Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Friday, October 9, 2020

CBO presents options for covering the uninsured

AI Summary. The Congressional Budget Office reports that 30m Americans under 65, or 12% of that group, were uninsured, and that 20m of them were eligible for subsidized coverage but not enrolled, often because of perceived cost or enrollment complexity. Only 9.8m were ineligible for subsidies, including 4m noncitizens without lawful status.

James Capretta American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
October 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

@JamesCapretta 30mm Americans under 65 were uninsured in 2019, 20m eligible for subsidized coverage but unenrolled, 9.8mm ineligible for subsidies. Addressing gaps is crucial for near-universal coverage, as highlighted by the CBO’s analysis.

Are most uninsured Americans already eligible for subsidized coverage?

Core argument: As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, or 12% of that age group, according to CBO.

As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, representing 12% of that demographic. Notably, 20m of these individuals are eligible for subsidized coverage but remain unenrolled, often due to perceived cost or enrollment complexities. Of the uninsured, 17% qualify for Medicaid or CHIP, 19% for ACA marketplace subsidies, and 31% have employer coverage access. Only 9.8m uninsured individuals are ineligible for subsidies, with 4m being noncitizens without lawful status and 5.8m falling through coverage gaps. Addressing these gaps is crucial for achieving near-universal coverage, as highlighted by the CBO's analysis.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, or 12% of that age group, according to CBO.
  2. CBO finds 20m of the uninsured are eligible for subsidized coverage but not enrolled, often because of perceived cost or enrollment complexity, with 17% eligible for Medicaid or CHIP, 19% for ACA marketplace subsidies, and 31% having access to employer coverage.
  3. CBO reports that 9.8m uninsured people are ineligible for subsidies, including 4m noncitizens without lawful status and 5.8m who fall into coverage gaps.

James Capretta, "CBO presents options for covering the uninsured," American Enterprise Institute, October 5, 2020, https://www.aei.org/articles/cbo-presents-options-for-covering-the-uninsured/

Allison Percy and Karen Stockley, “Who Went Without Health Insurance In 2019, and Why?” Congressional Budget Office, September 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2020-09/56504-Health-Insurance.pdf

Jared Maeda and Karen Stockley, “Policies to Achieve Near-Universal Health Insurance Coverage,” Congressional Budget Office, October 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2020-10/56620-near-universal-coverage.pdf

Capretta here makes no sense according to CBO“…0 million people are uninsured because they are residing in the U.S. without proper legal status; as such, they are ineligible for subsidized coverage.6 million people are ineligible for employer coverage but have incomes too high to qualify for subsidized premiums through the ACA exchanges; they could enroll in plans offered in the nongroup market but would be required to pay the full premiums themselves. Finally, there are 3.2 million people who have incomes below the federal poverty line and live in states that did not expand Medicaid as allowed by the ACA.This group falls into a “coverage gap” in current law; their incomes are too low to qualify for subsidized premiums in the ACA exchanges and yet too high to qualify for Medicaid. The first priority of any future effort to cover the uninsured should be to ensure this population can enroll in either Medicaid or another alternative that requires no premium payment….”

And only 1/3 of persons not insured not eligible for subsidized coverage“…In 2019, an estimated 30 million people under the age of 65, or 12 percent of that population, were uninsured. One reason for the lack of insurance coverage was a lack of subsidized options. About one-third of uninsured people under the age of 65 did not have access to coverage that was subsidized by the government or an employer: 13 percent were noncitizens who were not lawfully present in this country; 11 percent had income that was less than 100 percent of the FPL and lived in a state that did not expand Medicaid; and 9 percent had income that was too high to qualify for marketplace subsidies(see Figure 1)…”

“…About two-thirds of the 30 million uninsured people under the age of 65 had access to some form of subsidized coverage but were not enrolled, although those options were subsidized to different degrees: 17 percent were eligible for Medicaid or CHIP; 19 percent were eligible for subsidized coverage through the marketplaces established under the ACA; and 31 percent had access to coverage through an employer. Most of those people could have purchased health insurance that cost less than 10 percent of their income, but fewer people had an option that cost less than 5 percent of their income. Those people lacked health insurance coverage because they did not consider it to be worth the cost or because of the complexities of the enrollment process, among other reasons….”

