Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Wednesday, January 27, 2021

Why U.S. Immigration Barriers Matter for the Global Advancement of Science

AI Summary. Researchers estimate that International Math Olympiad medalists who migrate to the U.S. are 4-6x as productive as those who stay home and 2x as productive as those moving elsewhere, measured by citation-weighted publications. While 66% of developing-country participants aspire to study in the U.S., only 25% do, largely due to financial barriers.

Ruchir Agarwal, Ina Ganguli, Patrick Gaule and Geoff Smith IZA Discussion Paper
Date Posted:
January 27, 2021
Is Database:
Database

International Math Olympiad Medalists Who Migrate To US Are 4 to 6x More Productive Than Stayers And Migrants To Other Countries.

Does migrating to the U.S. raise top scientific talent's productivity?

Core argument: Migrants to the U.S., including International Math Olympiad medalists, are 4–6x more productive than those who stay home and 2x more productive than migrants to other countries, measured in citation-weighted publications.

Migrants to the U.S., including International Math Olympiad (IMO) medalists, are 4-6x more productive than stayers and 2x more productive than those migrating to other countries, highlighting the U.S.'s pivotal role in advancing global science. This productivity is measured in citation-weighted publications, underscoring the U.S.'s ability to attract and nurture top talent. Despite 66% of developing country IMO participants aspiring to study in the U.S., only 25% achieve this due to financial barriers. Reducing these barriers could boost global scientific output by 42%. The U.S. hosts 21% of Nobel laureates and 33% of Fields medalists, emphasizing its significance as a migration destination. Addressing financing constraints and offering incentives like scholarships or green cards could enhance the U.S.'s contribution to global scientific progress.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Migrants to the U.S., including International Math Olympiad medalists, are 4–6x more productive than those who stay home and 2x more productive than migrants to other countries, measured in citation-weighted publications.
  2. While 66% of International Math Olympiad participants from developing countries aspire to study in the U.S., only 25% do so because of financial barriers, and reducing those barriers could raise global scientific output by 42%.
  3. The U.S. hosts 21% of Nobel laureates and 33% of Fields medalists, and incentives such as scholarships or green cards could ease the financing constraints facing prospective migrants.

Why U.S. Immigration Barriers Matter for the Global Advancement of Science: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Why U.S. Immigration Barriers Matter for the Global Advancement of Science: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Ruchir Agarwal, Ina Ganguli, Patrick Gaule and Geoff Smith, "Why U.S. Immigration Barriers Matter for the Global Advancement of Science," IZA Discussion Paper, January 11, 2021, https://privpapers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm

Core findings“…We present four main findings. First, using data on Nobel Prize winners and Fields Medalists, we document that the migrants to the U.S. play a central role in the global knowledge network— representing 20-33% of these frontier knowledge producers. Second, using novel survey data and hand-curated life-histories of International Math Olympiad (IMO) medalists, we show that migrants to the U.S. are significantly more productive than migrants to other countries— even after accounting for one’s talent during their teenage years. Migrants to the U.S. are four to six times more productive than stayers, while migrants to the U.K. are more than twice as productive as stayers. Third, we document that financing costs are a key factor preventing foreign talent to migrate to the U.S. In particular, among developing country IMO participants, 66% dream of studying in the U.S. while only 25% manage to do so. Fourth, our findings suggest that certain ‘push’ incentives that reduce immigration barriers to the U.S.—by addressing financing constraints for top foreign talent—could increase the global scientific output of future cohorts of talent by 42% percent. We conclude by discussing policy options for the U.S. and the global scientific community, with a particular focus on the effectiveness of scholarships vs. other science policy actions such as offering green cards to foreign talent…”

