Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
Buy the Books
  • Macro Roundup
  • About Roundup
  • About Ed Conard
  • Highlights
  • Topics
  • Subscribe
Edward Conard
  • twitter
  • facebook
  • linkedin
  • youtube

Macro Roundup

  • Email
  • Text Message (SMS)
  • Twitter/X
  • LinkedIn
  • Facebook
  • WhatsApp Message
Subscribe to Macro Roundup Emails
Select topics to choose: articles that mention them (broader) or articles mainly about them (focused)
  • Mentions 0
  • Primary focus 0
Showing all 7,336 Macro Roundup articles
When you search for any topic (like GDP, Inflation, or Banking), choose:
Choose search scope

Wednesday, June 2, 2021

A new look at how corporations impact the economy and households

AI Summary. Research on advanced economies estimates that consumers capture $0.40 of surplus and $0.25 in wages and benefits per dollar of corporate revenue, with firms earning over $1bn accounting for 72% of GDP across OECD countries. Over 25 years the labor share of income fell from 67% to 59% while consumer surplus grew across income groups.

James Manyika McKinsey Global Institute
Date Posted:
June 2, 2021
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Large firms in advanced economies significantly influence household economics, with consumers capturing $0.40 per dollar of corporate revenue as surplus and $0.25 in wages/benefits.

How much of corporate revenue reaches consumers and workers?

Core argument: Consumers capture $0.40 of surplus per dollar of corporate revenue in advanced economies, with another $0.25 going to wages and benefits.

In advanced economies, large firms significantly influence household economics, with consumers capturing $0.40 per dollar of corporate revenue as surplus and $0.25 in wages/benefits. Corporations with over $1bn in revenue contribute 72% of GDP in OECD countries, underpinning 85% of technology investment and labor productivity growth since 1995. However, the labor income share has declined from 67% to 59% over 25 years, pressuring lower-income households reliant on wages. Meanwhile, consumer surplus has grown, benefiting all income segments, though price hikes in essential services have reduced surplus for low-income households.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Consumers capture $0.40 of surplus per dollar of corporate revenue in advanced economies, with another $0.25 going to wages and benefits.
  2. Corporations with more than $1bn in revenue account for 72% of GDP across OECD countries and underpin 85% of technology investment and labor productivity growth since 1995.
  3. The labor income share has fallen from 67% to 59% over 25 years, pressuring lower-income households reliant on wages, while price increases in essential services have reduced consumer surplus for low-income households.

A new look at how corporations impact the economy and households: Extended Excerpt Image 1


James Manyika, Michael Birshan, Sven Smit, Jonathan Woetzel, Kevin Russell, Lindsay Purcell, Sree Ramaswamy, "A new look at how corporations impact the economy and households," McKinsey Global Institute, June 2021, https://www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/strategy-and-corporate-finance/our-insights/a-new-look-at-how-corporations-impact-the-economy-and-households