But bottom line according toCBO only 9.8mm people who are currently uninsured are not eligible for subsidized coverage under the current systems, and 4mm are not lawfully present in the country, so only5.8mm peoplearen’t being captured by the current system. The other 20mm people don’t have health insurance because to quote CBO “…Those people lacked health insurance coverage because they did not consider it to be worth the cost or because of the complexities of the enrollment process, among other reasons…”

Ed Comment:The numbers in this article don't seem to add up. It says 30 mm are uninsured. Then it details 10 million and seems to call it 2/3s. Then it has a category zero million.

Ed Comment:Hard to see that 100mm people are at risk of losing coverage and/or can't get HC. 20 mm are subsidized and don't take it. 2.6 can afford it and don't take it. Half of the remainder are illegals. Many people won't be very sympathetic to them and we still give them some/essential HC so it looks like 3 of the 30 might want it but can't get it. The rest are all covered. That said, I still don't know how many people with pre existing conditions significant enough to truly prevent them from being covered are being "saved" by obamacare. (The ones with employer coverage would get it). So it looks like the true number is at risk is much smaller than 100mm Can you please take all your entries and sort everyone into buckets including the elderly. One bucket would be resting conditions covered by employers. It would be great to see those who were eligible for Medicaid and chips without Obama care and those who were added to it because of Obama care. A clear top down picture would be useful/enlightening.

Jim Capretta Comment:"Thank you for pointing this out (not sure why no one else did). Some numbers got lopped off in the translation from what I submitted to what got posted. Here are the correct numbers in order of the first bulleted points: 5.1 million people 5.5 million 9.4 million Then in the next bullets it should be: 4.0 million 2.6 million I hope this is clear enough.”

Ed you were right, 30mm persons < 65are currently uninsured, but I can’t line his numbers with the reports, according to theCBO(See Figure 1, 67% of uninsured persons are currently eligible for subsidized coverage) Before I sent you a note that it was wrong I wanted to confirm with him, he said it was a typo on AEI’s part.

Capretta, "...In 2019, 12 percent of the nonelderly population — or about 30 million people — went without health insurance..."

Kevin McNellis, Carolyn Ugolino and Emily Vreeland, “Federal Subsidies for Health Insurance Coverage For People Under 65: 2020 to 2030,” Congressional Budget Office, September 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/publication/56650

Steve Comment:I’m still working on thenumber of individuals with pre-existing conditions who currently get coverage through employment and the number who are buying it on the exchanges due to the ACA. This is proving a little hard.But I wanted to show you a topdown snapshot of the <65 population,90% are covered if you exclude illegal immigrants. (According to theKaiser Family Foundationanother67.7mm >65 individuals are enrolled in Medicare in 2020.)According to CBO 155mm (57%) of the 272mm individuals < 65are covered by employment based coverage this year. But in terms of the number of people < 65 “saved” by Obamacare in 2020 CBO estimates13mm(so 5% of <65) individualswere added to Medicaid due to the ACA.See table A-1. In total70mm (28%)individuals <65 are covered by Medicaid. Note one thing from footnotes as this caught me up “The components do not sum to the total population because some people report multiple sources of coverage. CBO and JCT estimate that in every year of the projection period, between 12 million and 14 million people (about 5 percent of the insured population) have multiple sources of coverage, such as employment-based coverage and Medicaid”

Ed Comment:Hard to see that 100mm people are at risk of losing coverage and/or can't get HC. 20 mm are subsidized and don't take it. 2.6 can afford it and don't take it. Half of the remainder are illegals. Many people won't be very sympathetic to them and we still give them some/essential HC so it looks like 3 of the 30 might want it but can't get it. The rest are all covered. That said, I still don't know how many people with pre existing conditions significant enough to truly prevent them from being covered are being "saved" by obamacare. (The ones with employer coverage would get it). So it looks like the true number is at risk is much smaller than 100mm Can you please take all your entries and sort everyone into buckets including the elderly. One bucket would be resting conditions covered by employers. It would be great to see those who were eligible for Medicaid and chips without Obama care and those who were added to it because of Obama care. A clear top down picture would be useful/enlightening.