The data, “…“….Our contribution is to quantify how U.S. immigration barriers could impact the advancement of science using hand-curated datasets of talented individuals - Nobel laureates, Fields medalists, and participants of the International Math Olympiads (IMO), a prominent worldwide math competition for talented high school students. Our dataset includes career histories of migration and lifetime scientific output of 2,200 IMO medalists from over one hundred countries. We combine these data with newly collected unique survey data of 610 recent IMO participants, which includes information on which universities they applied to, were admitted to and attended. The survey also asks a series of questions where respondents were asked to make choices between hypothetical university offers in different countries—where offers were either funded or unfunded…”

The second point is International Math Olympiad medalists (so a proxy for talent) are more productive if they immigrate to the United States“…We find that migrants are approximately three times more productive than stayers in terms of citation-weighted publications(see Table 1 column 1).8Distinguishing between migrants to the U.S., migrants to the U.K. (the second largest destination) and migrants to other countries, we find that migrants to the U.S. are four times more productive than stayers (in terms of citation-weighted publications) while migrants to the U.K. or to other countries are only around twice as productive as stayers(Table 1 Column 2)…”

IZA working paper documents two important points. The first is the importance of the US in moving the scientific frontier (using Nobel/Fields winner as a proxy for advancing the scientific frontier), 21% of Nobel prize winners and 33% of Fields medalists are migrants to the United States, “….We find that 21% of Nobel prize winners and 33% of Fields medalists are migrants to the U.S. (see Figure 2).A further 11% of Nobel prize winners, and 30% of Fields medalists are migrants to countries other than the U.S. These results highlight both the important role played by immigrants in the global production of knowledge, and the importance of the U.S. as a migration destination….”

Paper Ike mention Tyler linked to, was in our queue.

Ed Comment, “Great stuff! Wow:"Migrants to the U.S. are four to six times more productive than stayers, while migrants to the U.K. are more than twice as productive as stayers." I believe something akin to this is true for all highly talented knowledge workers near the frontier--they are more productive than their counterparts elsewhere because in the US they are nearer to the frontier and with a critical mass of explorers/miners than elsewhere. In addition to large differences in output, we see America's top earners work longer hours, take more entrepreneurial risk, and get more valuable training when they are younger and throughout their lives. Surely it's the 2 to 4 times relatively higher productivity/payoffs that motivate them (which can be reduced significantly/multiplicatively with higher taxes). Academics underappreciate this because 1) they don't understand that, unlike academics, these people are largely motivated by money. Why else would they spend their lives arduously catering to the tedious demands of customers instead of following their own whims and curiosity like academics? 2) To make more money they have to take risks. There simply is no other way. Why would they take more risk IF it wasn't for the money? And if they take risk, they will work harder and get more/better training. 3) The people driven by money (i.e. by satisfying customer demands rather than their own demands) are the predominant contributors to increased productivity. That's WHY the lucky/successful ones end up with more money. Of course there is a lot of randomness. But this is true on average.”

Patrick Gaule Comment, “…You raise a really good pointas this is indeed not in the paper but could be a useful extension. A first quick look at the data suggests that U.S. stayers are around 20% more productive that EU stayers, but less productive than U.K. stayers.However, we would need to look at this in more detail before drawing any conclusions….”

  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
  • Workforce
    • Immigration

Thursday, January 28, 2021

Trends in U.S. Spatial Inequality: Concentrating Affluence and a Democratization of Poverty

AI Summary. The authors find that rising U.S. geographic inequality is driven mainly by the concentration of affluence, with top income quantiles diverging across states while median household incomes across counties have dispersed more gradually. Poverty rates and bottom income quantiles have converged across areas, alongside equalization of means-tested transfers.

Patrick Kline National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 28, 2021
Is Database:
Database

The rise in American geographic inequality is primarily driven by the concentration of affluence, with top income quantiles diverging significantly across states since the late 1970s.

Is rising geographic income inequality driven by concentrated affluence?

Core argument: The rise in U.S. geographic inequality is driven primarily by the concentration of affluence, with top income quantiles diverging significantly across states since the late 1970s while median household incomes across counties show only gradual dispersion.

