplace in the 2010s just as measures of teen happiness dropped and that younger Americans adopted it faster than older ones. It points to social media, made constantly accessible by phones and notifications, and the resulting social isolation as the mechanism.

Noah Smith Noahpinion
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023

.@Noahpinion argues that smartphones and social media are increasing social isolation and driving the rise in teenage unhappiness.

Are smartphones the likely cause of declining teen happiness?

Core argument: Smartphones became commonplace in the 2010s, when teen happiness fell sharply, with 2010–11 an especially important moment and younger Americans adopting the technology faster than older ones.

The first reason smartphones should be our prior is that the timing just lines up really well. The smartphone was invented in 2007, but it didn’t really become commonplace until the 2010s, exactly when teen happiness fell off a cliff: Younger Americans adopted the technology more quickly than older ones; 2010-11 seems to have been an especially important moment. And of course, the “killer app” for smartphones was social media. When you had to go to a computer to check Facebook or Twitter, you could only experience it intermittently; now, with a smartphone in your pocket and notifications enabled, you were on every app all the time. Why would that make us unhappy? There’s an obvious reason: social isolation.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Smartphones became commonplace in the 2010s, when teen happiness fell sharply, with 2010–11 an especially important moment and younger Americans adopting the technology faster than older ones.
  2. Social media was the smartphone's "killer app," shifting use from intermittent checks at a computer to constant engagement with notifications enabled.
  3. Social isolation is the obvious proposed reason that constant smartphone-based social media use would make people unhappy.
  • Family/Marriage
  • Politics
  • Workforce

The Fed and the Secular Decline in Interest Rates

AI Summary. The authors find that the long-run decline in US Treasury yields since 1980 is fully accounted for by movements in a narrow window around Federal Reserve policy meetings, while yield changes outside that window prove transitory. They suggest the Federal Reserve conveys information to markets about the long-run level of interest rates.

Sebastian Hillenbrand Social Science Research Network
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023
Is Database:
Database

.@seba_hill documents that almost all the decline in real interest rates since 1980 occurred in a 3-day window around Fed announcements.

Does the long-run decline in interest rates happen around Fed meetings?

Core argument: A narrow window around Federal Open Market Committee meetings fully captures the secular decline in U.S. Treasury yields since 1980, while yield movements outside that window are transitory and wash out over time.

A narrow window around Fed meetings fully captures the secular decline in U.S. Treasury yields since 1980. By contrast, yield movements outside this window are transitory and wash out over time. This is surprising because the forces behind the secular decline are thought to be independent of monetary policy. Why did the secular decline in interest rates occur around FOMC meetings? While the Fed might have no direct control of long-term yields, it seems possible that the Fed provides information to the market about the long-run level of interest rates. This long-run Fed information effect might therefore explain why long-term interest rates move around FOMC meetings. In recent decades, this would imply that the market learned about secular interest rate decline – including the trend in r∗– from the Fed.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A narrow window around Federal Open Market Committee meetings fully captures the secular decline in U.S. Treasury yields since 1980, while yield movements outside that window are transitory and wash out over time.
  2. The concentration of the yield decline around FOMC meetings is surprising because the forces behind the secular decline in interest rates are thought to be independent of monetary policy.
  3. A possible long-run Fed information effect, in which the Fed conveys information to markets about the long-run level of interest rates, would imply that markets learned about the secular decline in rates, including the trend in r*, from the Fed.
  • Financial Markets
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit

China’s Collapsing Birth and Marriage Rates Reflect a People’s Deep Pessimism

AI Summary. China recorded about 9.6m births, roughly half the 17.9m recorded six years earlier, and millions of young people have joined movements expressing alienation from work ("lying flat") and from Chinese society itself ("let it rot"). A viral video of a man telling pandemic enforcers "we are the last generation" spread the despairing hashtag #Lastgeneration.