  • Healthcare/Seniors

Maybe Low Interest Rates Won’t Last Forever

AI Summary. From 1991 to 2018 the effective global labor supply more than doubled, contributing to lower interest rates, inflation, and wages. With working-age populations now stagnant or declining outside Africa and India and dependency ratios rising in advanced economies and China, this demographic shift is expected to reverse deflationary pressures and raise inflation and interest rates.

Peter Orszag Bloomberg
Date Posted:
October 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Demographic shifts are reversing the era of low interest rates, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates as the ratio of dependents to working-age populations rises in advanced economies and China.

Demographic shifts are reversing the era of low interest rates, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates as the...

Will shrinking working-age populations push inflation and interest rates higher?

Core argument: The effective global labor supply more than doubled from 1991 to 2018, a shift credited with lowering interest rates, inflation, and wages.

The era of low interest rates, driven by demographic shifts and globalization, is facing reversal as the ratio of dependents to working-age populations rises in advanced economies and China. From 1991 to 2018, the effective global labor supply more than doubled, leading to decreased interest rates, inflation, and wages. However, the demographic sweet spot is ending, with stagnant or declining working-age populations outside Africa and India. This shift is expected to reverse deflationary pressures, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates. The aging population will likely drive these changes, challenging the previous era's economic dynamics.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The effective global labor supply more than doubled from 1991 to 2018, a shift credited with lowering interest rates, inflation, and wages.
  2. The demographic sweet spot behind low rates is ending as working-age populations stagnate or decline outside Africa and India while dependency ratios rise in advanced economies and China.
  3. Aging populations are expected to reverse the deflationary pressures of the past era, raising inflation and interest rates.

Peter Orszag, "Maybe Low Interest Rates Won’t Last Forever,"Bloomberg, October 8, 2020, https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-10-08/maybe-low-interest-rates-won-t-last-forever

Here’s the argument, “….. The authors argue that the era of low rates was fundamentally caused by demographics and the entry of China and Eastern Europe into the global trading system. The result was that, from 1991 to 2018, the effective global labor supply more than doubled, which in turn pushed interest rates down (while also depressing inflation and wages and boosting inequality). As they write, “the rise of China, globalisation and the reincorporation of Eastern Europe into the world trading system, together with … the arrival of the baby boomers into the labour force and the improvement in the dependency ratio, together with greater women’s employment, produced the largest ever, massive positive labour supply shock.” The deflationary pressure caused by this supply produced the era of low nominal and real rates. Goodhart and Pradhan go on to argue that the demographic sweet spot of the past three decades is now reversing, with the ratio of dependents (the elderly and the young) to workers rising in the advanced economies and in China. Indeed, working-age populations are now stagnant or falling across most of the world outside of Africa and India.The underlying tectonic plate of aging, the authors argue, will soon reverse the previous deflationary pressures. The consequences? “The main thesis of this book,” the authors write, “is that the great demographic reversal will shortly raise inflation and interest rates…”

Orszag on inflationary prospects, “…Almost no one predicts a large rebound in either nominal or real interest rates. So what might go wrong? First, and just to get this out of the way, I was wrong more than a decade ago to worry about an increase in rates. History has, to put it gently, not been kind to that view. By 2011, I had seen enough to know my initial fears were misplaced, and the lesson, learned the hard way, is to be more skeptical about the conventional wisdom…”

Ed Comment:Ok to add. I'm not so persuaded. I don't see this drawing careful distinction between real and nominal, which is critical. A boom in labor supply should cause a boom in the demand for capital to maintain and/or grow capital per worker. If the workers are young and plentiful and the savers are older and relatively less plentiful, shouldn't real interest rates rise? I think a glut of risk-averse saving was the primary cause of low real rates. I see why a surplus of labor keeps real prices low. I don't see why it keeps real rates low. Inflation can occur independent of this. The real price of labor relative to everything else can remain low as all prices rise. I agree prices increases are often transmitted through wages since wages are 60% of GDP. But ultimately I think inflation is cause by the money supply growing faster than GDP and people taking the risk to borrow and spend, which pushes up prices since supply can't grow fast enough (upward demand pressure is the reason why many economists thought inflation would accelerate growth). It's possible in the past when debt/leverage was very low and expanding that printing money caused it to be borrowed and spent. Perhaps now that we are more levered that happens to a lesser degree.

