Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
Buy the Books
  • Macro Roundup
  • About Roundup
  • About Ed Conard
  • Highlights
  • Topics
  • Subscribe
Edward Conard
  • twitter
  • facebook
  • linkedin
  • youtube

Macro Roundup

  • Email
  • Text Message (SMS)
  • Twitter/X
  • LinkedIn
  • Facebook
  • WhatsApp Message
Subscribe to Macro Roundup Emails
Select topics to choose: articles that mention them (broader) or articles mainly about them (focused)
  • Mentions 0
  • Primary focus 0
Showing all 7,294 Macro Roundup articles
When you search for any topic (like GDP, Inflation, or Banking), choose:
Choose search scope

Tuesday, December 29, 2020

Zombies at Large? Corporate Debt Overhang and the Macroeconomy

AI Summary. The authors find no correlation between the depth of a recession and growth in business credit during the preceding expansion, and report that corporate debt booms are not followed by deeper declines in investment or output or by slower recoveries. They conclude that corporate debt overhang lacks economic and statistical significance for macroeconomic outcomes in the aggregate.

Martin Kornejew Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
December 29, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Analysis by @MartinKornejew shows corporate debt overhang does not significantly impact economic recoveries. Data reveals no correlation btw recession depth & business credit growth during prior expansions. Corporate debt booms do not hinder growth.

Do corporate debt booms lead to deeper recessions and slower recoveries?

Core argument: Jordà, Schularick, and Taylor find no correlation between the depth of a recession and the growth of business credit during the preceding expansion.

Analysis by Jordà, Schularick, and Taylor indicates that corporate debt overhang does not significantly impact economic recoveries. Data shows no correlation between the depth of a recession and the growth of business credit during prior expansions. Their empirical findings reveal that corporate debt booms do not lead to deeper declines in investment or output, nor do they prolong economic recovery. The study concludes that, at an aggregate level, corporate debt overhang lacks both economic and statistical significance in influencing macroeconomic outcomes. This challenges the notion that high corporate leverage hinders growth, suggesting that concerns about "zombie" firms may be overstated.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Jordà, Schularick, and Taylor find no correlation between the depth of a recession and the growth of business credit during the preceding expansion.
  2. The empirical results of Jordà, Schularick, and Taylor indicate that corporate debt booms do not lead to deeper declines in investment or output, nor do they prolong recoveries.
  3. The study concludes that corporate debt overhang lacks both economic and statistical significance at the aggregate level, suggesting that concerns about "zombie" firms and high corporate leverage hindering growth may be overstated.

Òscar Jordà, Martin Kornejew, Moritz Schularick and Alan Taylor, "Zombies at Large? Corporate Debt Overhang and the Macroeconomy," Federal Reserve Bank Of New York, December 2020, https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/research/staff_reports/sr951.pdf

Core evidence, “…This is presented in Figure 2,which shows that there is no relationship between the two: that is, the depth of the recession does not depend on how much business credit grew in the preceding expansion…”

New Jordà/Schularick/Taylor looking at corporate debt supports your view that concerns about corporate leverage/Zombies are overblown, and there is no overhang on growth in the aggregate“..Our empirical analysis paints a consistent picture instead:in aggregate, there is no evidence that corporate debt booms result in deeper declines in investment or output, nor that the economy takes longer to recover than at other times. The growth of corporate credit during the expansion, the level, and their interaction provide no information about how the recession and the recovery will turn out to be…. Our results suggest that, at the aggregate level, corporate debt overhang does not play an economically or statistically significant role…. ”

Ed Comment:probably shows that there has been usued corporate debt capacity. and that debt investors are fairly patient in bad times (since they’ve given up their rights in the good time when the deals were negotiated).

