Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Thursday, February 4, 2021

Equity' for Asian-Americans in Practice

AI Summary. A Pew survey found 73% of Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions, and voters in Washington and California rejected initiatives to repeal bans on racial preferences. Critics argue that policies pursuing "equity" through specific racial outcomes conflict with equality under the law and risk deepening social division.

WSJ Editorial Board Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
February 4, 2021
Is Database:
Database

A 2019 Pew survey revealed 73% of Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions, yet recent policy shifts under Biden emphasize “equity” over equal treatment.

Do Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions?

Core argument: A 2019 Pew survey found that 73% of Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions, which the author characterizes as a broad consensus against racial preferences.

A 2019 Pew survey revealed that 73% of Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions, reflecting a broad consensus against racial preferences. Despite this, recent policy shifts under the Biden Administration emphasize "equity" over equal treatment, as seen in the Justice Department's decision to drop its lawsuit against Yale University for race-based admissions. This move aligns with critical race theory, which attributes racial disparities to systemic racism, and aims to achieve specific racial outcomes. However, such policies risk exacerbating social division and resentment, as evidenced by voters in liberal states like Washington and California rejecting initiatives to repeal bans on racial preferences. The ongoing debate underscores the tension between promoting equity and maintaining equality under the law, with potential implications for future Supreme Court rulings on racial bias in admissions.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A 2019 Pew survey found that 73% of Americans oppose using race as a factor in college admissions, which the author characterizes as a broad consensus against racial preferences.
  2. The Justice Department under the Biden Administration dropped its lawsuit against Yale University over race-based admissions, a shift the author ties to prioritizing "equity" over equal treatment.
  3. Voters in Washington and California rejected ballot initiatives to repeal bans on racial preferences, which the author cites as evidence that such policies risk deepening social division and resentment.

WSJ notes, "...Most Americans don’t want the government to pit one race against another. In the last two years voters in two of America’s most liberal states—Washington and California—voted down ballot initiatives that would have repealed bans on racial preferences. A 2019 Pew survey found that 73% of Americans believe race should not be a factor in college admissions...."

The Editorial Board, "‘Equity’ for Asian-Americans in Practice,"Wall Street Journal, February 3, 2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/equity-for-asian-americans-in-practice-11612395057

Equity’ for Asian-Americans in Practice

President Biden last week singled out Asian-Americans as he issued executive orders devoted to “advancing racial equity.” They include an order banning federal use of terms such as “Wuhan virus,” and another requiring the Justice Department to better track hate crimes against Asian-Americans. In pushing these measures Mr. Biden prefers to speak of promoting “equity” rather than equal treatment.

On Wednesday the Justice Department showed us why when it dropped its lawsuit against Yale University over its race-based admissions. Under former Attorney General Bill Barr, Justice had charged that Yale’s racial preferences violate the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Justice acted even before the Senate has confirmed a new Attorney General or head of the Civil Rights Division.

A similar but private suit against Harvard continues, this one brought by Students for Fair Admissions. But it’s likely the government will soon withdraw its supporting brief that scores Harvard for “systematically disfavoring Asian-American applicants.”

So Asian-Americans will be watching. While many will be relieved to see the government rejecting terms such as “China flu,” many also appreciate the real and present harm when America’s most competitive colleges and universities reject their children based on their race no matter their other qualifications.

“I am totally shocked by the Biden DOJ’s hasty decision to drop the Yale lawsuit, only eight days after President Biden signed an executive order claiming to combat anti-Asian discrimination,” says the president of the Asian American Coalition for Education, Yukong Zhao.

This is what “equity” means in practice. Traditionally racial justice meant an insistence that every American be treated equally without regard to race. But the Democratic left, with Mr. Biden’s support, has adopted critical race theory from the universities. The theory attributes every disparity between the races to “systemic racism,” whether or not there’s evidence of specific acts of discrimination. The Biden Administration’s policy goal now is to dictate the racial outcomes that progressives want—even if it means discriminating by race to get them.

Dropping the Yale suit is a blow to equality under the law. But Students for Fair Admissions, which lost its Harvard suit at the First Circuit Court of Appeals in November, has always recognized that its best chance for a victory against racial bias in admissions is at the Supreme Court. Meantime, the group says it will file its own suit against Yale.

Most Americans don’t want the government to pit one race against another. In the last two years voters in two of America’s most liberal states—Washington and California—voted down ballot initiatives that would have repealed bans on racial preferences. A 2019 Pew survey found that 73% of Americans believe race should not be a factor in college admissions.

