Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
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Thursday, October 8, 2020

A Health Plan For President Trump

AI Summary. A Heritage Foundation healthcare proposal would delink insurance from employment by letting employers contribute tax-free funds toward portable individual coverage, shifting Medicare toward direct primary care with fixed monthly fees of $90–$120, expanding Medicare telemedicine billing, and making Health Savings Accounts more flexible. Specialized plans are projected to lower premiums by up to 33%.

Marie Fishpaw and John Goodman Heritage Foundation
Date Posted:
October 8, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The Heritage “Trump” healthcare proposal aims to transform the current system by delinking health care from employment, allowing individuals to own portable insurance.

The Heritage “Trump” healthcare proposal aims to transform the current system by delinking health care from...

Can delinking insurance from employment lower premiums while preserving coverage?

Core argument: The Heritage "Trump" healthcare plan proposes specialized health plans that would lower premiums by up to 33% and reintroduces Health Reimbursement Arrangements letting employers contribute tax-free funds toward employees' insurance premiums.

The Heritage "Trump" healthcare proposal aims to transform the current system by delinking health care from employment, allowing individuals to own portable insurance. The plan reintroduces Health Reimbursement Arrangements (HRAs), enabling employers to contribute tax-free funds for employees' insurance premiums. It advocates for Medicare's shift to direct primary care, with fixed monthly fees ranging from $90 to $120, and expands telemedicine by allowing Medicare billing for remote consultations. Specialized healthcare plans are proposed to lower premiums by up to 33%, while Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) would become more flexible, covering premiums and out-of-pocket expenses. These changes are projected to maintain coverage levels similar to Obamacare while better protecting those with preexisting conditions.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The Heritage "Trump" healthcare plan proposes specialized health plans that would lower premiums by up to 33% and reintroduces Health Reimbursement Arrangements letting employers contribute tax-free funds toward employees' insurance premiums.
  2. The Heritage proposal would shift Medicare toward direct primary care with fixed monthly fees of $90 to $120 and expand telemedicine by allowing Medicare billing for remote consultations.
  3. The Heritage plan would delink health insurance from employment so individuals own portable coverage and make Health Savings Accounts flexible enough to cover premiums and out-of-pocket costs, with coverage levels projected to match Obamacare.

This is Heritage’s health care proposal you asked about. It’s not a comprehensive plan but offers a series of potential, in many cases current innovations based on the current system (some of these, like telemedicine, likely have been accelerated by the pandemic)

Steve

  1. Provide opportunity for individuals to delink health care from employment. “…In an ideal world, most people would own their own health insurance and take it with them as they traveled from job to job and in and out of the labor market. Some employers may have better insurance than is available on the open market. But others might prefer to make a cash contribution to help employees pay their own premiums rather than provide insurance directly. Some employers were actually doing that before Obamacare. They used an account called aHealth Reimbursement Arrangement (HRA), providing tax-free funds employees could use to buy their own health insurance. But with Obamacare came regulations and threats of steep employer fines that effectively deep-sixed this option. Thankfully, the Trump administration is reversing course. Beginning next January, employers will be able to use HRAs to help employees obtain their own coverage with the administration’s blessing…”
  2. Make Medicare more open to “direct primary care.”“….Under the arrangement, Medicare would pay a fixed monthly fee to a physician or physician group instead of the traditional fee-for-service payments. In return, the physicians would provide virtually all primary care. The fees would range from $90 to $120 a month, depending on the patient’s age and medical complexity….”
  3. Expanded use of telemedicine“…Medicare doesn’t pay for any of this. And since private insurers and employers tend to pay the way Medicare pays, the entire country is missing out on incredible advances in telemedical technology….Federal law (the Social Security Act) allows Medicare to pay for telemedicine only under strictly limited circumstances… The CMS is acting aggressively to change this. As of January 1 of this year, doctors in Medicare Advantage plans and accountable-care organizations can now bill Medicare if they use phone, email, Skype, and other technologies to consult with patients remotely to determine if they need an in-office visit. Patients can be anywhere, including their own homes. Doctors can also bill Medicare to review and analyze medical images patients send them. And they can bill for telemedical consultations with other doctors. But these are still baby steps. Congress needs to liberate telemedicine once and for all….”
  4. Allow specialized healthcare plans“….The most successful Obamacare insurers are Medicaid contractors. The plans that have survived in the exchanges look like Medicaid managed care with a high deductible. The networks include only those doctors who will accept Medicaid fees coupled with all the hassle of managed-care bureaucracy….Before Obamacare, most states had risk pools for the small number of people who entered the individual market with an expensive preexisting condition and were denied access to ordinary insurance coverage. The risk-pool plans looked like garden-variety Blue Cross plans, with access to almost all doctors and hospitals. While some risk pools had problems — such as being over-subscribed and unable to take new customers — those problems were discrete and addressable…..Health Care Choices Proposal, developed by the Health Policy Consensus Group and supported by more than 100 conservative leaders across the country. This proposal would block-grant Obamacare funds to the states and give them wide discretion to reform their individual health-insurance markets. The Center for Health and the Economy estimates that this proposal would lower health-care premiums by as much as a third, would insure about the same number of people as Obamacare, and would better protect people with preexisting conditions and high health costs….”
  5. Expand use of Health Savings Accounts, “…To take advantage of the full potential of HSAs, we need three policy changes: (1) People should be able to use completely flexible HSAs, wrapping them around any health-insurance plan and using them to pay for any medical costs the plan does cover; (2) they should be able to use their HSAs to pay premiums as well as out-of-pocket expenses; and (3) health plans should be allowed to have “shared savings programs,” where enrollees who choose better and cheaper care get to keep their share of their savings in their HSA…”
    Marie Fishpaw and John Goodman, "A Health Plan For President Trump," Heritage Foundation, August 2, 2019, https://www.heritage.org/health-care-reform/commentary/health-plan-president-trump
  • Healthcare/Seniors