They extend this further and look at the so called Zombie firms, bottom line"... As a first macroeconomic approximation, for the most part we seem to live in a Modigliani-Miller world when it comes to corporate debt overhang in advanced economies. Unlike household credit, business debt can be restructured quickly. Damage from debt overhang is not common. However, the after-effects of business debt booms become more problematic when debt restructuring and liquidation become more costly. In this situation, zombie firms are more likely to emerge as high costs of liquidation increase incentive for banks “extend and pretend” instead of liquidating...."

They do note the importance of bankruptcy in working out debt, and it’s absence can slow growth"... Frameworks that efficiently facilitate the restructuring of debt or liquidation reduce the macroeconomic fallout of corporate debt booms. In contrast, more frictions lead to more underinvestment and survival of zombie firms, which can impair aggregate productivity growth and slow down the recovery after recessions..."

  • Business Cycle

Trumps 2,000 Stimulus Checks Are a Big Mistake

AI Summary. Universal $2,000 stimulus checks lack a sound economic rationale because existing programs already add $150bn monthly to household income, roughly sevenfold the $30bn monthly shortfall in employee compensation relative to pre-Covid levels. With $1.6tn in accumulated savings and supply constrained by pandemic measures, additional checks risk overheating the economy; targeted support would be more effective.

Larry Summers Bloomberg
Date Posted:
December 29, 2020
Is Database:
Database

@LHSummers: $2,000 stimulus checks would elevate household incomes 15% above normal levels, risking overheating the economy.

Do universal stimulus checks risk overheating the economy?

Core argument: The author argues $2,000 stimulus checks would push household incomes more than 15% above their normal level relative to economic potential, an unprecedented situation.

The proposal for $2,000 stimulus checks would elevate household incomes to more than 15% above their normal level relative to economic potential, creating an unprecedented situation. Total employee compensation is only $30bn per month below the pre-Covid baseline, and existing measures already add $150bn monthly to household income, replacing losses sevenfold. With $1.6tn in pent-up savings, further universal checks risk overheating the economy, especially with constrained supply due to Covid measures. The policy lacks a sound economic rationale, as household income losses are being fully replaced and checking account balances are above pre-Covid levels. Instead, targeted support for those most affected by the pandemic would be more effective.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The author argues $2,000 stimulus checks would push household incomes more than 15% above their normal level relative to economic potential, an unprecedented situation.
  2. Total employee compensation sits only $30bn per month below the pre-Covid baseline, while existing measures already add $150bn monthly to household income, replacing losses sevenfold.
  3. With $1.6tn in pent-up savings and supply constrained by Covid measures, the author argues universal checks risk overheating the economy and that targeted support for those most affected would be more effective.

Summer’ concerned about the $2000 checks, “…The data are striking. Total employee compensation is now running only about $30 billion per month behind the pre-Covid baseline….With President Donald Trump’s add-on, we are in completely uncharted territory,with household incomes more than 15% above their normal level relative to economic potential.We frankly have no confident basis for judging how much and how fast this excess, and the pre-existing backlog of saving from the Cares Act, will be spent. There is the possibility of some overheating, particularly if the economy’s potential supply remains constrained by Covid protection measures….”

Trump’s $2,000 Stimulus Checks Are a Big Mistake

The attack I made on Bloomberg Television on the idea of universal $2,000 checks as a Covid-19 response has lit up the Twittersphere, so I think it worthwhile to be clear about what I am arguing.

Certainly, I am not opposing stimulus or favoring austerity. For years I have been making the secular stagnation case for more expansionary fiscal policy, and I have often remarked over the last couple of months that “not passing fiscal stimulus is like not wearing a mask at a large indoor gathering — an insane risk.” And both in the immediate term, and on a permanent basis, I am all for strengthening the social safety net with measures such as enlarged Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits or an expanded Earned Income Tax Credit or child tax credit.

There can be no argument that the stimulus bill Congress passed should be implemented immediately, even though it is too late and too little. As I have observed, it fails to support the states and localities as they try to rehire teachers and health-care workers. It does too little to accelerate the availability of the testing necessary to put Covid-19 in the rearview mirror. And its one-month extension of the eviction moratorium and 11-week extension of unemployment insurance are clearly far too short-term.

