Edward Conard

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Tuesday, August 11, 2020

Education and Labor Market Discrimination

AI Summary. Black workers obtain more education than white workers with similar Armed Forces Qualification Test scores yet earn less, and wage gaps are larger when controlling for both education and test scores than for test scores alone. The authors argue this pattern points to differential treatment in the labor market rather than premarket characteristics alone.

Kevin Lang and Michael Manove American Economic Review
Date Posted:
August 11, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Research by @KevinLang and @MichaelManove finds that labor market discrimination drives lower black wages, not just premarket characteristics. Adjusting AFQT scores for education reveals significant wage differentials btw blacks and whites.

Do racial wage gaps persist after accounting for education and test scores?

Core argument: Black individuals obtain more education than whites with similar Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) scores yet earn less, which the analysis takes as evidence of labor market discrimination.

The analysis of AFQT [Armed Forces Qualification Test] scores adjusted for educational attainment reveals that black individuals, despite obtaining more education than whites with similar AFQT scores, earn less, indicating labor market discrimination. When controlling for both education and AFQT, wage differentials between blacks and whites are significantly larger than when controlling for AFQT alone. This suggests that blacks are not compensated for their higher educational attainment, challenging the notion that wage disparities are solely due to premarket factors. The study finds that at very low and high education levels, earnings are similar, but at intermediate levels, blacks earn less. These findings imply that the black-white wage gap is influenced by differential treatment in the labor market rather than just premarket characteristics.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Black individuals obtain more education than whites with similar Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) scores yet earn less, which the analysis takes as evidence of labor market discrimination.
  2. Black-white wage differentials are larger when controlling for both education and AFQT scores than when controlling for AFQT alone, which the analysis reads as blacks not being compensated for their higher educational attainment.
  3. Earnings are similar for blacks and whites at very low and high education levels, but blacks earn less at intermediate education levels, according to the analysis.

Kevin Lang and Michael Manove, “Education and Labor Market Discrimination,” American Economic Review, June 2011, https://www.nber.org/papers/w12257

“…First, they maintain that we should examine black white wage differentials without conditioning on education, because education is endogenous. Their argument would be much more compelling if blacks obtained less education than equivalent whites. In that case, we might argue that blacks get less education because they expect to face discrimination in the labor market, so that controlling for education understates the importance of discrimination. If blacks obtain more education, however, because they anticipate labor market discrimination, failing to control for education understates the impact of discrimination. Consider the following example: the market discriminates against blacks by paying them exactly what it would pay otherwise equivalent whites with exactly one less year of education. Then, to a first approximation, all blacks will get one year more education than otherwise equivalent whites. Controlling only for ability, blacks and whites will have the same earnings, but controlling for education as well as ability, blacks will earn less than whites by an amount equal to the return to one year of education. Even if the higher educational attainment among blacks reflects premarket factors, it may still be appropriate to control for education when measuring discrimination in the labor market. After all, we would still expect the labor market to compensate blacks for their additional education…Blacks get more education than whites with the same AFQT do. So absent discrimination, we would expect blacks to be rewarded for their greater education. The similar earnings of blacks and whites when we control only for AFQT suggest that blacks are not so rewarded. We show that when we control for both education and AFQT, wage differentials between blacks and whites are substantially larger than when we control for AFQT alone…. In our empirical analysis, we proxy ability by performance on the Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT). In many cases, we limit the sample to those too young to have completed school as of the time of testing. We find that educational attainment, conditional on AFQT, is higher among blacks than it is among whites, a result that is consistent with our signaling hypothesis. We also predict that whites and blacks will have similar earnings at very low and very high levels of education (not controlling for ability) but that blacks will have lower earnings at intermediate levels of education.We do not test this for women because of selection issues (Derek Neal 2004), but we do confirm the hypothesis for men. Our particular formalization implies that blacks would have levels of education similar to those of whites at low and high levels of ability and levels exceeding those of whites at intermediate levels of ability. This is confirmed only for men (black women have more education than whites at all ability levels but the lowest)….. In our view, the results in this paper cast doubt on an emerging consensus that the origins of the black-white wage differential lie in premarket rather than labor-market factors. Blacks earn noticeably less than whites with the same education and cognitive score. Controlling for measures of school quality (both inputs and composition) leaves this result unaltered. Although it is still possible that the earnings gap reflects differences between blacks and whites that are not captured by our controls, our results should lead us to question whether the gap is solely due to premarket factors and ask whether at least some of the black-white wage differential reflects differential treatment in the labor market….”