The Biden Administration has signaled in promoting “equity” that it has abandoned fair and equal treatment. This will lead to further social division and resentment, as it has in every society that has practiced favoritism by race. The resulting injustice and confusion will continue until the Supreme Court stops ducking the issue and rules against racial favoritism once and for all.

  • Race
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Education
      • College
      • Test Scores

Most Americans say colleges should not consider race or ethnicity in admissions

AI Summary. 73% of Americans, including 62% of Black respondents, say race or ethnicity should not be a factor in college admissions, according to survey data. Only 7% say race should be a major factor, while 19% consider it a minor one.

Nikki Graf Pew Research Center
Date Posted:
February 4, 2021
Is Database:
Database

73% of Americans, including 62% of Blacks, believe race should not influence college admissions, with only 7% supporting it as a major factor, according to @PewResearch Center.

Do most Americans oppose considering race in college admissions?

Core argument: 73% of Americans say race or ethnicity should not factor into college admissions decisions, a view shared by 62% of Black respondents.

A significant 73% of Americans, including 62% of Black respondents, believe race should not influence college admissions, highlighting a broad consensus across racial lines. Only 7% of the population supports race as a major factor, while 19% see it as a minor consideration. This data suggests a potential shift in public opinion towards merit-based admissions, which could impact future policy decisions and the economic landscape of higher education. The prevailing sentiment may lead to changes in how institutions approach diversity, potentially affecting enrollment patterns and the allocation of resources within the education sector.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. 73% of Americans say race or ethnicity should not factor into college admissions decisions, a view shared by 62% of Black respondents.
  2. Only 7% of Americans support treating race as a major factor in college admissions, while 19% consider it a minor factor.

Majorities of Americans across racial groups, including backs believe race should not be a factor in college admissions, “…, a new Pew Research Center survey finds that most Americans (73%) say colleges and universities should not consider race or ethnicity when making decisions about student admissions. Just 7% say race should be a major factor in college admissions, while 19% say it should be a minor factor….”

Nikki Graf, "Most Americans say colleges should not consider race or ethnicity in admissions," Pew Research Center, February 25, 2019, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/02/25/most-americans-say-colleges-should-not-consider-race-or-ethnicity-in-admissions/

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Race
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Education
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Friday, February 5, 2021

Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation

AI Summary. The Global Innovation Index finds that US science and technology clusters, including San Jose-San Francisco, rank high in science and technology intensity — patent and scientific publication shares divided by population — relative to Asian and European clusters. Tokyo-Yokohama also scores highly, while many Chinese clusters do not, reflecting their large populations.

Victoria Barbary, Pamela Bayona, Kyle Bergquist, Tariq Bin Hendi, et al. World Intellectual Property Organization
Date Posted:
February 5, 2021
Is Database:
Database

US science and technology clusters show higher productivity per capita compared to Asian and European counterparts, according to the Global Innovation Index 2020 @WorldIPOrganization Orion Penner.

How do US innovation clusters rank in output per person?

Core argument: The Global Innovation Index 2020 finds US science and technology clusters, including San Jose–San Francisco, rank high in both absolute output and in intensity measured as patent plus scientific publication shares divided by population.

US science and technology (S&T) clusters demonstrate higher productivity relative to population compared to Asian and European counterparts. The Global Innovation Index 2020 highlights that many US clusters, such as San Jose-San Francisco, exhibit significant S&T intensity, ranking high in both absolute and relative terms. This intensity is measured by the sum of patent and scientific publication shares divided by population. While Asian clusters like Tokyo-Yokohama also show high S&T intensity, many Chinese clusters do not, reflecting their large populations. European clusters generally display above-average S&T intensity but are often smaller in size. This suggests that US clusters are more efficient in generating innovation outputs per capita, which could be attributed to a combination of robust academic institutions, venture capital availability, and a conducive environment for tech companies. This efficiency underscores the importance of fostering S&T ecosystems that maximize output relative to population, offering insights for policymakers aiming to enhance innovation productivity.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The Global Innovation Index 2020 finds US science and technology clusters, including San Jose–San Francisco, rank high in both absolute output and in intensity measured as patent plus scientific publication shares divided by population.
  2. Tokyo-Yokohama shows high science and technology intensity among Asian clusters, while many Chinese clusters do not, reflecting their large populations, according to the Global Innovation Index 2020.
  3. European clusters generally display above-average science and technology intensity but are often smaller in size, according to the Global Innovation Index 2020.

Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Victoria Barbary, Pamela Bayona, Kyle Bergquist, Tariq Bin Hendi, Robson Braga de Andrade, Deepanwita Chattopadhyay, Peter Cornelius, Pascal Daloz, Giacomo Damioli, Yaron Daniely, Fortunato de la Peña, Soumitra Dutta, Jerome Engel, Kathryn Saklatvala, Rafael Escalona Reynoso, Carsten Fink, Antanina Garanasvili, Francesca Guadagno, Pippa Hall, Hamid Hamirani, Karel Havlíček, Cashelle Hardman, Tomáš Holinka, Martin Hronza, Silvana Jirotková, Patrick Johnson, Bruno Lanvin, Pascal le Masson, Josh Lerner, Kevin Levillain, Sébastien Massart, Valentina Montalto, James Mwangi, Ramana Nanda, Ana Neves, Laure-Anne Parpaleix, Orion Penner, Alfred Radauer, Lorena Rivera León, Michaela Saisana, Blanche Segrestin, Benoît Weil, Sacha Wunsch-Vincent, Sacha Wunsch-Vincent, "Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation," World Intellectual Property Organization, September 2020, https://www.wipo.int/global_innovation_index/en/2020/

Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation: Extended Excerpt Image 3

Trends in global venture capital investment (if restricted to US trends don’t ~ change), “…Based on data from Pitchbook on global venture-capital investments,Figure 5.1 examines the sectors which have seen the most rapid growth in venture capital financing in the 2010s. It lists the total dollar value of all deals reported in 2010 and 2019, categorized by the main industry sectors reported in Pitchbook. Figure 5.1 shows the remarkable growth in the value of venture capital deals over this period, rising more than fivefold from 2010 to 2019. Figure 5.1 also shows that growth was largely driven by increases in investment towards IT software and services, consumer products and services (B2C), business products and services (B2B), and financial services. The figure looks virtually identical if restricted to only U.S. venture capital deals, implying that this is driven by an across-the-board change, rather than due to the composition of deals in countries such as China, which have seen faster growth of VC in recent years. Due to the ubiquity of software, many innovations classified as IT software, B2C, and B2B cut across traditional industry sectors. For example, Uber disintermediated the taxicab business by more efficiently connecting passengers with drivers, and in less than ten years from founding, Airbnb had more listings than the largest hotel chain in the world, despite owning no assets itself. Hundreds of other such VC-backed start-ups serving consumers and enterprises across a range of industries have been financed in the last decade, bringing immense value to their users in many instances, as well as being adopted or replicated across many countries around the world. However, Figure 5.1 and Figure 5.2 also show that investments in three sectors have not kept up with the overall growth: healthcare; IT hardware—comprising communications and networking equipment, computer hardware, and semiconductors; and energy, materials, and resources. As shown in Figure 5.2, the share of investments in these sectors fell from over 50% of total spending in 2010 to below 25% in 2019. Energy, materials, and resources and IT hardware combined accounted for less than 5% of capital invested by VCs in 2019. To some extent, these ebbs and flows of funding across sectors reflect technology life cycles, the huge wave of applicationrelated innovations made possible by the Internet revolution in the late 1990s, and the subsequent rise of cloud computing in the mid-2000s. However, the introduction of cloud computing services in the mid-2000s also had another important effect: it dramatically lowered the cost of learning about the ultimate potential of risky web-based start-ups. Specifically, it allowed those start-ups to rent hardware in small increments from providers like Amazon Web Services, use this to quickly gauge customer demand, and postpone expensive investments to scale up until after learning about the size and nature of demand from consumers.6 This, in turn, led to a disproportionate rise in the number of start-ups that could benefit from such lowered cost of experimentation. The increase in such start-ups is reflected in the changing shares of industries shown in Figure 5.1 and Figure 5.2, and also in the development of crowdfunding, accelerators, angel groups, and other early-stage investors who finance the lower initial capital needs of such ventures and promote effective learning about product-market fit using frameworks, such as the lean start-up model. 7 While technological advances, such as rapid prototyping and the advent of advanced simulation and prediction tools, have also lowered the cost of learning and experimentation beyond software and web-based start-ups, growing academic research has begun to articulate certain characteristics of start-ups that make them a poor match for the venture capital model of financing innovation. Three particularly salient elements include: 1) the longer timelines required to build such companies, 2) capital intensity associated with de-risking these ventures, and 3) the nature of market and technology risk faced by new ventures…”