The rise in American geographic inequality is primarily driven by the concentration of affluence, with top income quantiles diverging significantly across states since the late 1970s. While median household incomes have shown a gradual increase in dispersion across counties, the divergence in top income quantiles has been more pronounced. In contrast, poverty rates and bottom income quantiles have converged across areas, reflecting a democratization of poverty. This convergence is supported by the equalization of poverty rates and means-tested transfers across locations, indicating that geographic inequality is not primarily due to the migration of less educated workers. The dispersion in county-level fortunes, particularly in the West and Northeast, underscores the growing spatial inequality driven by affluent households.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The rise in U.S. geographic inequality is driven primarily by the concentration of affluence, with top income quantiles diverging significantly across states since the late 1970s while median household incomes across counties show only gradual dispersion.
  2. Poverty rates and bottom income quantiles have converged across U.S. areas, a democratization of poverty supported by the equalization of poverty rates and means-tested transfers across locations.
  3. The equalization of poverty rates and means-tested transfers across locations indicates that U.S. geographic inequality is not primarily due to the migration of less educated workers, with dispersion in county-level fortunes evident in the West and Northeast.

Trends in U.S. Spatial Inequality: Concentrating Affluence and a Democratization of Poverty: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Cecile Gaubert, Patrick Kline, Damián Vergara and Danny Yagan, "Trends in U.S. Spatial Inequality: Concentrating Affluence and a Democratization of Poverty," National Bureau Of Economic Research, January 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28385

The paper document two broad patterns, first, "... a “democratization of poverty” across U.S. counties, with both adult and youth poverty rates converging across counties in recent decadeThis pattern is also reflected in a substantial deconcentration of means-tested transfers across counties. Likewise, in survey data, the bottom quantiles of post-transfer household income have been converging across states since the early 1990s. While this trend has not, to our knowledge, been directly remarked upon in the past, it is broadly consistent with Autor...observation that the urban wage premium appears to have declined for less skilled workers..."
Second pattern, ".... we find that spatial trends in per capita income inequality reflect an increasing “concentration of affluence.” While median household incomes have exhibited a gradual rise in dispersion across counties since 1990, top income quantiles, measured either in survey or administrative data, have diverged markedly across states since the late 1970s...."
Snapshot of “concentration of affluence,”“…The upper panels of Figure 3 display estimates of dispersion within Census regions along with the between region component of variance. Between region income inequality has remained remarkably stable over the past 40 years. In contrast, dispersion across counties in the West and Northeast has risen dramatically. The lower panels of Figure 3 reveal that much of this increase took place in the Middle Atlantic, Pacific, and New England Census divisions.Cross-division inequality has remained remarkably stable, indicating that inequality patterns are not driven by coastal states drifting apart from inland communities. Rather, dispersion in the fortunes of counties within these states is driving the steady increase in county level inequality….”

New Yagan the rise in geographic inequality has been almost entirely driven by the divergence in the top income quantiles since the late 1970s. At the same time bottom income quantiles and poverty rates have converged across areas in recent decades. Their key takeaway, “.. Mean incomes are diverging across areas but those means give outsize influence to individuals with especially high incomes. In contrast, median incomes, which arguably provide a better measure of the well-being of a typical household, exhibit more muted divergence over the past thirty years. The equalization of poverty rates across space we document aligns closely with independent evidence that bottom income percentiles and means-tested transfers are converging across locations. Given that the migration flows of less educated workers are only weakly related to area income (Ganong and Shoag, 2017), we suspect this democratization of poverty is not driven primarily by a reshuffling of households…”

Ed Comment, “What is the difference between graph a and c, and graphs b and d? The paper seems to say the super-rich have moved to the coasts while everyone else is converging.”

The convergence in poverty rates, “….First, poverty rates have equalized both within and between Census regions (Figure A.2). The between region component has played a dominant role in this equalization post-2000 as poverty rates rose in the Northeast and Midwest relative to the South and West(Figure A.3). Second, counties that were very poor in 1990 had large reductions in poverty by 2018, while those that were less poor had substantial poverty increases (Figure A.4). Finally, the poverty dissimilarity index also fell dramatically between the 1960 and 1980 Censuses (Figure A.5)….”