Little factoid, at highest level of educational attainment (20 years) black men earned more than their white counterparts (Figure 6)

Paper argues (contrary to Neal and Johnson) that you have to control for education in addition to AFQT scores as black with the same ~ score as whites get more education, but earn less, which is suggestive of labor market discrimination, not premarket characteristics

Ed Comment:I don’t buy the logic,And then course there is the alternative explanation, unmentioned, at least in your black get more education for similar scores because colleges admit them with lower scores and the schooling they get as a result of those admissions probably in special classes, has no value. Perhaps more precisely: the are more motivate to get an apparent credential for a given score because the credential they are offered appears to be better/more valuable. When they have to perform on the job, the credential is much less valuable than it appears to be. What matters is the score/inherent capability.

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Race
    • Skill Level
  • Workforce
    • Education
    • Wages/Income

The Role Of Premarket Factors In Black-White Wage Differences

AI Summary. Scores on the Armed Forces Qualification Test, a test of general skills, account for 75% of the Black-white wage gap among young men and the entire gap among young women, suggesting the disparity largely reflects a skill gap rather than differences in years of education.

Derek Neal and William Johnson Journal of Political Economy
Date Posted:
August 11, 2020
Is Database:
Database

AFQT scores explain racial wage gaps: Test accounts for 75% male gap, 100% female gap vs education levels. Skills deficit, not schooling, drives black-white earnings differential.

Do skill gaps explain the Black-white wage gap?

Core argument: Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) scores account for 75% of the black-white wage gap among young men and the entire gap among young women.

The AFQT [Armed Forces Qualification Test] score is a critical factor in explaining the black-white wage gap, accounting for 75% of the gap for young men and the entire gap for young women. This suggests that the wage disparity is largely a reflection of a skill gap rather than differences in education levels, which are considered a noisy measure of worker skill. The findings highlight the importance of addressing skill development to mitigate wage inequalities. By focusing on enhancing skills, particularly those measured by the AFQT, policymakers can better target interventions to reduce the wage gap and promote economic equity.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) scores account for 75% of the black-white wage gap among young men and the entire gap among young women.
  2. The AFQT findings suggest the black-white wage disparity largely reflects a skill gap rather than differences in education levels, which are treated as a noisy measure of worker skill.
  3. Policymakers can better target interventions to reduce the black-white wage gap by focusing on skill development, particularly the skills measured by the AFQT.

Derek Neal and William Johnson, “The Role Of Premarket Factors In Black-White Wage Differences,” The Journal of Political Economy, October 1996, https://www.nber.org/papers/w5124

They view education as a“noisy measure of workers skill because it measures an input, not an outcome”which is a good turn of phrase

This paper from 1996 looks at the covariance issue and finds that the AFQT is the variable that matters“we find that this one test score explains all of the black-white wage gap for young women and much of the gap for young men. For today’s young adults, the black white wage gap primarily reflects a skill gap”

Ed Comment:It’s too bad they only look at the correlation between family income and test scores rather than the predictability of a child’s income using their test score AND their parents income. Because test score shows little gap, between blacks and white, my guess is that using both will show even less of a gap. However, they show that for a given family income, black children score lower. If a child’s score is indicative of their parent’s, then black parent seem to out earn white parents for a given score, at least for their child’s score. That suggests blacks out earn whites for given score, at least in the parent’s generation. Or oddly, that there is more of a downward trend between parents and their children for black relative to whites. If black parents our earn white for a given test score than if resources don’t contribute much beyond scores, add income will make blacks appear to be more discriminated against than not including it.