Estimates of r* Consistent with a Supply-Side Structure and a Monetary Policy Rule for the U.S. Economy

AI Summary. Federal Reserve research using a semi-structural model estimates that the real natural rate of interest has been negative since 2009, at roughly -1% since 2016 and -1.7% by 2020. The same model estimates the natural unemployment rate fell from 5.7% to 4.6%, with trend output growth around 1.7% annually.

Manuel González-Astudillo Jean-Philippe Laforte Federal Reserve Board
Date Posted:
October 8, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The real natural rate of interest (r*) has been negative since 2009, according to @FederalReserve research by @ManuelGonzalezA and @JeanPhilippeLaforte. Model estimates show r* at -1% since 2016, decreasing to -1.7% by 2020.

Has the natural rate of interest remained negative since the Great Recession?

Core argument: Federal Reserve research using a semi-structural model estimates the real natural rate of interest (r*) has been negative since 2009, holding near -1% since 2016 and falling to -1.7% by 2020.

The real natural rate of interest (r*) has been negative since 2009, according to Federal Reserve research. Using a semi-structural model, the study shows that r* declined sharply around the Great Recession and has remained below zero. The model estimates r* at approximately -1% since 2016, decreasing to -1.7% by 2020. This aligns with short-term real interest rate estimates. The shadow federal funds rate would have reached -6.7% during the Great Recession's trough. Additionally, the natural unemployment rate has decreased from 5.7% in 2010 to 4.6% in early 2020, while trend output growth has stabilized at around 1.7% annually since 2012. The output gap peaked above 2% in 2019, declining to about 1% thereafter.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Federal Reserve research using a semi-structural model estimates the real natural rate of interest (r*) has been negative since 2009, holding near -1% since 2016 and falling to -1.7% by 2020.
  2. The model implies the shadow federal funds rate would have reached -6.7% at the trough of the Great Recession.
  3. The study estimates the natural unemployment rate fell from 5.7% in 2010 to 4.6% in early 2020, with trend output growth stable near 1.7% annually since 2012 and the output gap peaking above 2% in 2019 before declining to about 1%.

Research from Federal Reserve argues that the r* has been persistently negative since late 2009. Great chart.

They start with the 10-year yield“…We estimate the natural rate of interest (r∗ ) using a semi-structural model of the U.S. economy that jointly characterizes the trend and cyclical factors of key macroeconomic variables such as output, the unemployment rate, inflation, and short- and long-term interest rates. We specify a monetary policy rule and an equation that characterizes the 10-year Treasury yield to exploit the information provided by both interest rates to infer r∗.However, the use of a monetary policy rule with a sample that spans the Great Recession and its aftermath poses a challenge because of the effective lower bound. We devise a Bayesian estimation technique that incorporates a Tobit-like specification to deal with the censoring problem. We compare and validate our model specifications using pseudo out-of-sample forecasting exercises and Bayes factors. Our results show that the smoothed value of r∗declined sharply around the Great Recession, eventually falling below zero, and has remained negative since then. Our results also indicate that obviating the censoring would imply higher estimates of r∗than otherwise….”