US S&T clusters are more intensive (in terms of population) than international comps“….latest ranking of the world’s top 100 S&T clusters. Year-over-year changes in cluster ranks remain modest, though they are in line with the longer-term trend— namely, faster growth of S&T activity in East Asia and especially in China. Analyzing the S&T intensity of clusters provides a more nuanced perspective of the world’s S&T cluster landscape. In particular, it suggests that many European and U.S. clusters show more intense S&T activity than their Asian counterparts, even though they show lower S&T activity in absolute term…Table S-1.2 presents our top 100 clusters ranked by their S&T intensity. Our measure of S&T intensity is the sum of patent and scientific publication shares associated with a cluster, divided by its population. As can be seen, Cambridge and Oxford in the United Kingdom (U.K.) emerge as the most S&T-intensive clusters. Both clusters host highly productive scientific organizations in relatively small urban agglomerations. Cambridge additionally has a relatively large presence of tech companies—for example, ARM and Nokia—which results in a patent output normally seen in agglomerations with twice the population.8 In the case of 3rd-ranked Eindhoven, the high S&T intensity principally stems from high patenting output. Interestingly, 4th-ranked San Jose-San Francisco illustrates that high S&T intensity does not have to be associated with small size. This cluster hosts a population of more than six million, and it is the fifth-largest S&T cluster in absolute terms (Table S-1.1). Figure S-1.2 compares the absolute and per capita ranks of the 100 S&T clusters in a scatterplot. It confirms, first of all, that there is no obvious correlation between the rankings. There is wide variation in the S&T intensity of both small and large clusters. For example, Shanghai—ranked 9th in absolute size—holds only the 82nd position in the intensity ranking. By contrast, Lund-Malmö is only the 96th largest cluster but occupies the 10th position in the intensity ranking. Another interesting pattern emerging from Figure S-1.2 is that many of the U.S. clusters appear in the upper right corner of the scatterplot—they are large in absolute and relative terms. Important exceptions are New York City and Los Angeles, which rank in the top 20 clusters mainly because of their large size and not their S&T intensity. Many Chinese clusters, in turn, do not exhibit high S&T intensity, which reflects the large populations covered by them.9 One exception is the 4th ranked Beijing cluster, which still shows considerable S&T intensity and has a performance similar to that of Seoul.Interestingly, TokyoYokohama—the top S&T and second most populous cluster—still shows high S&T intensity notwithstanding its large size. Many of the European clusters show above-average S&T intensity, but do not necessarily feature among the top-ranked clusters. This reflects the different agglomeration patterns in Europe, which have resulted in smaller cities compared to North America and East Asia…”

Global Innovation Index 2020: Who Will Finance Innovation: Extended Excerpt Image 4

Some highlights from the World Intellectual Property Organization's 2020 GII

They cite “tough tech” can benefit from state funding/or the state creating a market as a customer, “… one setting where start-ups engaged in innovation have been shown to benefit substantially is theU.S. Department of Energy’s SBIR grant program, which has helped start-ups finance the prototyping of new technologies and thereby substantially increase the odds of receiving venture capital.13 This ties in directly to the friction outlined above—where start-ups in some sectors cannot attract VC due to the difficulty they face in learning about the effectiveness of a new technology in the field as opposed to the lab, and hence have trouble convincing investors they can achieve product-market fit and generate sufficient customer demand….Many successful examples of government involvement in the commercialization of tough tech have beenrelated to the government’s (often the military’s) role as a customer.14 A key reason for this may have to do with government contracts substantially reducing market risk through a willingness to pay for early versions of an emerging technology. A large military contract can also help to establish standards and coordinate the direction of technology trajectories. Finally, through their role as customers, governments can even reduce financing constraints via the timing of contract payment. For example, paying part of the contract value in advance can substantially reduce startups’ dependence on external finance.15 This important role of the government as customer is often underappreciated when considering the role that policymakers can play in jump-starting innovation….”

“….Start-ups that share one or more of the characteristics that make them a poor fit for VC investment have sometimes been referred to as tough tech—in reference to the fact that these technologies are often tough to commercialize using venture capital. In many instances, they involve breakthroughs in fundamental science or nascent technologies, which leads to long timelines and substantial technology risk. Such ventures have sometimes also been referred to as “deep tech”. It is important to emphasize that not all science-based ventures are bad fits for VC; indeed, some ventures spinning out of university labs raise substantial venture capital, generate high returns for investors, and solve important problems for the world. Nevertheless, many of the innovations required to solve society’s most pressing problems do not have solutions that fit the timelines and economic constraints of VC investors. In light of these constraints, and the growing sense that there is also a decline in fundamental innovation coming from large corporations,11 there are several elements that policymakers and other stakeholders could consider to help support the commercialization of tough tech….”