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Race
    • Skill Level
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

What does the AFQT really measure: Race, wages, schooling and the AFQT score The Review of Black Political Economy

AI Summary. The authors argue the Armed Forces Qualification Test, widely used to predict wages, is racially biased, finding its verbal components predict wages for African Americans while math components predict wages for whites. Unadjusted scores explain two-thirds of the roughly 30% black-white wage gap among young men, but only 5% after adjusting for bias.

William Spriggs The Review Of Black Political Economic
Date Posted:
August 11, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Analysis by @WilliamSpriggs in The Review Of Black Political Economic shows AFQT scores are racially biased, explaining only 5% of the male black-white wage gap when adjusted for bias.

Does a widely used skills test predict wages differently by race?

Core argument: The unconditional black-white wage gap for young men is about 30%, and the "raw" AFQT score explains two-thirds of it, but after adjusting for racial bias the score explains only 5% of the male gap and 12% of the female gap.

The AFQT [Armed Forces Qualification Test] scores, often used to measure skills for wage prediction, are argued to be racially biased. Analysis shows that F-Tests reject the hypothesis that AFQT scores equally predict African American and white wages, indicating a racial bias in the test's predictive validity. The study highlights that while the verbal components of the AFQT are significant for African Americans, the math component is not, whereas the opposite is true for whites. This suggests that the test measures different job skills across races. The unconditional black-white wage gap is about 30% for young men, with the "raw" AFQT score explaining two-thirds of this gap. However, when adjusted for racial bias, only 5% of the male gap and 12% of the female gap are explained, underscoring the need for a reevaluation of how these scores are used in economic analyses.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The unconditional black-white wage gap for young men is about 30%, and the "raw" AFQT score explains two-thirds of it, but after adjusting for racial bias the score explains only 5% of the male gap and 12% of the female gap.
  2. F-tests reject the hypothesis that AFQT scores predict African American and white wages equally, which the authors treat as evidence of racial bias in the test's predictive validity.
  3. The AFQT's verbal components are significant predictors of wages for African Americans while the math component is not, with the reverse holding for whites, which the authors argue means the test measures different job skills across races.

“…Recent literature on the black-white wage gap continues to show that a large residual due to race remains, and during the 1980s it grew in size. One interpretation is that the residual gap measures the existence of labor market discrimination. Another interpretation is that imbedded in the residual gap are racial differences in unobservable skills that grew during the 1980s, or that racial differences in these skills remained constant, but their returns grew. To account for these unobservable skills, researchers use the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY). The NLSY contains the Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT), a direct measure of skills obtained via family and school environments. When researchers include the AFQT composite score, the black-white wage gapnarrows. Doing this, they assume that the AFQT score is a racially unbiased predictor of wages. We present evidence that generates doubts that the AFQT score is racially unbiased. We first show that F-Tests reject the hypothesis that AFQT scores equally predict African American and white wages. Second, we show that a significant difference exists in the ability of variables representing family background, school quality, and psychological characteristics to estimate black and white test scores. Third, we present our estimates of the black-white wage gap using a racially unbiased AFQT composite score to control for racial differences in job skills. The score has a significant independent effect on wages, and a very small effect on the race coefficient.…Our empirical results, which demonstrate that the composite test scores of civilian African Americans in the NLSY, as a predictor of their wages, are racially biased. To do this, we show that F-Tests reject the hypothesis that AFQT composite scores equally predict African American and white wages. Further, when the components of the AFQT composite are used to predict wages, instead of the composite score, the coefficients on the verbal components are positive and significant for African Americans, while the coefficients on the math component is basically zero. The relationship for whites are exactly the opposite. This suggests that the NLSY test scores are measuring different job skills of African Americans and whites….The unconditional black-white gap in wages is about 30% for young men. Those who use the “raw” AFQT score purport to explain approximately two-thirds of the gap. Our “raw” AFQT score explains one-half of the female gap and one-fifth of the male gap. Yet when we use an estimator that “purges” the score of its racial bias, only 12 percent of the female gap is explained, and 5 percent of the male gap is explained….”