The issue is whether spending about $600 billion on a one-time tax credit that would be worth $8,000 to a family of four and reach more than 85 percent of taxpayers makes good economic sense. Victims of Covid-19 disruption can and should receive generous targeted support, as should the poor.

The question in assessing universal tax rebates is, what about the vast majority of families who are still working, and whose incomes have not declined or whose pension or Social Security benefits have not been affected by Covid-19? For this group, the pandemic has reduced the ability to spend more than the ability to earn.

The data are striking. Total employee compensation is now running only about $30 billion per month behind the pre-Covid baseline. Measures in the congressional stimulus bill to strengthen unemployment insurance and to support business will add about $150 billion a month to household income in order to replace all this loss.

The question is whether there is a rationale for further tax rebate of more than $200 billion a month over the next quarter. This would represent additional support equal to an additional seven times the loss of household wage and salary income over the next quarter.

Some argue that while $2,000 checks may not be optimal support for the post-Covid economy, taking stimulus from $600 to $2,000 is better than nothing. They need to ask themselves whether they would favor $5,000, or $10,000 — or more. There must be a limiting principle.

One obvious candidate is not overdoing overinsurance. Bringing working families’ income up to benchmark levels is natural. Perhaps bringing them somewhat above benchmark levels makes sense. But further adding to earnings when losses are being replaced seven times over seems hard to justify — especially at a time when pent-up savings totals $1.6 trillion and is rising. If writing universal checks is a good idea, why not do it after household incomes have reverted to normal?

This point is illustrated by the figure below. It shows that because of the legislation passed in 2020, total household income (which takes no account of the stock market) has exceeded normal levels relative to the economy’s potential more or less since the pandemic began. Without new stimulus, things would have normalized in 2021.

But the existing stimulus bill is sufficient to elevate household income relative to the economy’s potential to abnormally high levels — unheard of during an economic downturn. With President Donald Trump’s add-on, we are in completely uncharted territory, with household incomes more than 15% above their normal level relative to economic potential. We frankly have no confident basis for judging how much and how fast this excess, and the pre-existing backlog of saving from the Cares Act, will be spent. There is the possibility of some overheating, particularly if the economy’s potential supply remains constrained by Covid protection measures.

Trumps 2,000 Stimulus Checks Are a Big Mistake: Extended Excerpt Image 1


As my recent paper with Jason Furman argues, I am all for a far more expansive approach to fiscal policy. But that does not mean indiscriminate support for universal giveaways at a time when household income losses are being fully replaced and checking account balances (at least as of October) were above pre-Covid levels.

There is no good economic argument for the $2,000 checks, a policy that was not even on the table until the president’s random pronouncement last week. The Democrats seizing this opportunity to pit the president and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell against each other is fair and good politics — but if it leads to actual implementation, it is bad economics. Trump should instead immediately sign the bipartisan relief package that took months to negotiate and avoid a cutoff of unemployment insurance that will plunge millions of the most vulnerable Americans into poverty.

Lawrence Summers, "Trump’s $2,000 Stimulus Checks Are a Big Mistake,"Bloomberg, December 27, 2020, https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-12-27/larry-summers-trump-pelosi-2-000-stimulus-checks-are-a-mistake

Potential useful quote, “…I am all for a far more expansive approach to fiscal policy. But that does not mean indiscriminate support for universal giveaways at a time when household income losses are being fully replaced and checking account balances (at least as of October) were above pre-Covid levels. There is no good economic argument for the $2,000 checks, a policy that was not even on the table until the president’s random pronouncement last week.The Democrats seizing this opportunity to pit the president and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell against each other is fair and good politics — but if it leads to actual implementation, it is bad economics….”