  • Inflation
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle

Monday, October 12, 2020

Tapping into Talent: Coupling Education and Innovation Policies for Economic Growth NBER

AI Summary. A Danish policy that doubled PhD enrollment over a decade coincided with a decline in the average measured IQ of enrolled students, indicating that available talent constrains expansion of the researcher pool. The authors find higher-IQ individuals are more likely to obtain a PhD and innovate, though only a fraction do so.

Jeremy Pearce Innovation Policies for Economic Growth
Date Posted:
October 12, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Denmark doubled PhD enrollment over a decade, but average IQ of enrolled students fell, highlighting talent as a limiting constraint in expanding the pool of researchers.

Does expanding PhD enrollment lower the average talent of researchers?

Core argument: Denmark's policy to double PhD enrollment over a decade coincided with a decline in the average IQ of enrolled students, highlighting talent as a constraint on expanding the pool of researchers.

In Denmark, a policy to double PhD enrollment over a decade led to a decline in the average IQ of enrolled students, highlighting talent as a limiting constraint in expanding the pool of researchers. This suggests that while increasing PhD slots can boost the number of researchers, it may also lower the average talent level, impacting innovation outcomes. The Danish case underscores the importance of attracting financially constrained but talented individuals from other sectors into research. Data shows that individuals with higher IQs are more likely to obtain a PhD and innovate, yet only a fraction of high-IQ individuals pursue this path. The findings emphasize the need for a balanced approach in education and R&D policies to optimize economic growth, as expanding educational slots alone may not suffice without addressing talent heterogeneity and financial barriers.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Denmark's policy to double PhD enrollment over a decade coincided with a decline in the average IQ of enrolled students, highlighting talent as a constraint on expanding the pool of researchers.
  2. Individuals with higher IQs are more likely to obtain a PhD and to innovate, yet only a fraction of high-IQ individuals pursue that path.
  3. The authors argue that expanding educational slots alone may not suffice without addressing talent heterogeneity and financial barriers, calling for education and R&D policies to be coupled.

Ufuk Akcigit, Jeremy Pearce and Marta Prato, “Tapping Into Talent: Coupling Education and Innovation Policies for Economic Growth,” September, 2020, https://www.nber.org/papers/w27862

Time lag of investment in human capital versus R&D subsidies“…Fourth, we solve for the transitional dynamics of our model and find that it takes time for all of these policies to show their full effect. We find that R&D policy is the most effective policy for innovation in the short-run. On impact, R&D policy stimulates the purchase of R&D inputs other than human capital (e.g. lab equipment) by the existing researchers, which translates into more innovation. Education policy, on the other hand, has limited effectiveness in the short-run due to time-to-build human capital, but is more effective in the medium to long-run. It takes around five years for educational subsidies to surpass R&D policy in terms of its overall growth effect for equivalent expenditure of 0.5% of GDP….”

Human capital most important factor“….Third, our analysis suggests that education policy is more effective in more unequal societies in stimulating innovation. We analyze the responsiveness of policy under different levels of financial frictions. In an environment with lower financial frictions, fewer individuals are unable to pay for schooling; thus, subsidizing the cost of education is less effective in stimulating economic growth. In an economy where no one is constrained, educational subsidies have no effectiveness, as individuals who want to pursue a career in research will do so regardless. In an economy with full frictions, educational subsidies are the most effective policy tool for innovation….”

Here they look at the utility of the policy toolkit“…Second, there is a pecking order between education and R&D policies. The optimal policy mix depends on the size of the budget the government has to allocate to research. If the government has 0.5% of GDP budget to allocate to research, our framework predicts it should allocate all of its resources towards educational subsidies to improve the talent pool by enabling access to education for financially constrained individuals. With a larger budget, the government should mix subsidies to education, subsidies to R&D, and an expansion in the supply of education slots. Given a budget of 1% of GDP, the optimal allocation is between education and R&D subsidies, with 50% of the budget for R&D subsidies and 50% to educational subsidies. Given a budget of 2.5% of GDP, it is optimal to allocate 58% of the budget to R&D subsidies, 26% to education subsidies, and 16% to expanding the educational slots available. The fact that there is an optimal mix highlights the role of the complementarities of the policies in their contribution to economic growth…”