Re: Yes they view “tough tech” as areas where VC is underinvesting versus potential social gains. These investment are now largely funded by other sources, a parent company or the state either though direct funding or as a customer.

The overall score is driven by three measures, “….As every year, three indicators are used to measure the quality of innovation. First, the quality of local universities is measured through the average score of the top 3 universities in each country in the QS university ranking (indicator 2.3.4). Second, patent families filed in at least two offices (indicator 5.2.5) are used as a proxy of the internationalization of local inventions. Third, the H-index (indicator 6.1.5), which is the number of citations that locally produced research documents receive abroad, is used to assess the quality of scientific publications….”I

Ed Comment, “…I’m not sure what intensity measures. Don’t you not to be “better over all” but not necessarily intense (which presumably means consuming resource)? I don’t understand what this means. It seems to be a contradiction: “growing academic research has begun to articulate certain characteristics of start-ups that make them a poor match for the venture capital model of financing innovation.” Presumably, starts up are, by definition, good fits for venture. If not, how do they get funding? But the characteristics describe do seem to be bad fits: long lead times, capital intensity, and technological risk--the Hadron Collider for example….”

Steve Comment, “So implied in their intensity measure is resource consumption (in that patent/scientific publication share “should” reflect inputs)“…For the first time, the GII 2020 presents the top 100 clustersranked by their S&T intensity—that is, the sum of their patent and scientific publication shares divided by population…”

  • Startups
  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research
    • Investment

Real Credit Cycles

AI Summary. Managers' profit expectations overreact to current conditions, producing excessive optimism in booms and undue pessimism in downturns, which the authors link to credit and investment overexpansion followed by tighter credit and higher defaults. In their model, a 1.5% drop in productivity growth generates a large rise in credit spreads.

Pedro Bordalo National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
February 5, 2021
Is Database:
Database

Managers’ expectations often overreact to current conditions, leading to excessive optimism during economic booms and undue pessimism during downturns, significantly impacting credit cycles.

Do managers' overreacting profit expectations drive credit cycles?

Core argument: In the diagnostic expectations model, a 1.5% reduction in total factor productivity growth generates a large increase in credit spreads, mirroring real-world observations.

Managers' expectations often overreact to current conditions, leading to excessive optimism during economic booms and undue pessimism during downturns. This behavior significantly impacts credit cycles, as evidenced by the correlation between managers' profit expectations and financial outcomes. During good times, inflated expectations result in credit and investment overexpansion, while in downturns, cooled beliefs lead to tightened credit markets and increased default rates. The DE [Diagnostic Expectations] model shows that a modest 1.5% reduction in TFP [Total Factor Productivity] growth can cause a large increase in credit spreads, mirroring real-world observations. Lax financial conditions predict future spread increases, low bond returns, and investment drops, highlighting the fragility of the economy under diagnostic expectations. This pattern underscores the cyclical nature of financial markets driven by overreacting beliefs.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. In the diagnostic expectations model, a 1.5% reduction in total factor productivity growth generates a large increase in credit spreads, mirroring real-world observations.
  2. Managers' profit expectations overreact to current conditions, producing optimism in booms that drives credit and investment overexpansion, and pessimism in downturns that tightens credit markets and raises default rates.
  3. Lax financial conditions predict future increases in credit spreads, low bond returns, and drops in investment, pointing to economic fragility under diagnostic expectations.

Real Credit Cycles: Extended Excerpt Image 1

Pedro Bordalo, Nicola Gennaioli, Andrei Shleifer and Stephen Terry, "Real Credit Cycles," National Bureau Of Economic Research, January 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28416

“…Despite its nonlinearity and the overidentified estimation with more target moments than parameters,our DE model captures both the volatilities of, and to a large degree the correlations between, real variables, beliefs, and financial outcomes in the firm data. To assess the role of overreacting expectations on macro outcomes,we also estimate and simulate a rational expectations (RE) model with θ fixed at 0, which does not match predictable forecast errors at the firm level…. Figure 4 plots the required TFP shocks, along with their implications for the growth of credit, output, investment, and corporate profit forecasts. The red lines connect the pre-crisis and crisis outcomes generated by the DE model, while the green lines present the data. In the top left panel, theDE model by construction perfectly matches the pre-crisis and crisis spreads. Remarkably, though, the bottom left panel shows that the pattern of TFP growth needed to account for the increase in spreads is virtually identical to the TFP growth observed during the period. This overlap is an untargeted feature and shows that in the DE model a moderate 1.5% reduction in TFP growth is able to produce the large observed increase in the average spread….”