  • Fiscal Deficits
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Government Spending
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle

Digital Capital and Superstar Firms

AI Summary. Digital capital — information-technology-related intangibles such as skills training and management practices — is concentrated in the top 10% of firms by market value and predicts productivity, with a contribution to growth twice that of information-technology capital stock. Hardware accounts for only 10% of digital investment, and current digital capital best predicts productivity three years ahead.

Prasanna Tambe National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
December 29, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Digital capital, comprising IT-related intangibles, is concentrated in superstar firms, predicting productivity. Its contribution to growth is double that of IT capital stock, with a 3-year lag btw investment & realized gains.

Does digital capital concentrated in top firms predict future productivity?

Core argument: Hardware accounts for only 10% of digital investment, with the remainder in digital capital — IT-related intangibles such as skills training and management practices — whose contribution to productivity growth is double that of the IT capital stock.

Digital capital, comprising IT-related intangibles like skills training and management practices, is concentrated in superstar firms, those in the top decile by market value. This concentration predicts productivity, with digital capital's contribution to growth being double that of IT capital stock. While hardware accounts for only 10% of digital investment, the rest is in digital capital, which significantly enhances firms' productive capacity. The market value of digital capital rose sharply post-2010, driven by innovations in mobile tech, cloud computing, and AI. Current digital capital levels are most predictive of productivity three years ahead, indicating a lag between investment and realized productivity gains. This trend underscores the increasing heterogeneity among firms, as top firms pull further ahead in digital capital accumulation, contrasting with traditional asset accumulation patterns.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Hardware accounts for only 10% of digital investment, with the remainder in digital capital — IT-related intangibles such as skills training and management practices — whose contribution to productivity growth is double that of the IT capital stock.
  2. Digital capital is concentrated in superstar firms, those in the top decile by market value, with top firms pulling further ahead in digital capital accumulation, in contrast to traditional asset accumulation patterns.
  3. The market value of digital capital rose sharply after 2010 alongside innovations in mobile technology, cloud computing, and AI, and current digital capital levels are most predictive of productivity three years ahead.

Prasanna Tambe, Lorin Hitt, Daniel Rock and Erik Brynjolfsson, "Digital Capital and Superstar Firms," National Bureau Of Economic Research, December 2020, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28285

Hardware only accounts for 10% of "Digital Capital" "....Our findings suggest that the higher values the financial markets have assigned to firms with large digital investments in recent years reflect greater digital capital quantities, rather than simply higher prices for existing assets. In other words, they reflect genuine improvements to firms’ productive capacity. In fact, we find that digital capital, if included as a separate factor in firm-level production functions, predicts differences in output and productivity among firms. Our estimates of the output elasticity of digital capital suggest that it is several times greater than the output elasticity of IT capital. Our estimates are broadly consistent with earlier evidence (Saunders and Brynjolfsson, 2016)that indicates that IT hardware accounts for only about 10% of total digital investment, with investments in complementary intangibles-that is, digital capital- accounting for the rest...."
What digital capital looks like on a firm level, digital capital accumulation predicts firm-level productivity about three years in the future. "....there is substantial heterogeneity among firms in terms of quantities of digital capital they own. The majority of the increase in quantities concentrated in a subset of superstar firms, which we define as those within the top decile of our sample in terms of market value. This concentration can be observed not only in terms of aggregate digital capital accumulation, but also for the development of digital capital on a per-employee basis, and it contrasts with patterns of accumulation of other assets such as those classified as property, plant, and equipment. Furthermore, heterogeneity has been increasing during the course of our panel, as the top firms have pulled increasingly further away from the rest. Fourth, by creating firm-level measures of digital capital quantities, we can estimate how the accumulation of this form of capital contributes to productivity and growth. In productivity regressions, we estimate the contributions of our digital capital quantity measures along side IT capital stock measures. We find that the contribution of digital capital to growth during this period was approximately double that of IT capital stock. Moreover, current year levels of digital capital are most predictive of productivity levels about three years in the future, suggesting that while its value is reflected in firm’s stock prices immediately, it takes several years to fully install into the firm and become productive. Consistent with this finding, the contribution of digital capital to productivity in long-differences grows larger over longer difference lengths... The coefficient estimate on IT capital indicates that a dollar of IT capital is associated with about 12 dollars of market value, although standard errors are large so we cannot reject the the hypothesis that the contribution of this type of capital to value is zero.However, it is notable that the point estimate is very close to the BHY estimates, which found that each dollar of computer investment was correlated with 11 dollars of market value,,,Figure XI which uses the unbalanced panel that includes the newer firms that we might expect to be the most digital capital-intensive. Relative to the result from the balanced panel, average digital capital quantities fall because the unbalanced sample includes firms that enter midway during the panel and are smaller. The key observation, however, is that for the unbalanced panel, differences between the top decile and other deciles are even more pronounced than those shown in Figure Xb. This is consistent with what we would observe if relatively more digital capital-intensive firms were entering the panel. For this sample of firms, an even greater fraction of the total digital capital is concentrated in the highest decile firms in terms of market value…”

