Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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Saturday, March 13, 2021

Indebted Demand

AI Summary. Rising debt levels transfer income from borrowers to savers, depressing aggregate demand because borrowers cut spending on debt service while higher-saving creditors do not fully offset it. The authors argue this creates a budget constraint for aggregate demand, in which debt-financed stimulus raises demand initially but lowers future demand and natural interest rates.

Amir Sufi National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
March 13, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Rising debt levels transfer income from borrowers to savers, depressing aggregate demand. Debt service payments increase, borrowers reduce spending, while savers don’t fully compensate. @AmirSufi

Does rising debt depress future demand and natural interest rates?

Core argument: The "indebted demand" framework argues that rising debt transfers income from borrowers to savers, and because savers have higher saving rates, aggregate demand falls as debt service payments rise and borrowers cut spending.

The concept of "indebted demand" highlights how rising debt levels transfer income from borrowers to savers, thereby depressing aggregate demand. As debt service payments increase, borrowers reduce spending, while savers, with higher saving rates, do not fully compensate for this reduction. This dynamic is exacerbated by secular trends like income inequality and financial liberalization, which elevate debt levels and lower natural interest rates. Consequently, economies face a "budget constraint for aggregate demand," where debt-financed stimulus can initially boost demand but ultimately reduces future demand and natural interest rates. This creates a debt-driven liquidity trap, limiting the effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policies and necessitating redistributive measures to mitigate recessionary impacts.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The "indebted demand" framework argues that rising debt transfers income from borrowers to savers, and because savers have higher saving rates, aggregate demand falls as debt service payments rise and borrowers cut spending.
  2. Secular trends in income inequality and financial liberalization raise debt levels and lower natural interest rates, according to the indebted demand account of depressed demand.
  3. Debt-financed stimulus boosts demand initially but reduces future demand and natural interest rates, producing a debt-driven liquidity trap that limits monetary and fiscal policy and points to redistributive measures to mitigate recessionary impacts.

New Mian and Sufi paper building on their “savings glut of rich” paper (attached) on the self-reinforcing relationship between weak demand and rising debt. Their theory is one of "indebted demand" the idea that large debt burdens by households and governments thus lowering aggregate demand, and in turn natural interest rates.

They are presenting this tomorrow (the 16th, will plan on watching)

"....In this paper, we proposed a new theory connecting several recent secular trends: the increase in income inequality, financial liberalization, the decline in natural interest rates, and the rise in debt by households and governments. The central element in our theory are non-homothetic preferences, which lead toricher households having greater saving rates out of a permanent income transfer. This gives rise to the idea of indebted demand: greater debt levels mean a greater transfer of income in the form of debt service payments from borrowers to savers, and thus depress demand….the top 1% experienced a significant decline in their net debt position from 1982 onward, which reflects the accumulation of a significant amount of household debt held as a financial asset. In contrast, the bottom 90% experienced a large increase in their net debt position, as gross debt owed increased substantially but household debt held as a financial asset was relatively stable. Thus, to a large degree, the rise in saving of the top 1% has not been transformed into investment or capital account surpluses; instead, it has been absorbed by an increase in borrowing by the bottom 90%...The fact that businesses have not been responsible for the rise in borrowing is consistent with the fact that investment to GDP ratios have actually declined during this period of rising debt and low interest rates….The rise in debt has not been associated with a traditional channel through which businesses and the government borrow from the household sector to boost investment and productivity growth. Instead, rising debt levels appear to have been used to finance personal consumption and government outlays. That is, it appears that the expansion of credit has been used to increase aggregate demand rather than supply. This is a key motivating fact behind the model of indebted demand below…that large debt levels weigh negatively on aggregate demand: as borrowers reduce their spending to make debt payments to savers, the latter, having greater saving rates, only imperfectly offset the shortfall in borrowers’ spending. We refer to a situation in which demand is depressed due to elevated debt levels as indebted demand..... We identified three main implications of indebted demand. First, secular economic shifts that raise debt levels (e.g. income inequality or financial liberalization) also lower natural interest rates, which then itself has an amplified effect on debt. Second, monetary and fiscal policy, to the extent that they involve household or government debt creation, can persistently reduce future natural interest rates. This means that there is only a limited number of such policy interventions that can be used before economies approach the effective lower bound. Finally, when the lower bound is binding, the economy is in a debt-driven liquidity trap with depressed output. In this “debt trap”, debt-financed stimulus deepens the recession in the future, whereas redistributive policies and policies addressing the structural sources of inequality mitigate it.Our results suggest that economies face a sort of “budget constraint for aggregate demand”. They can stimulate aggregate demand through debt creation, but that reduces future demand (and thus natural interest rates). This logic suggests a new trade-off for debt-based stimulus policies. We view an exploration of this trade-off in an optimal policy setting as a promising avenue for future research…”.