William Rodgers and William Spriggs, “What Does The AFQT Really Measure: Race, Wages, Schooling And The AFQT Score,” The Review Of Black Political Economic, June 1996, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF02690041

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Race
    • Skill Level
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Wednesday, August 12, 2020

The Integration Paradox: Asian Immigrants in Australia and the United States

AI Summary. Asian immigrants in Australia are less educationally hyper-selected than those in the United States, where family-based migration yields more skilled immigrants and Australia's skilled migration covers occupations ranging from medical practitioners to trades. Asian immigrants in the US achieve higher labor market outcomes despite greater income inequality.

Van Tran, Fei Guo and Tiffany Huang American Academy Of Political And Social Science
Date Posted:
August 12, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US family-based system outperforms Australian skills-based model for Asian migrants. US achieves higher immigrant outcomes despite less selective criteria.

Does family-based migration attract more skilled immigrants than skills-based selection?

Core argument: Asian immigrants in Australia are less educationally hyper-selected than those in the United States, even though Australia runs a skills-based migration policy and the US relies largely on family-based migration.

Despite Australia's skills-based migration policy, Asian immigrants are less hyper-selected there compared to the US, where family-based migration yields more skilled immigrants. In Australia, skilled migration includes a broad range of occupations, from highly skilled medical practitioners to trades requiring technical apprenticeships, which dilutes educational hyper-selectivity. Conversely, Asian immigrants in the US achieve higher labor market outcomes despite facing greater income inequality. This suggests that the US system, while not explicitly skills-focused, effectively attracts and utilizes skilled immigrants, leading to better economic integration and success compared to Australia.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Asian immigrants in Australia are less educationally hyper-selected than those in the United States, even though Australia runs a skills-based migration policy and the US relies largely on family-based migration.
  2. Australia's skilled migration stream spans occupations from medical practitioners to trades requiring technical apprenticeships, which dilutes the educational hyper-selectivity of its Asian immigrant population.
  3. Asian immigrants in the United States achieve higher labor market outcomes than their counterparts in Australia despite facing greater income inequality.

“…Despite Australia’s official skills-based migration policy,Asian immigrants are less hyper-selected in Australia compared to the United States.On its face, this finding is surprising because it upends conventional wisdom and “grand narratives” about the role of immigration policy in selecting immigrants. However, among immigrants with post-high school educational qualifications, immigrants from Asia are more likely to arrive via humanitarian or family-based mechanisms, compared to immigrants from English speaking countries (Kler 2006). In addition, Australia’s skilled-based migration programs over the years have included a wide range of occupations, from highly skilled cardiologists and other medical practitioners that require lengthy postgraduate training, to cabinetmaker, chef and other skilled workers whose educational qualifications could be fulfilled through a few years of technical apprenticeship. As a result, Australia’s skilled-based immigration policy does not necessarily result in higher levels of hyper-selectivity in education than in the United States. Second, we find mixed evidence for our second hypothesis. While Asian immigrants have fared well in both societies, their level of achievement is significantly higher in the United States with regards to labor market outcomes. Asian immigrants in our study did not achieve better socioeconomic outcomes compared to their U.S. counterparts. Even with considerably high educational attainment, Asian immigrants in Australia are less likely to convert their human capital to advantageous labor market outcomes and economic success. This finding provides useful data for the debate on the effects of multiculturalism policy. Because Australia’s “White Australia” policy was abolished only in the 1970s, its racist legacy may still affect the social and economic outcomes of non-European immigrant groups. Third, we find some evidence for our third hypothesis: the level of income inequality in the host society plays some role in affecting migrants’ socioeconomic outcomes. While Asian immigrants are more hyper-selected in the United States, they report a disadvantage in labor market outcomes, including earnings in comparison to whites, despite their significant educational advantage. This reflects the higher level of inequality in the United States, where the white advantage cuts across multiple domains. In contrast, Asian immigrants are less hyper-selected in Australia, but they report less of a disadvantage in the labor market and earnings than Australiaborn non-Indigenous Europeans, because the gaps among ethnoracial groups are also more compressed there….”