Digital Capital and Superstar Firms: Extended Excerpt Image 1

New Brynjolfsson looks at IT-related intangibles, including management processes (what he calls "Digital Capital") and attempts to measure that series on a firm level overtime"...For digitally focused firms, investments in the intangible assets needed to realize value from new technologies - like cumulative investment in skills training, new decision-making structures within the firm, management practices, and software customization - often account for significantly greater total costs than the technologies themselves. These assets comprise digital intangible capital (hereafter, interchangeably referred to in this paper as “digital capital”)...Our findings suggest that the higher values the financial markets have assigned to firms with large digital investments in recent years reflect greater digital capital quantities, rather than simply higher prices for existing assets. In other words, they reflect genuine improvements to firms’ productive capacity. In fact, we find that digital capital, if included as a separate factor in firm-level production functions, predicts differences in output and productivity among firms…. One interpretation of our findings is that translating organizational innovations into productive capital requires significant investment in organizational re-engineering and skill development. Therefore, even if firms have the appropriate absorptive capacity, knowledge of how to construct digital assets will not automatically generate productive digital capital any more than access to the blueprints of a competitor’s plant will directly lead to productive capacity…”

Role of digital capital overtime, ".... First, the market value of digital capital rose sharply during the late 1990’s but then fell in the early 2000’s, reflecting changes in the price of digital capital during the dot-com boom and subsequent bust. Second, the value of digital capital began to rise again from 2010 onward, with the timing coinciding with a wave of innovations based on mobile technologies, cloud computing, big data, data science, and most recently, artificial intelligence (AI). With the important exception of the period corresponding with the dot-com boom and subsequent bust, the long run increases in value can largely be attributed to changes in digital capital quantities, rather than prices. Quantities of digital capital rise fairly steadily and substantially over the course of our nearly thirty-year panel. By the end of the panel, digital capital quantities account for 20-25% of the levels of physical capital for firms in our sample..."

Ed Comment:“…although I think there is a bit of chicken and egg, which they carefully avoid. Successful innovators discover opportunities with sustainable competitive advantages. The winning innovators invest like mad to fully capitalize on the opportunity, i.e. investment is an effect. It may also be that case that their more valuable investment opportunities and the spinoff potential value for those mining the frontier allow them to dominant the acquisition of constrained talent around the world, leaving less/an even more highly constrained supply of properly trained for the less competitive across all industries to hire. what great IT person wants to work at Ford? so there is also value from excluding others from deploying the constrained resource. So there are feedback loops that makes brynjolfsson’s measurement of return not a universal/marginal measure. It might also be the case that dot.com investment is very different today then, in the 1990s when investment in dot.com retailers with unsustainable. now firms with dominant advantages make much larger investments A bottom line quote like this is ought to be in your “The coefficient estimate on IT capital indicates that a dollar of IT capital is associated with about 12 dollars of market value, although standard errors are large so wecannotreject the hypothesis that the contribution of this type of capital to value is zero.”…”

  • Historical
  • Productivity
    • Institutional Capabilities
    • Intangibles

Friday, January 1, 2021

The Economics of Inequality in High-Wage Economies

AI Summary. Information technology created investment opportunities exceeding the supply of properly trained talent, while trade with low-wage economies, low-skilled immigration, trade deficits, and aging demographics eased constraints on low-skilled labor and risk-averse savings. The author argues this framework, rather than rising cronyism, explains high returns to success, slowing productivity growth, and low interest rates.