Key findings, “…..Our findings paint a more nuanced story than the common refrain that American communities are growing apart. Mean incomes are diverging across areas but those means give outsize influence to individuals with especially high incomes. In contrast, median incomes, which arguably provide a better measure of the well-being of a typical household, exhibit more muted divergence over the past thirty years. The equalization of poverty rates across space we document aligns closely with independent evidence that bottom income percentiles and means-tested transfers are converging across locations. Given that the migration flows of less educated workers are only weakly related to area income (Ganong and Shoag, 2017), we suspect this democratization of poverty is not driven primarily by a reshuffling of households. An interesting question for future research is the extent to which changes in labor market institutions such as the minimum wage or transfer programs such as disability insurance are driving these trends. The increasing geographic concentration of high income households we document is broadly consistent with the well known rise in top incomes across individuals. Perhaps influenced by these trends, coastal states including New York and California have recently enacted or increased “millionaire taxes” on households with high incomes. Assessing whether place based millionaire taxes will be subverted by income shifting or real migration responses is a priority for future research….”

Steve Comment: “So in Figure 3 the left two Figures (A,C) are pre-tax income, the right two figures (B,D) are pre-tax income including transfers. They are using them to prove your takeaway, the increase took place in the Middle Atlantic, Pacific, and New England Census divisions driven by high earners disproportionately relocating there. Here is how they describe Figure 3, “The upper panels of Figure 3 display estimates of dispersion within Census regions along with the between region component of variance. Between region income inequality has remained remarkably stable over the past 40 years. In contrast, dispersion across counties in the West and Northeast has risen dramatically. The lower panels of Figure 3 reveal that much of this increase took place in the Middle Atlantic, Pacific, and New England Census divisions. Cross-division inequality has remained remarkably stable, indicating that inequality patterns are not driven by coastal states drifting apart from inland communities. Rather, dispersion in the fortunes of counties within these states is driving the steady increase in county level inequality…”…”

  • Urban vs Rural
  • Comparisons
    • Geography (Urban/Rural)
    • Historical
  • Productivity
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

Why Biden Shouldnt Let the Federal Debt Deter a Spending Spree

AI Summary. U.S. net debt has remained relatively stable as private sector deleveraging offset rising public debt, with federal debt climbing from 50% to over 100% of GDP while private debt fell from 290% to 240%. On this view, a $15tn rise in federal debt has not significantly increased Americans' overall indebtedness, supporting continued public investment.

Matthew Klein Barron's
Date Posted:
January 28, 2021
Is Database:
Database

@M_C_Klein: Since 2008, net debt is ~ unchanged as private deleveraging has offset the rise in public debt. Federal debt has gone from 50% to 100% of GDP, while private debt has dropped from 290% to 240%.

Has falling private debt offset rising federal debt?

Core argument: U.S. federal debt has risen from 50% to over 100% of GDP since 2008, while private debt has fallen from 290% to 240%, leaving the net debt level relatively stable.

Since 2008, the net debt level in the U.S. has remained relatively stable as private sector deleveraging has counterbalanced the increase in public debt. Federal debt has surged from 50% to over 100% of GDP, while private debt has decreased from 290% to 240%. This shift suggests that despite a $15tn rise in federal debt, the overall indebtedness of Americans has not increased significantly, even during the pandemic. The larger economy and reduced private debt levels have mitigated the impact of rising government borrowing. This context provides a rationale for continued public investment, as the economic environment remains conducive to managing higher federal debt levels without exacerbating total indebtedness.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. federal debt has risen from 50% to over 100% of GDP since 2008, while private debt has fallen from 290% to 240%, leaving the net debt level relatively stable.
  2. Despite a $15tn rise in federal debt, the overall indebtedness of Americans has not increased significantly, even during the pandemic, as a larger economy and lower private debt offset government borrowing.
  3. Private sector deleveraging and a larger economy offer a rationale for continued U.S. public investment without exacerbating total indebtedness.