Nicholas Eberstadt Washington Post
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023

Nicholas Eberstadt @AEIecon argues that the 46% plunge in China’s birth rate over the last six years is driven by a new national pessimism among young people.

Do falling birth and marriage rates reveal deep pessimism in China?

Core argument: China recorded about 9.6 million births in 2022, roughly half the 17.9 million recorded six years earlier.

In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). We see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it. In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave. “Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.” “Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.” That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. China recorded about 9.6 million births in 2022, roughly half the 17.9 million recorded six years earlier.
  2. Millions of young Chinese have joined spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work, tang ping ("lying flat"), and from Chinese society itself, bai lan ("let it rot").
  • China
  • Workforce
    • Demographics

China Warns ‘Hedonistic’ Bankers to Toe the Communist Party Line

AI Summary. China's top anti-corruption watchdog has instructed bankers to rectify their mindsets, abandon "hedonistic" lifestyles and pretensions of being a "financial elite," and stop emulating Western practices, signaling that the Communist Party's campaign to tighten its grip on the financial system is continuing.

Bloomberg Staff Bloomberg
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023

The Communist Party is warning Chinese bankers to “abandon pretensions of being the ’financial elite.’” @markets

The Communist Party is warning Chinese bankers to “abandon pretensions of being the ’financial elite.’” @markets

Is China tightening the Communist Party's grip on its financial sector?

Core argument: China's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection issued a 3,500-word commentary directing bankers to rectify their mindsets, clean up "hedonistic" lifestyles, and stop copying Western ways.

Bankers in China are being told to rectify their mindsets, clean up their “hedonistic” lifestyles and stop copying Western ways. The directives, part of a 3,500-word commentary last week from the country’s top anti-graft watchdog, are just the latest sign that President Xi Jinping’s campaign to tighten the Communist Party’s grip on the financial system has a long way to go. China’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection said bankers should abandon pretensions of being the “financial elite.”

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. China's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection issued a 3,500-word commentary directing bankers to rectify their mindsets, clean up "hedonistic" lifestyles, and stop copying Western ways.
  2. China's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection told bankers to abandon pretensions of being the "financial elite.".
  3. The directives to Chinese bankers are the latest sign that Xi Jinping's campaign to tighten the Communist Party's grip on the financial system has a long way to go.
  • China

40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid Theyll Lose Their Jobs over a Misunderstanding

AI Summary. A survey by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression finds 52% of college professors, including 40% of liberal faculty, fear losing their jobs over a misunderstanding or something they said or wrote. Younger faculty are more likely to accept tactics such as shouting down speakers to suppress speech.

Samuel Abrams Reason
Date Posted:
March 2, 2023
Is Database:
Database

Academic freedom crisis deepens: 52% of professors fear job loss over speech, including 40% of liberals. FIRE study: 25% self-censor writing, younger faculty more accepting of speech suppression

Academic freedom crisis deepens: 52% of professors fear job loss over speech, including 40% of liberals. FIRE study: 25%...

Do most college professors fear losing their jobs over their words?

Core argument: A Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) survey found 52% of college professors fear losing their jobs over a misunderstanding or something they have said or written, including 40% of liberal faculty.

A survey by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) reveals that 52% of college professors fear job loss due to misunderstandings or past statements, with 40% of liberal faculty sharing this concern. This anxiety reflects a broader trend of increasing authoritarianism in academia, particularly among younger faculty who are more likely to accept illiberal tactics such as shouting down speakers or even using violence to suppress speech. The survey highlights a significant shift in academic culture, where self-censorship is rising, with 25% of faculty now likely to tone down their writing to avoid controversy. This climate of fear and censorship threatens the core values of higher education and could have wider societal implications if not addressed.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) survey found 52% of college professors fear losing their jobs over a misunderstanding or something they have said or written, including 40% of liberal faculty.
  2. Self-censorship is rising among faculty in the FIRE survey, with 25% saying they are likely to tone down their writing to avoid controversy.
  3. Younger faculty in the FIRE survey are more likely to accept illiberal tactics against speech, including shouting down speakers and using violence to suppress it.