New McKinsey report breaks down large firms in OECD countries three large takeaways, first their impact on GDP, “…The business sector overall contributes 72 percent of GDP in the OECD, and corporations with more than $1 billion in revenue account for an increasingly large share of that.Measured in real GDP per capita, the contribution of the business sector— defined as for-profit companies of all types including corporations, partnerships, and sole proprietorships—has tripled since 1960 on average in major OECD economies, in proportion with those economies’ overall growth. Companies underpin 85 percent of technology investment and 85 percent of labor productivity growth since 1995, a larger proportion than their GDP contribution. The size of the business sector varies only modestly within each of the major economies, and its share has remained steady for the past 60 years. However, this steadiness masks significant underlying shifts, notably the growth of corporations with more than $1 billion in revenue, which increased their global value added by 60 percent relative to their home countries’ GDP since 1995….”
Their breakdown of how value flows from large firms to households largely via labor income and consumer surplus, “…Economic value flows from companies to households via eight pathways, ofwhich labor income and consumer surplus are the largest direct pathways. Our mapping work identifies eight pathways through which economic value from corporations flows to households and the economy. Five are directly measurable monetary flows: labor income, capital income, taxes, investment in capital assets, and payments to suppliers. The money flowing through the supplier and investment pathways passes through other companies to reach households and the economy. The sixth is consumer surplus (the difference between what consumers are prepared to pay and what they do pay), which we estimate. The final two pathways are negative and positive spillovers, which we do not assess comprehensively beyond the examples of environmental impact and contributions to total factor productivity growth (unaccounted for in additional labor or capital input). Based on our data set of about 5,000 corporations with more than $1 billion in revenue,we find that labor income is the largest direct measured pathway, with wages and benefits accounting for $0.25 flowing to households for each dollar of revenue. Just over half of every dollar, $0.58, goes to suppliers (themselves companies large and small), reflecting the role suppliers play in enabling corporations to create and deliver their products and services. The other significant pathway is consumer surplus, which we estimate to be about $0.40 per dollar of revenue….”
How the pathways have changed overtime, “…The size of the pathways has changed over the past 25 years, with capital income growing while labor income and supplier payments have declined. Between the periods 1994-96 and 2016-18, the biggest change has been a two-thirds increase in the capital income pathway, from $0.04 to $0.07 per revenue dollar. Applied to the $40 trillion in revenue represented by our large company data set, this $0.03 difference amounts to an increase in capital income of over $1 trillion. The labor income pathway shrank by $0.02, or 6 percent, as labor per dollar of revenue fell by 15 percent and wages grew only 11 percent. Productivity gains amounted to 25 percent in real terms, significantly more than wage growth, as gains from labor productivity went predominantly to capital income. Investment in intangible assets tripled as a proportion of revenue in this period, while investment in tangible assets dropped by half. Supplier payments fell by $0.02, or 4 percent. The decline was especially steep for suppliers that were small and midsize enterprises, which saw a 10 percent drop in share of payments to suppliers in the United States, with similar patterns in other countries. The share going to domestic suppliers in each country also fell; about half of the decrease in supplier payments moved to foreign OECD suppliers and the other half to non-OECD suppliers. The tax pathway held steady overall as decreases in corporate taxes, especially in the United Kingdom and the United States, were offset by slight increases in production taxes, especially in Japan, and in corporate income tax in France….Decline in the share of the labor income pathway. Labor income from the corporations with annual revenue above $1 billion grew from just under $4 trillion to almost $10 trillion over the past 25 years (in 2018 dollars). However, this represents a lower share of the value that these companies add to the economy, as the labor portion of household income attributable to these corporations declined from 67 percent to 59 percent of the total.That difference is the equivalent of $1.2 trillion. This represents a steeper overall decline than domestic economies in the OECD generally. Japan saw the biggest decrease at more than ten percentage points, followed by Germany (five), the United States (four), and France (three). The United Kingdom saw a rise of four percentage points. A declining labor share puts pressure on incomes of lower-income households, who rely predominantly on income from wages for their livelihoods…. 5. Two diverging trends in the consumer surplus. On one hand, consumers in all household income segments have benefited substantially from the consumer surplus generated by large corporations, especially that from Technologists and Makers. The gains to consumers in OECD countries from these two company archetypes in our data set over the past 25 years amount to about $8 trillion in consumer surplus, compared with a scenario under which their prices of products and services stayed constant. On the other hand, price increases by Experts and Discoverers in our data set, especially for health and education services, correspond to more than $2 trillion in lost consumer surplus. This puts some of these essential services out of the reach of low-income households, at a time when the need for them has risen…”

McKinsey’s description

Approach 2: (Require time series variation in prices)

  1. Assume price decrease is pure gain for consumers + additional gains because of more sales e.g. price falls from 5 to 4; assume consumers capture that whole dollar of value plus assume expanded sales because the price is now lower.
  2. Use “hedonic price deflators” to adjust products for quality changes (really feature changes).
  3. Bottom line - Consumer Surplus = (-1) * change in price * total quantity at new prices * quality adjustment …”

Ben Comment on McKinsey’s consumer surplus calculation: “A little bit of a black box but we can make some headway: Approach 1:

  1. Assume firms and consumers split value equally
  2. Look at firm's/industry’s value added and assume that this is the firm’s/industry’s portion of value (so consumer gets the same amount)
  3. Adjust value added (therefore consumer surplus) “based on evidence of markups above factor costs.” Factor costs are estimated as the WACC (within firms or across industries).
  4. Bottom line - looks like Consumer Surplus = price - WACC

So FRED uses the Penn World Tables For theirLabor Share,in 2019 US was.597 (in GDP at Current National Prices), in 2007 it stood at.604, down from.64 in 2001. McKinsey’s labor share number mirror that (This is from a2019McKinsey Note), not that 57% is likely lower than the 60% in the current report as the later looks only at large firms that are presumably more efficient than the broader economy.

Ed Comment:"It says 25% of each dollar of revenue is captured by labor and 58% is suppliers (of which presumably 25% is labor and 58% is suppliers ad infinitum, which rounds to about 60% labor. If approximately 8 percentage points of the remaining 40% is profit (= 40/ + )...and 40% is consumer surplus, then investors add 12.5 x more value to others per dollar than they capture as profits (= /8) What percent do they and the BER say each of my above estimated components are of GDP? Add that to the summary too."

  • Productivity
    • Institutional Capabilities
    • Investment
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
    • Wages/Income

Friday, June 4, 2021

3 Myths About American Decline

AI Summary. Data show 70% of 30-year-olds are outperforming their parents on lifecycle economic measures, challenging claims that economic mobility has ended. The Gini coefficient of income inequality has been relatively stable since 1989 on an after-tax-and-transfer basis, inflation-adjusted median household income has risen about $25,000, and poverty rates have fallen.

Kaplan Winship Nick Gillespie Reason
Date Posted:
June 4, 2021
Is Database:
Database

70% of 30-year-olds are outperforming their parents in lifecycle economic achievements, challenging the belief that economic mobility has ended.

Do the data contradict claims of American economic decline?

Core argument: Data show 70% of 30-year-olds outperforming their parents on lifecycle economic achievements, challenging the claim that U.S. economic mobility has ended.

Contrary to popular narratives of economic stagnation, data reveals that 70% of 30-year-olds are outperforming their parents in terms of lifecycle economic achievements. This challenges the belief that economic mobility has ended. The Gini coefficient, a measure of income inequality, has remained relatively stable since 1989, especially when considering after-tax transfers. Additionally, inflation-adjusted median household income has risen by approximately $25,000 over the same period, while poverty rates have declined. These statistics suggest that economic conditions for younger generations are improving, undermining the notion of American decline.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Data show 70% of 30-year-olds outperforming their parents on lifecycle economic achievements, challenging the claim that U.S. economic mobility has ended.
  2. The Gini coefficient of U.S. income inequality has remained relatively stable since 1989, particularly when measured after taxes and transfers.
  3. Inflation-adjusted median household income has risen by roughly $25,000 since 1989 while poverty rates have declined, cutting against narratives of American economic stagnation.

Nick Gillespie, "3 Myths About American Decline," Reason, May 27, 2021, https://reason.com/video/2021/05/27/3-myths-about-american-decline/

3 Myths About American Decline

The American Enterprise Institute sociologist Scott Winship says that Americans are prone to believing "declension narratives," or stories about how the Golden Age ended sometime in the past and we have the bad luck to live in a world that is uniquely awful, unfair, and corrupt. Three of today's most prominent and influential declension narratives hold that we're having fewer children because they cost too much money, the rich have captured all the economic gains of the past several decades as income inequality has increased, and that economic mobility has effectively ended.

Winship says such stories are incomplete at best and completely false at worst. He finds that millennial women are more likely to hit their fertility goals than boomer women, strongly suggesting that having fewer children is a cultural choice, not an economic hardship. The Gini coefficient, which measures inequality, has stayed relatively flat since 1989, especially when after-tax transfers are taken into account. Over the same time period, the inflation-adjusted median household income has increased by about $25,000 even as poverty has declined. Contrary to scare stories about younger Americans doing worse than their parents, Winship finds that about 70 percent of 30-year-olds are doing better than their parents at the same age.