They find, “…We estimate our model with a sample that covers 1962:Q1 to 2020:Q1. Our estimate of r∗gradually declines starting in the mid-1980s and enters negative territory in mid 2009, although the real-time estimate only does so in mid-2011; r∗is estimated to have hovered around -1% since 2016, in line with simple estimates of the short-term real interest rate, before gradually edging down to -1.7% over the last year of our sample. We find that the shadow federal funds rate would have reached -6.7% at the trough of the Great Recession. Regarding the natural unemployment rate, we find that it has been steadily declining since 2010, when it reached 5.7%, to a level of 4.6% in 2020:Q1. Our measure of the (time-varying) trend output growth rate has declined over time and has been around 1.7% per year since 2012. Finally, our estimate of the output gap is similar to those from the CBO and the staff of the Federal Reserve Board. It peaked at slightly above 2% in 2019 and has declined to about 1% since then…”

Manuel Gonz´alez-Astudillo Jean-Philippe Laforte, “Estimates of r* Consistent with a Supply-Side Structure and a Monetary Policy Rule for the U.S. Economy,“ Federal Reserve Board, October 2020, https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2020085pap.pdf

  • Inflation

Friday, October 9, 2020

CBO presents options for covering the uninsured

AI Summary. The Congressional Budget Office reports that 30m Americans under 65, or 12% of that group, were uninsured, and that 20m of them were eligible for subsidized coverage but not enrolled, often because of perceived cost or enrollment complexity. Only 9.8m were ineligible for subsidies, including 4m noncitizens without lawful status.

James Capretta American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
October 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

@JamesCapretta 30mm Americans under 65 were uninsured in 2019, 20m eligible for subsidized coverage but unenrolled, 9.8mm ineligible for subsidies. Addressing gaps is crucial for near-universal coverage, as highlighted by the CBO’s analysis.

Are most uninsured Americans already eligible for subsidized coverage?

Core argument: As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, or 12% of that age group, according to CBO.

As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, representing 12% of that demographic. Notably, 20m of these individuals are eligible for subsidized coverage but remain unenrolled, often due to perceived cost or enrollment complexities. Of the uninsured, 17% qualify for Medicaid or CHIP, 19% for ACA marketplace subsidies, and 31% have employer coverage access. Only 9.8m uninsured individuals are ineligible for subsidies, with 4m being noncitizens without lawful status and 5.8m falling through coverage gaps. Addressing these gaps is crucial for achieving near-universal coverage, as highlighted by the CBO's analysis.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. As of 2019, 30m Americans under 65 were uninsured, or 12% of that age group, according to CBO.
  2. CBO finds 20m of the uninsured are eligible for subsidized coverage but not enrolled, often because of perceived cost or enrollment complexity, with 17% eligible for Medicaid or CHIP, 19% for ACA marketplace subsidies, and 31% having access to employer coverage.
  3. CBO reports that 9.8m uninsured people are ineligible for subsidies, including 4m noncitizens without lawful status and 5.8m who fall into coverage gaps.

James Capretta, "CBO presents options for covering the uninsured," American Enterprise Institute, October 5, 2020, https://www.aei.org/articles/cbo-presents-options-for-covering-the-uninsured/

Allison Percy and Karen Stockley, “Who Went Without Health Insurance In 2019, and Why?” Congressional Budget Office, September 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2020-09/56504-Health-Insurance.pdf

Jared Maeda and Karen Stockley, “Policies to Achieve Near-Universal Health Insurance Coverage,” Congressional Budget Office, October 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2020-10/56620-near-universal-coverage.pdf

Capretta here makes no sense according to CBO“…0 million people are uninsured because they are residing in the U.S. without proper legal status; as such, they are ineligible for subsidized coverage.6 million people are ineligible for employer coverage but have incomes too high to qualify for subsidized premiums through the ACA exchanges; they could enroll in plans offered in the nongroup market but would be required to pay the full premiums themselves. Finally, there are 3.2 million people who have incomes below the federal poverty line and live in states that did not expand Medicaid as allowed by the ACA.This group falls into a “coverage gap” in current law; their incomes are too low to qualify for subsidized premiums in the ACA exchanges and yet too high to qualify for Medicaid. The first priority of any future effort to cover the uninsured should be to ensure this population can enroll in either Medicaid or another alternative that requires no premium payment….”