Indebted Demand: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Indebted Demand: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi, "Indebted Demand," National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2020, https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/straub/files/mss_indebteddemand.pdf

  • Business Cycle
  • GDP
    • Growth
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
    • Wages/Income

Tuesday, March 16, 2021

Lessons From Denmark About Inequality and Social Mobility

AI Summary. Denmark's intergenerational educational mobility resembles that of the U.S. despite its extensive welfare and equalizing social policies, with cognitive test scores of Danish children correlating similarly with parental income across cohorts born in 1958 and 1988. The evidence suggests family background and neighborhood effects shape educational outcomes in ways universal service provision does not offset.

James Heckman and Rasmus Landersø National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
March 16, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Danish and American intergenerational educational mobility ~ mirror each other despite Denmark’s social spending.

Do generous welfare policies raise educational mobility across generations?

Core argument: Denmark's intergenerational educational mobility mirrors that of the United States, with children of college-educated parents outperforming children of less-educated parents in both countries despite Denmark's extensive social policies aimed at reducing inequality.

Despite Denmark's extensive social policies aimed at reducing inequality, intergenerational educational mobility mirrors that of the U.S., highlighting the persistent influence of family background on child outcomes. Data shows that cognitive test scores for Danish children born in 1958 and 1988 correlate similarly with parental income, despite the expansion of welfare programs. This suggests that powerful forces beyond social policy, such as family advantage and neighborhood effects, drive educational outcomes. The intergenerational elasticity of income (IGE) in Denmark indicates a stronger link between generations than previously thought, challenging assumptions about the effectiveness of equal service provision in eliminating inequality. The evidence underscores that while Danish welfare policies provide universal access, they do not significantly alter the transmission of economic status across generations, as children of college-educated parents outperform those of less-educated parents in both Denmark and the U.S.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Denmark's intergenerational educational mobility mirrors that of the United States, with children of college-educated parents outperforming children of less-educated parents in both countries despite Denmark's extensive social policies aimed at reducing inequality.
  2. Cognitive test scores for Danish children born in 1958 and 1988 correlate similarly with parental income, suggesting that the expansion of Danish welfare programs across those cohorts did not weaken the link between family background and child outcomes.
  3. Denmark's intergenerational elasticity of income indicates a stronger link between generations than previously thought, challenging the assumption that equal provision of services eliminates the transmission of economic status across generations.

James Heckman and Rasmus Landersø, “Lessons from Denmark about Inequality and Social Mobility,” National Bureau Of Economic Research, March 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28543

Conclusions, “…Many American policy analysts point to Denmark as a model welfare state with low levels of income inequality and high levels of income mobility across generations. It has in place many social policies now advocated for adoption in the U.S. Despite generous Danish social policies, family influence on important child outcomes in Denmark is about as strong as it is in the United States.More advantaged families are better able to access, utilize, and influence universally available programs. Purposive sorting by levels of family advantage create neighborhood effects. Powerful forces not easily mitigated by Danish-style welfare state programs operate in both countries….”

Note the increased spending had no impact on mobility btw cohorts in Denmark“….Fig. 4b shows cognitive test score ranks for the all males born in 1958 and 1988 in Denmark by their parents’ income percentiles,22 along with cognitive test score ranks across parents’ income percentiles for children from the CNLSY data. The figure illustrates two points: First, no striking differences appear when comparing the association between children’s test scores and parents’ income percentiles in Denmark and the U.S. Second, the association between children’s cognitive test scores and parents’ income is strikingly similar for Danish cohorts born 30 years apart. Although the 1988 cohort is born after the rapid welfare state expansion previously described and the 1958 cohort is born just before the expansion took off, the associations between test scores and parents’ resources are practically identical. Family influence retains its tight grip….”