Edward Conard Oxford University Press
Date Posted:
January 1, 2021

Inequality is mostly the result of an increasing premium on returns from risk and high-skilled labor ushered in by technological disruption and the feedback loop of elite talent working to increase their own productivity—a logical outcome when properly trained talent constrains growth.

Inequality is mostly the result of an increasing premium on returns from risk and high-skilled labor ushered in by...

What explains high returns to success and slowing productivity growth?

Core argument: The chapter argues that information technology created investment opportunities exceeding the supply of properly trained talent, while trade with low-wage economies, low-skilled immigration, trade deficits, and aging demographics relieved constraints on low-skilled labor and risk-averse savings.

The advent of information technology opened a window of investment opportunities that has exceeded the supply of properly trained talent while trade with low-wage economies, low-skilled immigration, trade deficits, and aging demographics have relieved constraints to low-skilled labor and risk-averse savings. As the economy devotes more resources to raising the productivity of talent, low-skilled productivity and wage growth have slowed. With a constrained supply of risk-reducing talent allocated to more productive endeavors, an unconstrained supply of risk-averse savings has lowered interest rates. With improbable innovation needed to capitalize on the value of information, high returns to success have fortunately motivated increased risk-taking, despite the declining productivity of innovators. Proponents of income redistribution have concluded that high returns to success and slowing productivity growth, despite low interest rates, are evidence of rising cronyism, notwithstanding extensive evidence to the contrary. This chapter provides an alternative explanation.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The chapter argues that information technology created investment opportunities exceeding the supply of properly trained talent, while trade with low-wage economies, low-skilled immigration, trade deficits, and aging demographics relieved constraints on low-skilled labor and risk-averse savings.
  2. As the economy devotes more resources to raising the productivity of talent, low-skilled productivity and wage growth have slowed, while an unconstrained supply of risk-averse savings paired with constrained risk-reducing talent has lowered interest rates.
  3. Proponents of income redistribution treat high returns to success and slowing productivity growth alongside low interest rates as evidence of rising cronyism, a conclusion the chapter disputes as contrary to extensive evidence.

Related Articles:

  • Perspectives on the Labor Share — The share of US income going to labor reached its lowest level since the Great Depression, falling roughly 5 percentage points between 1929 and 2022 across most industries, alongside a worldwide decline of about 6 percentage points since 1980. The author argues the most plausible causes are technological, including capital-augmenting technology.
  • Long-Term Shareholder Returns: Evidence From 64,000 Global Stocks — A study of about 64,000 global stocks estimates net global stock market wealth creation of $75.7tn, with returns highly concentrated: the top 159 firms (0.25%) account for half of net wealth creation and the top 1,526 (2.39%) account for all of it. Fewer than half of stocks beat one-month US Treasury bills, 42.6% of non-US and 44.8% of US stocks.
  • Are We on the Brink of an AI Investment Arms Race? — Spending on AI chips and data centers was a bit below $100bn in 2023, around 0.4% of US GDP, and the broader set of companies exposed to AI-related investment has not yet seen a major jump in sales. The authors argue the underlying dynamics point to a spending surge large enough to shape the business cycle.
  • Ed Post
  • Growth
    • US Business Dynamism
  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research
    • Investment
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Workforce
    • Inequality


Loading More Posts

End of content

No more pages to load

© Copyright 2026 Coherent Research Institute · All Rights Reserved · Privacy · Terms