And only 1/3 of persons not insured not eligible for subsidized coverage“…In 2019, an estimated 30 million people under the age of 65, or 12 percent of that population, were uninsured. One reason for the lack of insurance coverage was a lack of subsidized options. About one-third of uninsured people under the age of 65 did not have access to coverage that was subsidized by the government or an employer: 13 percent were noncitizens who were not lawfully present in this country; 11 percent had income that was less than 100 percent of the FPL and lived in a state that did not expand Medicaid; and 9 percent had income that was too high to qualify for marketplace subsidies(see Figure 1)…”

“…About two-thirds of the 30 million uninsured people under the age of 65 had access to some form of subsidized coverage but were not enrolled, although those options were subsidized to different degrees: 17 percent were eligible for Medicaid or CHIP; 19 percent were eligible for subsidized coverage through the marketplaces established under the ACA; and 31 percent had access to coverage through an employer. Most of those people could have purchased health insurance that cost less than 10 percent of their income, but fewer people had an option that cost less than 5 percent of their income. Those people lacked health insurance coverage because they did not consider it to be worth the cost or because of the complexities of the enrollment process, among other reasons….”

But bottom line according toCBO only 9.8mm people who are currently uninsured are not eligible for subsidized coverage under the current systems, and 4mm are not lawfully present in the country, so only5.8mm peoplearen’t being captured by the current system. The other 20mm people don’t have health insurance because to quote CBO “…Those people lacked health insurance coverage because they did not consider it to be worth the cost or because of the complexities of the enrollment process, among other reasons…”

Ed Comment:The numbers in this article don't seem to add up. It says 30 mm are uninsured. Then it details 10 million and seems to call it 2/3s. Then it has a category zero million.

Ed Comment:Hard to see that 100mm people are at risk of losing coverage and/or can't get HC. 20 mm are subsidized and don't take it. 2.6 can afford it and don't take it. Half of the remainder are illegals. Many people won't be very sympathetic to them and we still give them some/essential HC so it looks like 3 of the 30 might want it but can't get it. The rest are all covered. That said, I still don't know how many people with pre existing conditions significant enough to truly prevent them from being covered are being "saved" by obamacare. (The ones with employer coverage would get it). So it looks like the true number is at risk is much smaller than 100mm Can you please take all your entries and sort everyone into buckets including the elderly. One bucket would be resting conditions covered by employers. It would be great to see those who were eligible for Medicaid and chips without Obama care and those who were added to it because of Obama care. A clear top down picture would be useful/enlightening.

Jim Capretta Comment:"Thank you for pointing this out (not sure why no one else did). Some numbers got lopped off in the translation from what I submitted to what got posted. Here are the correct numbers in order of the first bulleted points: 5.1 million people 5.5 million 9.4 million Then in the next bullets it should be: 4.0 million 2.6 million I hope this is clear enough.”

Ed you were right, 30mm persons < 65are currently uninsured, but I can’t line his numbers with the reports, according to theCBO(See Figure 1, 67% of uninsured persons are currently eligible for subsidized coverage) Before I sent you a note that it was wrong I wanted to confirm with him, he said it was a typo on AEI’s part.

Capretta, "...In 2019, 12 percent of the nonelderly population — or about 30 million people — went without health insurance..."

Kevin McNellis, Carolyn Ugolino and Emily Vreeland, “Federal Subsidies for Health Insurance Coverage For People Under 65: 2020 to 2030,” Congressional Budget Office, September 2020, https://www.cbo.gov/publication/56650

Steve Comment:I’m still working on thenumber of individuals with pre-existing conditions who currently get coverage through employment and the number who are buying it on the exchanges due to the ACA. This is proving a little hard.But I wanted to show you a topdown snapshot of the <65 population,90% are covered if you exclude illegal immigrants. (According to theKaiser Family Foundationanother67.7mm >65 individuals are enrolled in Medicare in 2020.)According to CBO 155mm (57%) of the 272mm individuals < 65are covered by employment based coverage this year. But in terms of the number of people < 65 “saved” by Obamacare in 2020 CBO estimates13mm(so 5% of <65) individualswere added to Medicaid due to the ACA.See table A-1. In total70mm (28%)individuals <65 are covered by Medicaid. Note one thing from footnotes as this caught me up “The components do not sum to the total population because some people report multiple sources of coverage. CBO and JCT estimate that in every year of the projection period, between 12 million and 14 million people (about 5 percent of the insured population) have multiple sources of coverage, such as employment-based coverage and Medicaid”

Ed Comment:Hard to see that 100mm people are at risk of losing coverage and/or can't get HC. 20 mm are subsidized and don't take it. 2.6 can afford it and don't take it. Half of the remainder are illegals. Many people won't be very sympathetic to them and we still give them some/essential HC so it looks like 3 of the 30 might want it but can't get it. The rest are all covered. That said, I still don't know how many people with pre existing conditions significant enough to truly prevent them from being covered are being "saved" by obamacare. (The ones with employer coverage would get it). So it looks like the true number is at risk is much smaller than 100mm Can you please take all your entries and sort everyone into buckets including the elderly. One bucket would be resting conditions covered by employers. It would be great to see those who were eligible for Medicaid and chips without Obama care and those who were added to it because of Obama care. A clear top down picture would be useful/enlightening.