First, “…. Intergenerational educational mobility is about the same in both countries for the most recent cohorts. Transmission of skills across generations is equally strong in both countries, despite stark differences in income inequality and offered public services….”
Second“….The traditional literature on the intergenerational transmission of economic status compares snapshots of lifetime incomes of parents and children. This approach gives only a limited picture of the transmission of lifetime well-being across generations. Using Danish register data on lifecycle income, we find that intergenerational elasticities of income (IGE) of lifetime well-being are much higher than those estimated using incomes measured over a small window of ages. Accounting for uncertainty and credit market restrictions increases estimated dependence across generations. Well-being is much more tightly linked across generations in Denmark than conventional snapshot measures of lifetime income indicate….”

Third, “….We expand the analysis of family influence beyond the traditional analysis of IGEs of income to include choices of neighborhood, peers, and schools as parental investments in their children. We present compelling evidence of purposive sorting by parents in making neighborhood choices. Our evidence calls into question the assumptions underlying the recent neighborhood influence literature – that timing of residential choice is random with respect to the lifetime gains for children….”
The key evidence, “…Despite the generosity of the Danish welfare state and equality in access for all citizens, substantial inequality of child outcomes remains across social and economic classes. Figure 1 documents these gaps and compares them to their U.S. counterparts. Children of college-educated women do substantially better than children of secondary school dropouts on many dimensions in both countries….”

Their core findings:

Likely very useful new Heckman demonstrates the limited utility of social policy to change mobility outcomes for children. Despite interventionist Danish social policy family influence on child outcomes in Denmark is ~ as strong as it is in the United States. Inequality of child outcomes remains across economic classes, for example children of college educated women do better in both Demark and the US. Their bottomline, “…However,if equal Danish provision of services does not eliminate inequality in many important life outcomes, the origins of inequality and social immobility lie elsewhere…”

Ed Comment:“Of course we know the truth from studies of identical twins separated at birth. 50 to 80% is genetic (probably more if you did a regression using all the relevant determinants of success) and only half of the rest is shared environments, at least as the shared environment is currently administered. That means the shared environment could be as little as 10%, where a 20% improvement only yields a 2% gain.”

  • Inequality
  • Workforce

Cash-Out Refinancings Hit Highest Level Since Financial Crisis

AI Summary. U.S. homeowners extracted $152.7bn in home equity through cash-out refinancings, a 42% annual increase and the highest level since 2007, according to Freddie Mac. About one-third of those refinancing chose cash-out options, compared with nearly 90% before the housing-market crash that followed the financial crisis.

Orla McCaffrey Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
March 16, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Home Equity Cash Outs At Highest Level Since Crisis @OrlaMcCaffrey @WSJ U.S. homeowners extracted $152.7bn in home equity through cash-out refinancings in 2020, a 42% increase from 2019 and the highest level since 2007, according to Freddie Mac.

Are homeowners cashing out home equity at the highest level since 2007?

Core argument: U.S. homeowners extracted $152.7bn in home equity through cash-out refinancings in 2020, a 42% increase from 2019 and the highest level since 2007, according to Freddie Mac.

In 2020, U.S. homeowners extracted $152.7bn in home equity through cash-out refinancings, marking a 42% increase from 2019 and the highest level since 2007, according to Freddie Mac. This surge in cash-out refinancings coincided with a record year for mortgage originations, driven by approximately $2.8tn in refinancings, as reported by Black Knight Inc. Despite the increase, only about one-third of refinancers opted for cash-out options, compared to nearly 90% before the housing-market crash following the financial crisis. This trend reflects a significant shift in homeowner behavior and financial strategy, highlighting the ongoing impact of low interest rates and economic uncertainty on consumer financial decisions.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. homeowners extracted $152.7bn in home equity through cash-out refinancings in 2020, a 42% increase from 2019 and the highest level since 2007, according to Freddie Mac.
  2. About one-third of 2020 refinancers chose cash-out options, compared with nearly 90% before the housing-market crash that followed the financial crisis.
  3. Mortgage originations set a record in 2020, driven by roughly $2.8tn in refinancings, according to Black Knight Inc.

good WSJ chart, uptick in home equity cash outs, highest level since pre-crisis.