Sam Abrams notes A survey that found over half of college professors are concerned about losing their job over a misunderstanding or something they said in the past, “…As the academy gets younger it grows more authoritarian, according to a new survey of over 1,400 faculty members conducted by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE). More than half of faculty—52 percent—say they're afraid they'll lose their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or because someone posted something from their past online. While almost three-quarters of conservative faculty expressed this year, 40 percent of even liberal faculty agree. That's staggering: two in five professors who are a part of the prevailing orthodoxy on campus are fearful of losing their jobs over a misunderstanding…”

Samuel Abrams, "40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid They’ll Lose Their Jobs over a Misunderstanding,"Reason, March 1, 2023, https://www.aei.org/op-eds/40-percent-of-liberal-professors-are-afraid-theyll-lose-their-jobs-over-a-misunderstanding/

40 Percent of Liberal Professors Are Afraid They’ll Lose Their Jobs over a Misunderstanding

As the academy gets younger it grows more authoritarian, according to a new survey of over 1,400 faculty members conducted by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE). The free speech group’s findings portend a dark future for higher education if this course isn’t reversed—and if faculty minds don’t become more open to dissenting viewpoints.

Over the past decade or so, many academic departments embraced ideological views in their teaching and research, promoting social justice-laden scholarship as a way of correcting the wrongs of the past. Unsurprisingly, many departments developed left-of-center academic monocultures, becoming unfriendly to differing opinions. Young faculty entering the profession are only adding to this academic echo chamber.

As a professor, I’m on the younger side for faculty members. My cohort is much more illiberal than their older colleagues. Two-thirds of faculty over 55 years old said students shouting down a speaker is never acceptable. That number plummets to 37 percent for faculty 35 and under.

Shockingly, younger faculty report more acceptance of violence to combat speech. While 97 percent of older faculty say it’s never acceptable for students to use violence to stop a campus speech, only 79 percent of younger faculty agree. That one in five younger professors show any level of acceptance for violence to stop speech should alarm all of us.

Mixing age with ideology reveals even more pronounced support for illiberal attitudes. Among liberal faculty 35 and under, only 23 percent indicated that students shouting down a speaker is never acceptable, compared with 88 percent of conservative faculty. Moderate faculty in this age group were also much more likely than their conservative colleagues to endorse the acceptability of these tactics.

Perhaps most alarming of all, only 64 percent of young and liberal faculty say it’s never acceptable for students to use violence to stop a campus speech.

Illiberalism runs deep among young liberal faculty members, and their views regrettably resemble those of their students rather than their more senior peers. As newer and far less tolerant numbers of professors replace older faculty, colleges and universities may be in a true crisis if the higher education enterprise destroys its core values.

The research also finds that faculty members are self-censoring at higher rates. In 1955, at the end of the second Red Scare after World War II during the age of McCarthy and deep anti-communist fear, 9 percent of social scientists said they toned down their writing for fear of causing controversy. Today, 25 percent say they’re very or extremely likely to self-censor their writing in academic publications.

More than half of faculty—52 percent—say they’re afraid they’ll lose their job or reputation over a misunderstanding of something they said or did, or because someone posted something from their past online. While almost three-quarters of conservative faculty expressed this year, 40 percent of even liberal faculty agree. That’s staggering: two in five professors who are a part of the prevailing orthodoxy on campus are fearful of losing their jobs over a misunderstanding.

As the report says, this “speaks volumes about the climate of fear, intimidation, and censorship on campus.”

This cannot be the environment of the future. Our society cannot thrive when opposing voices are met with fists rather than facts. And as a professor, I know that what starts on campus rarely stays there. This fear will continue to grow and infect our neighborhoods, our workplaces, and our communities.

There is still time to course correct. But students, trustees, donors, alumni, and the public must demand better from the faculty today before these young authoritarians run higher education tomorrow.

  • Politics


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