  • Healthcare/Seniors

Maybe Low Interest Rates Won’t Last Forever

AI Summary. From 1991 to 2018 the effective global labor supply more than doubled, contributing to lower interest rates, inflation, and wages. With working-age populations now stagnant or declining outside Africa and India and dependency ratios rising in advanced economies and China, this demographic shift is expected to reverse deflationary pressures and raise inflation and interest rates.

Peter Orszag Bloomberg
Date Posted:
October 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Demographic shifts are reversing the era of low interest rates, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates as the ratio of dependents to working-age populations rises in advanced economies and China.

Demographic shifts are reversing the era of low interest rates, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates as the...

Will shrinking working-age populations push inflation and interest rates higher?

Core argument: The effective global labor supply more than doubled from 1991 to 2018, a shift credited with lowering interest rates, inflation, and wages.

The era of low interest rates, driven by demographic shifts and globalization, is facing reversal as the ratio of dependents to working-age populations rises in advanced economies and China. From 1991 to 2018, the effective global labor supply more than doubled, leading to decreased interest rates, inflation, and wages. However, the demographic sweet spot is ending, with stagnant or declining working-age populations outside Africa and India. This shift is expected to reverse deflationary pressures, potentially increasing inflation and interest rates. The aging population will likely drive these changes, challenging the previous era's economic dynamics.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The effective global labor supply more than doubled from 1991 to 2018, a shift credited with lowering interest rates, inflation, and wages.
  2. The demographic sweet spot behind low rates is ending as working-age populations stagnate or decline outside Africa and India while dependency ratios rise in advanced economies and China.
  3. Aging populations are expected to reverse the deflationary pressures of the past era, raising inflation and interest rates.

Peter Orszag, "Maybe Low Interest Rates Won’t Last Forever,"Bloomberg, October 8, 2020, https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-10-08/maybe-low-interest-rates-won-t-last-forever

Here’s the argument, “….. The authors argue that the era of low rates was fundamentally caused by demographics and the entry of China and Eastern Europe into the global trading system. The result was that, from 1991 to 2018, the effective global labor supply more than doubled, which in turn pushed interest rates down (while also depressing inflation and wages and boosting inequality). As they write, “the rise of China, globalisation and the reincorporation of Eastern Europe into the world trading system, together with … the arrival of the baby boomers into the labour force and the improvement in the dependency ratio, together with greater women’s employment, produced the largest ever, massive positive labour supply shock.” The deflationary pressure caused by this supply produced the era of low nominal and real rates. Goodhart and Pradhan go on to argue that the demographic sweet spot of the past three decades is now reversing, with the ratio of dependents (the elderly and the young) to workers rising in the advanced economies and in China. Indeed, working-age populations are now stagnant or falling across most of the world outside of Africa and India.The underlying tectonic plate of aging, the authors argue, will soon reverse the previous deflationary pressures. The consequences? “The main thesis of this book,” the authors write, “is that the great demographic reversal will shortly raise inflation and interest rates…”

Orszag on inflationary prospects, “…Almost no one predicts a large rebound in either nominal or real interest rates. So what might go wrong? First, and just to get this out of the way, I was wrong more than a decade ago to worry about an increase in rates. History has, to put it gently, not been kind to that view. By 2011, I had seen enough to know my initial fears were misplaced, and the lesson, learned the hard way, is to be more skeptical about the conventional wisdom…”

Ed Comment:Ok to add. I'm not so persuaded. I don't see this drawing careful distinction between real and nominal, which is critical. A boom in labor supply should cause a boom in the demand for capital to maintain and/or grow capital per worker. If the workers are young and plentiful and the savers are older and relatively less plentiful, shouldn't real interest rates rise? I think a glut of risk-averse saving was the primary cause of low real rates. I see why a surplus of labor keeps real prices low. I don't see why it keeps real rates low. Inflation can occur independent of this. The real price of labor relative to everything else can remain low as all prices rise. I agree prices increases are often transmitted through wages since wages are 60% of GDP. But ultimately I think inflation is cause by the money supply growing faster than GDP and people taking the risk to borrow and spend, which pushes up prices since supply can't grow fast enough (upward demand pressure is the reason why many economists thought inflation would accelerate growth). It's possible in the past when debt/leverage was very low and expanding that printing money caused it to be borrowed and spent. Perhaps now that we are more levered that happens to a lesser degree.

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