They have four main findings in terms of human capital’s impact on innovation, “…First, we show that, in steady state, R&D policy has limited effectiveness compared to benchmark models of endogenous growth. R&D policy has even more limited contemporaneous effects. A 10% R&D subsidy only has a contemporaneous effect on the growth rate of about 0.6%, because of the time-to-build component of human capital. Further, the long-run effects of R&D are smaller than standard models due to the fact that the talent pulled into research is restricted by both educational capacity and financial constraints. A 10% R&D subsidy has a long-run effect on the growth rate of 5%, compared to 10% in standard models…”

“…Starting in 2002, the Danish government required universities to double PhD enrollment in the span of 10 years, with the goal of expanding the pool of scientists and inventors. As highlighted in Fact 9, the increase in PhD enrollment was associated with a decline in average IQ of enrolled PhDs. This empirical finding illustrates constraints the government faces when attempting to expand the pool of researchers and inventors due to the scarcity and heterogeneity of talent, which is a key determinant of innovation outcomes. It also stresses the importance of tapping into other sources of talent in the economy: attracting into research those talented individuals who are financially constrained or work in other sectors….“…Figure 14 shows that as the number of slots for PhDs increases, the average IQ of the enrolling students falls. This indicates that there is heterogeneous quality of enrollees and expanding slots may draw in a marginal researcher less talented than the average researcher from the existing pool. Thus, even though policy can increase the supply of researchers, there is a trade-off between expanding the pool of PhDs and the average talent of PhDs in the economy….In order to speak to innovation and the effects of policies, we match the dataset to external patent data from the European Patent Office (EPO) and policy data from the Danish Ministry of Education. A unique feature of this dataset is detailed information on an innovation and education policy change implemented in 2002, which introduced new R&D subsidies and dramatically increased funding to universities and the level of PhD enrollment. We exploit this variation to better isolate the links between talent, education and innovation. We stress ten facts in our framework made possible by the extensive Danish dataset that shape our analysis:Fact 1 Individuals with higher IQ are more likely to obtain a PhD.Fact 2 Individuals with higher parental income are more likely to obtain a PhD. Fact 3 Individuals’ IQ is correlated with parental income, but not perfectly.Fact 4 Only a fraction of people with high IQ and high parental income obtain a PhD. Fact 5 PhDs are 20-times more likely to become inventors compared to the average person in society.Fact 6 Conditional on education level, higher IQ people are more likely to innovate.Fact 7 Inventors work in teams and team size is heterogeneous.Fact 8 The probability of innovating as a team leader over an inventor’s life-cycle follows an inverted-U shape. Fact 9 An increase in the number of PhD slots is associated with a decline in the average IQ of PhDs.Fact 10 The economy is open in the goods market but closed in the skills market: import and export accounted for 44% and 51% of GDP in 2010, but foreign migrants make up only 10% of inventors in Denmark…”

New Akcigit using a unique natural experiment/Danish dataset looks at the links btw higher education policy, R&D subsidies and innovation. His data suggests that talent is the limiting constraint.

Ed Comment, “BTW this is why there is less “crowding in” than Moretti claims. Yes, exposure to the technological frontier begets better ideas. But an increase in talent directed toward one endeavor, decreases talent direct toward another. If America wants to dominate information and biology, we we want to spend more on, say R&D aimed at solving global warming, we should probably pay Europe to do the research since there talent is less utilized their ours”

  • Test Scores
  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research
  • Workforce
    • Education

The COVID-19 Pandemic and the $16 Trillion Virus

AI Summary. The authors estimate the total economic cost of COVID-19 in the US at $16tn, roughly 90% of annual US gross domestic product, including $7.6tn in lost output projected over a decade and $4.4tn from valuing 625,000 excess deaths at $7m each. Long-term physical and mental health effects account for a further $4.2tn.

David Cutler and Larry Summers Journal of the American Medical Association
Date Posted:
October 12, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The economic impact of COVID-19 is estimated at $16tn, 90% of US GDP. Lost GDP over the next decade totals $7.6tn, while excess deaths are valued at $4.4tn. @DavidCutler @LHSummers, Journal of the American Medical Association.

How large is the total US economic cost of the pandemic?