Mian and Sufi bait (in terms of theirIndebted Demandpaper), "... Americans extracted more cash from their homes through cash-out refinancings in 2020 than in any year since the financial crisis.U.S. homeowners cashed out $152.7 billion in home equity last year, a 42% increase from 2019 and the most since 2007, according to mortgage-finance giant Freddie Mac. It was a blockbuster year for mortgage originations in general as well: Lenders churned out more mortgages than ever in 2020, fueled by about $2.8 trillion in refis, according to mortgage-data firm Black Knight Inc.....”

Worth noting, “…. Before the housing-market crash that followed the financial crisis, almost 90% of borrowers who refinanced chose to extract cash. Last year, about one-third of refinancers chose the cash-out option, according to Freddie Mac...."

Cash-Out Refinancings Hit Highest Level Since Financial Crisis: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Orla McCaffrey, "Cash-Out Refinancings Hit Highest Level Since Financial Crisis,"Wall Street Journal, March 11, 2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/cash-out-refinancings-hit-highest-level-since-financial-crisis-11615458602

  • Business Cycle
  • GDP
    • Growth
    • Housing
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit

Murder Rate Remains Elevated as New Crime Reporting System Begins

AI Summary. Preliminary FBI data show US murders rose 25% in a year, exceeding 20,000 for the first time since 1995, with increases across cities of all sizes though figures from New York, Chicago, and New Orleans were not included. A sample of 37 cities reported an 18% rise in murders in the following first quarter.

Jeff Asher New York Times
Date Posted:
March 16, 2021
Is Database:
Database

The US murder rate remains elevated, with 20,000 murders in 2020, a 25% increase Y/Y, according to preliminary FBI data.

Are US murders still rising after last year's 25% jump?

Core argument: US murders rose 25% in 2020 to more than 20,000 for the first time since 1995, according to preliminary FBI data, with increases observed across cities of all sizes.

In 2020, the US experienced a significant 25% increase in murders, surpassing 20,000 for the first time since 1995, according to preliminary FBI data. This surge was observed across cities of all sizes, although data from major cities like New York, Chicago, and New Orleans were not included. The trend appears to be continuing into 2021, with a sample of 37 cities reporting an 18% rise in murders in the first quarter compared to the same period in 2020. This persistent elevation in murder rates poses challenges for policymakers and law enforcement agencies as they adapt to a new crime reporting system. The ongoing increase underscores the need for targeted interventions and resource allocation to address the underlying causes of this violent crime surge, which could have broader socio-economic implications if not effectively managed.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US murders rose 25% in 2020 to more than 20,000 for the first time since 1995, according to preliminary FBI data, with increases observed across cities of all sizes.
  2. The FBI's preliminary 2020 murder data excluded major cities including New York, Chicago, and New Orleans.

Preliminary FBI numbers confirm major murder rate uptick last year“…the F.B.I. released preliminary statistics showinga major increase in murder last year, with a 25 percent rise in agencies that reported quarterly data. The F.B.I. did not receive data from several cities with known big increases in murder like New York, Chicago and New Orleans, but cities of all sizes reported increases of greater than 20 percent. A 25 percent increase in murder in 2020 would mean the United States surpassed 20,000 murders in a year for the first time since 1995.(The final official numbers for 2020 will not be released until late September.)…”

Jeff Asher, "Murder Rate Remains Elevated as New Crime Reporting System Begins,"New York Times, March 16, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/16/upshot/murder-rate-usa.html

And the rise is likely still ongoing, “…The big increase in the murder rate in the United States in 2020 has carried over to 2021. A sample of 37 cities with data available for the first three months of this year shows murder up 18 percent relative to the same period last year….”

  • Poverty/Crime


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