The Integration Paradox: Asian Immigrants in Australia and the United States: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Van Tran, Fei Guo and Tiffany Huang, "The Integration Paradox: Asian Immigrants in Australia and the United States," American Academy Of Political And Social Science, August 4, 2020, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0002716220926974

Suspect this is driven by the size of American market and innovation clusters.

Counterintuitive but maybe not surprising, new paper finds that to this point the US family based migration system yields more skilled immigrants than Australia's skill based system (would be interesting to see if this holds true for Canada as well) and once here Asian immigrants get better labor market outcomes than they do in AU.

Ed Comment: Interesting. Ok to post. I agree that high paying jobs for smart people are more abundant per capita in America than they are in Australia where no one, for example, is probably conducting large scale research like they are here. I don’t know what “report” in they report a disadvantage in labor market outcomes… means. Asians earn more in the US and probably more relative to the median than elsewhere, so what does “report” disadvantages mean if the facts don’t back it up?

  • Skill Level
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
  • Workforce
    • Immigration

Nicholas Bloom on Management, Productivity, and Scientific Progress

AI Summary. Research productivity is declining at about 5% a year, with the number of researchers needed to achieve a given level of output rising substantially — the researchers required to double computer chip density have increased 18x since the 1970s. This pattern points to diminishing returns on research and development spending.

Tyler Cowen Scientific Progress
Date Posted:
August 12, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Nick Bloom finds research productivity is falling 5% a year, posing significant challenges for economic growth and innovation.

Are research and development spending facing diminishing returns?

Core argument: Research productivity is declining at roughly 5% annually, with the number of researchers required to achieve a given level of output rising substantially across sectors, according to Nicholas Bloom.

Research productivity is declining at a rate of 5% annually, posing significant challenges for economic growth and innovation. This trend is evident across various sectors, with the number of researchers required to achieve a given level of output increasing substantially. For instance, the number of researchers needed to double computer chip density has risen by a factor of 18 since the 1970s. This decline in productivity growth is concerning as it suggests diminishing returns on investment in research and development (R&D), which could impact GDP growth and technological advancement. The implications are profound for policymakers and business leaders who must adapt strategies to counteract these trends and sustain economic progress. Addressing this issue may require rethinking management practices, increasing collaboration, and leveraging new technologies to enhance efficiency and output in research activities.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Research productivity is declining at roughly 5% annually, with the number of researchers required to achieve a given level of output rising substantially across sectors, according to Nicholas Bloom.
  2. The number of researchers needed to double computer chip density has risen by a factor of 18 since the 1970s.
  3. Declining research productivity suggests diminishing returns on R&D investment that could affect GDP growth and technological advancement, and addressing it may require rethinking management practices, increasing collaboration, and leveraging new technologies.

Tyler Cowen, "Nicholas Bloom on Management, Productivity, and Scientific Progress," Mercatus Center, August 12, 2020, https://medium.com/conversations-with-tyler/nicholas-bloom-tyler-cowen-productivity-economics-b5714b05fc2b

Ed Comment:Ok to file for the factoid that research productivity is falling 5% a year. I’d like to see the calculation behind that. Beyond that, I don’t see much insight. For starters, I think an enormous and increasing share of workers are working in services. Much of the R&D may not be aimed at increasing the productivity and product offerings of services. Perhaps Slack is, or radical transparency, but not research into the number of planets in the universe. From my perspective at luxury vanity that is unlikely to help anyone in any relevant time frame. It’s a shame we fund it. I also worry that the great expansion of research is diverting talent from serving customers, which slows productivity, especially if the research doesn’t find something that increases productivity. I’m especially concerned about cancer research that will save a few productive people, but largely allows highly unproductivity old people (negative contributors) to live a few years longer on average.