New Shleifer, in the spirit of his last book (which largely mirrored the Minsky/Kindleberger view of boom bust cycles) argues that credit cycle basically work the same way - investors are too optimistic, so credit and investment overexpand. Subsequently, beliefs cool off, credit markets tighten, real activity declines, and default rates increase. Both inflated expectations and managers disappointment in those expectations play a key role in the cycle.

Using TFP (Total Factor Productivity) news as it’s impact as evidence"...We assess whether belief overreaction to standard TFP shocks may produce observed boom-bust credit cycles. We incorporate diagnostic expectations into a workhorse business cycle model with heterogeneous firms and risky debt. A realistic degree of diagnosticity, estimated from the forecast errors of managers of US listed firms, produces significant fragility of the economy during good times. This helps account for countercyclical credit spreads and for credit cycles at both the firm and aggregate levels. Lax financial conditions predict future increases in spreads, low bond returns, and investment drops. Spread increases of the magnitude observed during 2008-9 obtain from modest negative TFP shocks. Our results indicate that diagnostic expectations may offer a realistic and parsimonious way to produce financial reversals in conventional business cycles models...."

Core finding echo a wise man's belief that "it's never as good as you think it is, it's never as bad as you think it is", "...present novel evidence based on microdata that directly connects expectations to credit spreads, bond returns, and investment at the firm level. We first show that managers’ expectations of their firms’ profits overreact to current conditions: they are too optimistic in good times and too pessimistic in bad times. In turn, excess optimism about a firm’s future profits measured from expectations data predicts a one year-ahead increase in the firm’s credit spread, low realized returns on the firm’s bonds, and a decline in its investment growth. Overreacting beliefs appear to be directly linked to firms’ financial and real cycles...."

Ed Comment:“Overreaction is likely to paly a role even if it’s not the only factor, factors that likely vary significant from one set of circumstances to another. For example, the influx of risk-averse offshore saving from countries determined to export to achieve full employment despite manufacturing productivity growing faster than demand for manufactured products via allowed trade deficits surely would have destabilized the inherently unstable banking system and accelerated the growth of subprime mortgages independent of optimism/overreaction, which surely magnified the effects. In shocks, risk-underwriting equity gets wiped out. Which logically requires a retrenchment in risk taking.The misallocation of resources is exposed, leading to a logical retrenchment. It takes time to find a new reallocation of unused resources. And like a rodent, who gradually wonders further from his den in search of food and sex when he doesn’t encounter danger, will logically retrench (if he can) when he finally does discover danger because he has more data. This is basic quality control optimization strategy.So I think there are several reasons beside illogical overreaction that ought to cause fluctuating cycles independent of wage stickiness.”

Ed Comment:That's the least important of his three points. In order 1) by Annie's own spec the effect is very small 2) it's likely smaller still since he doesn't use a multiple regression, likely because he couldn't find any significance and the 3) some of the overinvestment doesn't come from over confidence/investment in their biz but from (misguided) diversification (because they have the cash flow to do it). So the effect from his cause-- over confidence in their business--is smaller still.

Ed Comment:You make a persuasive argument. I added the line, “I’m not saying I agree,” so you wouldn’t conflate my views with his, but then decided to take that line out. Anyway, when it crossed my desk, I thought you would like to see what he was saying, since your views bear on this topic.

Bruce Greenwald Comment:I don't know how you get animal spirits out of this. The good times leads to over-optimism effect is very small. A 1% increase in the current return on initial tangible capital leads to an average 0.04 % overestimate of the expected future return on capital according to the paper. But this is almost certainly an exaggerated number. It comes from a univariate regression when the regression should be a multivariate one which they do not report. Knowing Andre that is because nothing was significant in the multivariate regression. The use of time and firm dummies makes things even murkier. For example, the investment related overconfidence comes from looking at non-recession periods when an individual firm is investing unusually heavily. This is likely to be when a stupid management is expanding in unrelated markets instead of concentrating on operational efficiency. Not surprisingly, these managements are overly optimistic about what they are going to achieve. This is sample selection bias not animal spirits.

Ed Comment:Thought you might like to see this—evidence for animal spirts from Andrei Shleifer. (…not my highlighting.) Overreaction seems likely to play a role even if it’s not the entire story.

  • Business Cycle
  • GDP
  • Productivity
    • Investment


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