Core argument: The economic cost of COVID-19 is estimated at $16tn, equal to about 90% of annual US GDP, with the largest component $7.6tn of lost GDP over the next decade as projected by the Congressional Budget Office.

The economic impact of COVID-19 is estimated at $16tn, equating to 90% of the annual US GDP. The largest component, $7.6tn, is attributed to lost GDP over the next decade, as projected by the Congressional Budget Office. The second largest component involves the valuation of 625,000 excess deaths at $7m per life, totaling $4.4tn. Long-term health complications from severe COVID-19 cases are expected to result in a $2.6tn loss, affecting more than twice the number of people who die from the virus. Additionally, mental health impacts, with 40% of US adults reporting symptoms of depression or anxiety since April 2020, could lead to losses valued at $1.6tn. For a family of four, the estimated economic loss is nearly $200,000, with half stemming from lost income due to the recession and the remainder from shorter and less healthy lives.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The economic cost of COVID-19 is estimated at $16tn, equal to about 90% of annual US GDP, with the largest component $7.6tn of lost GDP over the next decade as projected by the Congressional Budget Office.
  2. Valuing 625,000 excess deaths at $7m per life yields $4.4tn, while long-term health complications from severe COVID-19 cases, affecting more than twice the number who die, add an estimated $2.6tn.
  3. Mental health impacts, with 40% of US adults reporting symptoms of depression or anxiety since April 2020, could cost $1.6tn, and a family of four faces an estimated loss of nearly $200,000, half from recession-driven lost income.

David Cutler and Lawrence Summers, “The COVID-19 Pandemic and the $16 Trillion Virus,” Journal of the American Medical Association, October 12, 2020, https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2771764

“…. The Congressional Budget Office projects a total of $7.6 trillion in lost output during the next decade…. In addition toCOVID-19deaths, studies suggest increased deaths from other causes, amounting to almost 40% of COVID-19-related deaths. Thus, if the current trajectories continue, an estimated 625 000 cumulative deaths associated with the pandemic will occur through next year in the US…. In environmental and health policy,3 for example, a statistical life is assumed to be worth $10 million. With a more conservative value of $7 million per life, the economic cost of premature deaths expected through the next year is estimated at $4.4 trillion… Data from survivors ofCOVID-19suggest that long-term impairment ccurs for approximately one-third of survivors with severe or critical disease.4Because there are approximately 7 times as many survivors from severe or critical COVID-19 disease as there are COVID-19 deaths, long term impairment might affect more than twice as many people as the number of people who die… an estimated loss from long-term complications of $2.6 trillion for cases forecast through the next year… The proportion of US adults who report symptoms of depression or anxiety has averaged approximately 40% since April 2020; the comparable figure in early 2019 was 11.0%.5 These data translate to an estimated 80 million additional individuals with these mental health conditions related to COVID-19…. the valuation of these losses could reach approximately $1.6 trillion….. related to the lost output and health reduction are shown in the Table. The total cost is estimated at more than $16 trillion, or approximately 90% of the annual gross domestic product of the US. For a family of 4, the estimated loss would be nearly $200 000. Approximately half of this amount is the lost income from the COVID-19-induced recession; the remainder is the economic effects of shorter and less healthy life

The residual are long term health/mental health impact of the pandemic.

The largest component of that is lost GDP,he’s using CBO estimates at $7.6T over the next decade. The second largest component is deaths (they value a life a $7mm) and are estimating 625,000 excess deaths for $4.4 Trillion (though they are estimating 450,000 directly from Covid)

Just an FYI, Summer’s tacks a whack at estimating Covid’s economic impact. Bottom line is $16 Trillion (90% of a years GDP)

Ed Comment:Worth considering, especially in light of wealth inequality, but I find some big flaws. The deaths are largely old and sick people. From what I saw/recall, they had about 10 years to live on average. From a societal/GDP perspective, I don’t think that’s worth $7mm per life. Frankly, I think extending life from 75 to 85 years old has cost us a fortune without much return for others. But perhaps that only reduces the $16 T to $14T, although I view the overestimate of the $4 T and likely indicative of the rest of the estimate, i.e., on the high side.

  • Business Cycle
  • GDP
  • Healthcare/Seniors


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