COWEN: How much of the measured productivity edge of American multinationals is just tax arbitrage and where profits get assigned to?

BLOOM: I never really thought a huge amount of it was that. My personal view — I guess this is, again, biased by my research — is American firms are particularly just fantastically well managed.I’ve done a lot of work for many years, looking at management practices, trying to collect data in cross-country surveys.To explain what I mean, management practices — the basics are, do you collect information and use it to improve yourself? Think of lean, collecting information all the time, and having improvement processes. Secondly, do you train and promote employees, try to promote the best people, trying to avoid things like promoting family, friends, or long-serving employees? So meritocratic HR systems.I’m not going to say American firms are perfect. They’re definitely not perfect. There are many management scandals. But on average, American firms are much better managed, and they take that with them abroad. There’s this whole literature that has been sometimes called dark matter, or explaining why we seem to have this endless negative balance of trade but positive balance on our investments abroad. American companies seem to make huge profits abroad.One big explanation is they’re just exploiting lots of this intangible capital, which we think of as good management. American multinationals around the world are well managed, and they make a lot of profits where they’re located in the UK and France, in Ghana, in Thailand — wherever they are. That’s helping keep the US economy afloat, that return profits. I don’t see that as being related — transfer pricing and offshore tax manipulation. That is a factor, but I think American firms are primarily driven, actually, by better innovation and better management.

COWEN: But if you assign the blame to government, ideas are a global public good. Isn’t it true that global governmental expenditure on R&D in absolute terms is up, even if it may be down as a percentage of budgets for total R&D? Thus, scientific progress in the United States, which can draw upon governmental support in China, Japan, India, UK, Switzerland, should still be going up. It has to be within private scientific progress that there’s a diversion of effort away from public goods and toward more private goods. Or no?

BLOOM: No, it’s a good question. It’s certainly true, our paper only focused on the US. The puzzle gets much harder if you include global R&D. You see that productivity per researcher or research dollar is falling, in the sense of the rate of progress per dollar we’re spending….The puzzle gets even more extreme if you look globally. Sure, it’s tricky because Europe has become slightly less of a powerhouse, but obviously Asia has completely taken off in the amount of R&D being spent in, say, India, and China has exploded. Has that offset the reduction in US publicly funded R&D, certainly as a share of GDP? It’s not obvious. One reason is, there’s plenty of evidence on knowledge spillovers being localized. There’s a lot of evidence, for example, that you’re more likely to coauthor with your colleagues in your own university or the same firm. I guess the same firm is more obvious, but if that was true, you may think the transmission of ideas from China to the US is less effective than within the US. I also don’t know if the increase in Chinese and Indian R&D by their government sectors is enough to offset the reduction by the US, and whether it’s in the right areas. It may be that a lot of developing countries’ R&D is more, say, defense and national security focused, which I suspect has lower tradeoffs. The nice thing about the US and things like the National Science Foundation and the National Institute for Health is they would put huge amounts of funding on very basic research that had broad value. An MIT researcher goes to the NSF, gets funding for research. They tend to be focused on very basic things that are of interest to broad science, and that has, I suspect, the largest value in.