Ed Comment: Plz show me the evidence and analysis Winship uses to say 70% of today's children are better off than their parents. How does this compare to the 3 other studies I recall -- 2 that came out a few years ago around the sane time, one from Pew, I think, that said they were about the same, and the other from the Fed, I think, that said they were less, and the recent study that says workers take longer to mature in today's more complex world, but then earn more when they do?
Ben Comment:1) Winship on fertility goals and expensive kids:https://thedispatch.com/p/is-it-really-too-expensive-to-raise2) Winship discussing on the Gini coefficient and the inflation-adjusted median household income in the same piece:https://www.aei.org/articles/what-a-new-report-gets-wrong-about-economic-inequality/(it’s deep in the article and he’s citing a CBO report) 3) Winship refers to his previous research finding the 70% are better off than their parents here:https://www.aei.org/economics/is-the-united-states-still-a-land-of-opportunity-my-long-read-qa-with-scott-winship/but I cannot find the actual research. Steve, any ideas? I think the paper with the longer maturity of wage growth is the Demings paper (Attached but I’m not sure I did it properly, Steve - please attach in your normal way). Specifically, I think you want to look at figure 5. People are making more today because they’re more involved in “decision” making jobs as opposed to being managed. As for the other 2 - no idea.
Steve Comment:Demings writeup attached, the table Ben mentioned:

3 Myths About American Decline: Comments Image 1


I suspect Scott is referring to work (attached) in did in early 2018 that found Americans had a greater chance of exceeding their parents’ income than the usual suspects (Chetty et al.) suggest, but that they had a lower chance of transcending their parents’ rank in the income distribution

3 Myths About American Decline: Comments Image 2


I suspect Ed (let me know if I’m wrong) are referring the attached Fed/Pew studies, I also attached a Henry Grabar note when he attempted to reconcile the two (~)

Ed Comment:Thx. Is table 9 work that Winship did, or was he citing others? Is there a table like 9 that shows rank not income? If Americans had the same chance of exceeding their parent’s rank as other countries have, that would be astonishing given how much more disparate our test scores are and how much more disparate (and demanding) our jobs are. The returns to education are much higher in the US.
Steve Comment:Yes Figure 9 is his work, he doesn’t have a corresponding tables for rank, he does carve out male earning mobility which you might be interested in as men are seemingly more impacted by dysfunction than women

3 Myths About American Decline: Comments Image 3


Ed Comment:PPS why is everything indexed to 20-24 across all cohorts? Don’t I want everything indexed to a common number say 20-24 year olds in the first cohort? If everything isn’t indexed to the same number, how can I tell how 55 year olds today compare to ones in the 1960s? instead I see 55 in 1960 indexed to 24 year olds in 1960 and 55 year old 2017 index to 24 year olds in 2017. But what if 24 year olds are richer/poorer today than 24 year olds were in 1960? And isn’t the income of 24 years olds unreliable/variable/driven by a wider dispersion of factors? Isn’t 10 basically 9 for rank? Rank is what mobility is, no? doesn’t it say that the us is more mobile that most/all? Add this graph to the entry. Not the questions I my other email
Ben Comment:No, 9 looks at families and 10 only looks at males. They are looking at the same outcome but with different underlying populations. As for what they’re looking at, Winship says: “ studies mistakenly claim to be assessing “relative mobility”—the link between parent and child ranks—but are actually about “absolute mobility” (the link between parent and child income levels). “ He goes on to say: "Summary measures such as the intergenerational elasticity (IGE), intergenerational correlation (IGC), and the sibling correlation are conventionally, but wrongly, thought to summarize relative mobility. In fact, they summarize absolute mobility; they depend not only on relative mobility (changes in rank) but on changes in the cross-sectional distribution of incomes between generations.” So it seems like he’s saying these studies really look at how much more money kids make than their parents, even if they claim to be about rank. Looks like his preferred interpretation is families make a lot more than their parents did (table 9) and males make more than their fathers but not as much more as the families make. Demings table 5: He’s showing growth rates so the interpretation is each point is equal to log(wage_agebin)/log(wage_20yearold). It’s not exactly what Ed is most interested in but that’s the interpretation of the graph.