Matthew Klein, "Why Biden Shouldn’t Let the Federal Debt Deter a Spending Spree,"Barrons, January 22, 2021, https://www.barrons.com/articles/why-biden-shouldnt-let-the-federal-debt-deter-a-spending-spree-51611346201

Why Biden Shouldnt Let the Federal Debt Deter a Spending Spree: Extended Excerpt Image 1


“Financial Accounts Of The United States,” Federal Reserve, Accessed Fabraury 1, 2021, https://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/z1/20200611/html/introductory_text.htm

Good factoid/graph from Matt Klein, "...While the level of federal debt has soared by some $15 trillion since the end of 2008, Americans’ total indebtedness has not—even with the pandemic. Rising government borrowing has been offset by a much larger economy and by lower levels of private debt. Thus, while the ratio of federal debt to gross domestic product has risen from about 50% to over 100%, the ratio of private debt has dropped from about 290% to about 240% over the same period, leaving overall indebtedness roughly unchanged...."

Ed Comment 1/2:“Add to db. Note this has a shelf life. I find it hard to believe that the private sector has reduced its level of indebtedness by 50% of GDP. The last time we saw the fed graph that I recently ask you to check to see if they had updated it (plz send it to me for perspective) company debt had risen while mortgage debt had fallen. But now people are building and buying houses like crazy. Prices have risen so I would have guessed debt has also risen as a result. Somin’ don’t smell right. BTW, I thought Klien was a never trump conservative. With debt above 100% of GDP, I’m surprised he is encouraging more spending even though rates are low. Rates are low in large part because of covid—people all over the world are saving like crazy (although I would still be surprised if Americans saved enough to reduce debt by 50% of GDP). If they spend that money when the economy recovers, rates my not stay low. That said, long rates are still very low too. He says: But America also faces significant challenges in the decade ahead—whether it’s shifting to renewable-energy resources to reduce carbon emissions, reviving the manufacturing base, or confronting an increasingly aggressive China—and meeting them will probably require substantial public investment. If that’s true, why would we borrow and redistribute/consume which is what biden is proposing with his $1.9T? He says: “investments that boost growth—whether in infrastructure, pollution control, scientific research, education, or public health—effectively pay for themselves.” NO. theycanpay for themselves if they grow the economy enough, but the data says they rarely do because government does such a poor job of managing them effectively. Worse he says CBO say our economy could have been 12% bigger. I’m highly doubtful the kind of investment the government makes with risk-averse savings are the kind of investment that produce that growth. Those are risky equity bets that luckily payoff….”

Ed Comment 2/2:“I think matt Klein might be an unreliable interpreter of the data. I think financial debt is double counted with private sector debt (since all financial sector debt eventually is borrowed by the private sector. It may also be the case that as the banks hold reserves it reduces their net debt (debt-cash). But in today’s f-up monetary policy regime, bank reserves are just “federal reserve debt” financing treasury debt. So he may be seeing an offset that he doesn’t account for—as public debt rises and is being financed by (the fed paying interest on) bank reserves, net financial sector debt may appear to be declining, even though financial sector loans to the private haven’t changes (and never should have been included in the first place, since they were included in the private sector). I also know from Waters that, unlike the bond markets, the bank market has not fully recovered. Financial sector debt is often counted multiple time as one link in the chain of intermediation lends to the next that lends to the next, etc. before it get lent to the end user. (the repo market is an example of banks lending to banks and not to end users. It may be the case that the number of steps in the chain of intermediation has declined as bank lending has backed up. So financial sector debt (which can be “double” counted many times inside of the financial sector before it is then again double counted when it is lent to the private sector) may have declined for this reason. My guess is your chart is more accurate than his. And what I surmised is true, namely, that there has been no offsetting private sector decline. …and that cash saved and not spent in the pandemic is likely to be consumed when the pandemic is over.”

  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits


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