BLOOM: The big picture — just to make sure everyone’s on the same page — is, if you look in the US, productivity growth... In fact, I could go back a lot further. It’s interesting — you go much further, and you think of European and North American history. In the UK that has better data, there was very, very little productivity growth until the Industrial Revolution. Literally, from the time the Romans left in whatever, roughly 100 AD, until 1750, technological progress was very slow. Sure, the British were more advanced at that point, but not dramatically. The estimates were like 0.1 percent a year, so very low. Then the Industrial Revolution starts, and it starts to speed up and speed up and speed up. And technological progress, in terms of productivity growth, peaks in the 1950s at something like 3 to 4 percent a year, and then it’s been falling ever since. Then you ask that rate of fall — it’s 5 percent, roughly. It would have fallen if we held inputs constant. The one thing that’s been offsetting that fall in the rate of progress is we’ve put more and more resources into it. Again, if you think of the US, the number of research universities has exploded, the number of firms having research labs. Thomas Edison, for example, was the first lab about 100 years ago, but post-World War II, most large American companies have been pushing huge amounts of cash into R&D. But despite all of that increase in inputs, actually, productivity growth has been slowing over the last 50 years. That’s the sense in which it’s harder and harder to find new ideas. We’re putting more inputs into labs, but actually productivity growth is falling.

COWEN: Let’s say paperwork for researchers is increasing, bureaucratization is increasing. How do we get that to be negative 5 percent a year as an effect? Is it that we’re throwing kryptonite at our top people? Your productivity is not declining 5 percent a year, or is it? COVID aside.

BLOOM: COVID aside. Yeah, it’s hard to tell your own productivity. Oddly enough, I always feel like, “Ah, you know, the stuff that I did before was better research ideas.” And then something comes along. I’d say personally, it’s very stochastic. I find it very hard to predict it. Increasingly, it comes from working with basically great, and often younger, coauthors. Why is it happening at the aggregate level? I think there are three reasons going on. One is actually come back to Ben Jones, who had an important paper, which is called, I believe, “ Renaissance Man.” This came out 15 years ago or something. The idea was,it takes longer and longer for us to train. Just in economics — when I first started in economics, it was standard to do a four-year PhD. It’s now a six-year PhD, plus many of the PhD students have done a pre-doc, so they’ve done an extra two years. We’re taking three or four years longer just to get to the research frontier. There’s so much more knowledge before us, it just takes longer to train up. That’s one story. A second story I’ve heard is, research is getting more complicated. I remember I sat down with a former CEO of SRI, Stanford Research Institute, which is a big research lab out here that’s done many things. For example, Siri came out of SRI. He said, “Increasingly it’s interdisciplinary teams now.” It used to be you’d have one or two scientists could come up with great ideas. Now, you’re having to combine a couple. I can’t remember if he said for Siri, but he said there are three or four different research groups in SRI that were being pulled together to do that. That of course makes it more expensive. And when you think of biogenetics, combining biology and genetics, or bioengineering, there’s many more cross-field areas. Then finally, as you say, I suspect regulation costs, various other factors are making it harder to undertake research. A lot of that’s probably good. I’d have to look at individual regulations. Health and safety, for example, is probably a good idea, but in the same way, that is almost certainly making it more expensive to run labs. In fact, COVID is a huge pushback. I was talking just before the shutdown to a good friend of mine, and she said she has a big lab that has a number of animals and longer-running experiments going on. In fact, the shutdown has been extremely expensive. When we reopen with social distancing, of course, the costs are going to go up again. These are all factors pushing on your point of regulation. It’s just expensive running research.

COWEN: If I understand your estimates correctly, efficacy per researcher, as you measure it, is falling by about 5 percent a year. That seems phenomenally high. What’s the mechanism that could account for such a rapid decline?

Phenomenon Tyler Cowen interview with Nick Bloom

Steve Comment: Note Bloom’s calculation for research productivity is“…Research productivity is the ratio of idea output, measured as TFP growth, to the effective number of researchers.See Notes to Figure 1 and the online Appendix. Both research productivity and research effort are normalized to the value of 1 in the 1930s….”See attached paper

  • Productivity
    • Innovation/Research


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