Steve Comment:Need to spend some time on this to think about reconciling the Winship /Demings/Pew/Federal Reserve data. First none of these are really apples to apples (in the way we built the apple core) in that for starters fewer millennials head households than the comps in prior generations, women have entered the labor force and demographics change (younger generation is much more diverse) plus as Deming’s points out, there now might be a lag in earnings. Ben noted that Demings is showing growth rates and Kaplan is showing total career earrings, so the base case really matters. But here is the snapshot(though note Pew’s $69,000 in 2017 for median household and the Fed’s $78,200 for married couples in 2014) aren’t that directionally that far apart.)

  • Inequality
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

A Goldilocks Theory of Fiscal Policy

AI Summary. The authors estimate the US can sustain government debt of up to 220% of GDP while interest rates stay below growth rates, but a permanent primary deficit of only 2% of GDP at debt of 109% of GDP. Projected deficits exceed that, implying future tax increases.

Amir Sufi Working Paper
Date Posted:
June 4, 2021
Is Database:
Database

The US can sustain a maximum government debt to GDP ratio of 220% within a “Goldilocks zone” where interest rates remain below growth rates, allowing for fiscal sustainability.

How much debt and deficit can the US sustain without tax increases?

Core argument: The US can sustain a maximum debt-to-GDP ratio of 220% within a "Goldilocks zone" where interest rates stay below growth rates, permitting fiscal sustainability without immediate tax increases.

The US can sustain a maximum government debt to GDP ratio of 220% within a "Goldilocks zone," where interest rates (R) remain below growth rates (G), allowing for fiscal sustainability without requiring immediate tax increases. However, this zone is fragile; factors like rising aggregate demand or declining growth can shrink it. The US can maintain a permanent primary deficit of 2% of GDP at a debt level of 109% of GDP, but current projections exceed this, with the Congressional Budget Office estimating an average primary deficit of 3.3% from 2021 to 2030. This suggests that any increase in debt above 109% of GDP would necessitate future tax hikes, challenging the notion of debt as a "free lunch."

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The US can sustain a maximum debt-to-GDP ratio of 220% within a "Goldilocks zone" where interest rates stay below growth rates, permitting fiscal sustainability without immediate tax increases.
  2. The US can carry a permanent primary deficit of 2% of GDP at a debt level of 109% of GDP, while the Congressional Budget Office estimates an average primary deficit of 3.3% over 2021–2030.
  3. The Goldilocks zone is fragile, shrinking when aggregate demand rises or growth declines, and US debt above 109% of GDP would require future tax increases, challenging the idea of debt as a "free lunch.".

We though the new Mian/Straub/Sufi paper in today’s briefing would likely be something you would want to take a look at in more detail (note theEconomistalso wrote it in this week’s issue, link is also in briefing)

New Mian/Straub/Sufi makes an effort to estimate the sustainability of debt level/fiscal deficits in advanced economies. They argues there is a "Goldilocks zone" in which a State can run permanent deficits, in the case of the US it's, "...the United States’ Goldilocks zone has a maximum government debt to GDP ratio of 220%, at which point R rises above G; and a maximum permanent primary deficit of 2% of GDP obtained at the threshold debt level of 110% of GDP..."

However permanent deficits that it can turn dangerous if those deficits are used to"...address longer-run structural problems such as rising inequality and an aging population...."

Natural experiment provided by the Georgia Senate runoff, “…Our assumption in the calculation below is that the win by the two Democrats in the Georgia Senate election of January 5, 2021 increased the expected government debt by $2 trillion, which at the time was about 7.4% of total debt outstanding. Figure 13 shows the effect on the 10 year nominal interest rate, the 10 year TIPS interest rate, and expected inflation. As it shows the victory by the Democrats in the Georgia Senate election led to a 15 basis point immediate reaction which then declined to an 8 basis point reaction after a week. Taken together, these numbers imply that a 3.7% rise in total government debt outstanding relative to prior expectations led to an 8 basis point decline in G − R, which gives an estimate of ∂(G−R) ∂ log b of -0.022. The data for these calculations come from Bloomberg….”

A Goldilocks Theory of Fiscal Policy: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi, "A Goldilocks Theory of Fiscal Policy," Working Paper, June 2021, https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/straub/files/goldilocks.pdf

What the US looks like though this lens, “…The calibration suggests that the permanent primary deficit that the United States can run is z = 2.0% of GDP; it can run that at a debt level of b z = 109% of GDP; and the debt level at which R rises above G is b = 218% of GDP. These numbers are interesting against the backdrop that US government debt currently stands at around 126% as of the fourth quarter of 2020.15 According to this calibration, any increase in debt above 109% of GDP would have to be met by increases in taxes going forward (even if R remains below G).Moreover, note that even if debt remained stable at 109%, this would only allow the US government to run a 2% permanent deficit. As of March 2021, the average projected annual primary fiscal deficit to GDP ratio by the CBO for 2021 to 2030 is 3.3%. For 2021 to 2050, it is 3.9%. If the large projected deficit of 2021 is excluded, then the averages are 2.7% and 3.7%, respectively…”

The Goldilocks zone, ">... The steady states with debt levels between b ZLB and b in Figure 2 are situated such that the interest rate R lies above zero—and hence the economy is above the ZLB—but is not so large that the economy needs to run a primary surplus, i.e. R < G. We refer to this set of steady states as the Goldilocks zone. The Goldilocks zone represents a region of the state space in which the economy successfully avoids the ZLB on the one side and fiscally unsustainable deficits on the other. The latter presumes that the economy is able to sustain a steady state with R ≤ G, or in other words, is able to close any primary deficit. In that case, the Goldilocks zone corresponds to a “conservative” region of the state space that achieves fiscal sustainability. Alternatively, if a maximum amount of tax revenue τ is known, that could be used to derive an upper bound of the primary surplus x − τ. That upper bound could then be used to describe the upper limit of the Goldilocks zone, in lieu of b..."

What it implies for debt being a "free lunch", "...A stronger version of the “free lunch” idea is that permanent increases in deficits do not require tax increases going forward, even if they lead to permanently greater (non-explosive) debt levels....under the assumption of a constant interest rate R and a constant growth rate G > R. bt = − (G − R) bt + z describes a stable differential equation for debt b. This implies that temporary increases in deficits of arbitrary magnitude, leading to greater debt levels, can always be grown out of over time. Also, a permanent increase in deficits by some ∆z simply raises steady state debt levels by ∆z/(G − R), with no need for a reduction in deficits, i.e. an increase in taxes, at any point. Both versions of the free lunch property are satisfied with exogenous R and G in (17)…”

R and G aren’t independent“…In our model, R and G are endogenous to fiscal policy, and this has important implications for whether a free lunch policy is possible. Boosting deficits leads to high debt levels, which raise interest rates because the convenience premium on government debt declines when the market is saturated. In contrast, excessively conservative fiscal policy leads to weak aggregate demand and nominal interest rates being trapped at the zero lower bound, depressing both real output and nominal growth G. As a result, the condition R < G can be violated either because debt levels are high and convenience premia low, or because debt is low with R pinned at zero and G falling below zero due to deflation. The endogeneity of R and G to government debt levels implies that a simple examination of the difference between the two at any given point in time is insufficient to understand whether a free lunch policy is possible or not……We focus in particular on three factors that are relevant for the Goldilocks zone: aggregate demand (as captured by discount rates), trend growth rates, and inequality….”

Core point, "...we find that a government can sustain a large debt to GDP ratio in the Goldilocks zone, the maximum permanent deficit that can be sustained is in the range of 2%, which is lower than most projections of expected future deficits for the United States. Furthermore, the Goldilocks zone is fragile; a rise in aggregate demand, a decline in trend growth, or a decline in inequality can lead to a shrinkage, or even a vanishing, of the zone....”

  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
    • Inflation


Loading More Posts

End of content

No more pages to load

© Copyright 2026 Coherent Research Institute · All Rights Reserved · Privacy · Terms