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Wednesday, July 8, 2020

Income-Driven Labor Market Polarization

AI Summary. The authors estimate that a shift in US labor demand toward sectors whose consumption rises with income accounts for 90% and 35% of the increase in the share of total wages going to low- and high-skill jobs, respectively, while demand for middle-skill roles falls.

Diego Comin National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
July 8, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US labor market polarization driven by shift in labor demand towards higher income elastic sectors, affecting high & low-skilled occupations. Btw 1980-2016, this shift accounted for 90% & 35% of wage-bill share increase for low- & high-skill jobs, respectively.

How does rising income shift labor demand across skill levels?

Core argument: A shift in labor demand toward higher income-elastic sectors accounted for an estimated 90% of the rise in the wage-bill share of low-skill jobs and 35% of that for high-skill jobs between 1980 and 2016.

The US labor market has experienced polarization driven by a shift in labor demand towards higher income elastic sectors, affecting both high and low-skilled occupations. Between 1980-2016, this shift accounted for 90% and 35% of the increase in the wage-bill share for low- and high-skill jobs, respectively, and 64% and 28% of the rise in employment shares. As aggregate expenditure grows, demand shifts to high-income-elastic sectors, intensifying the need for high and low-skilled workers while reducing demand for middle-skilled roles. This reallocation has led to a decline in the wage bill for medium-skill occupations by 8 percentage points, while increasing it by 2 and nearly 6 percentage points for low- and high-skill jobs. The model predicts continued polarization, with significant changes in relative wages and hours worked, particularly for low-skill occupations, from 2016-2035. This trend underscores the asymmetric impact of income elasticity on labor demand across different skill levels.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A shift in labor demand toward higher income-elastic sectors accounted for an estimated 90% of the rise in the wage-bill share of low-skill jobs and 35% of that for high-skill jobs between 1980 and 2016.
  2. The same demand shift explained 64% of the increase in low-skill employment shares and 28% for high-skill jobs, while the reallocation reduced the medium-skill wage bill by 8 percentage points and raised low- and high-skill shares by 2 and nearly 6 percentage points.
  3. The model projects continued US labor market polarization from 2016 to 2035, with changes in relative wages and hours worked, particularly for low-skill occupations, as aggregate expenditure grows.

New NBER suggested US labor market polarization largely demand driven, there has been a shift in labor demand to higher income elastic sectors (both high and low skilled versus middle skilled sectors) these shifts have driven 90% and 35% of the respective increases in the wage-bill share of low- and high-skill occupations in the US btw 1980-2016 (and 64% and 28% of the increase in employment shares)

“….there is astrong positive correlation across sectors between the intensity of high- and low-skill occupations and the income elasticity of sectoral value added.Since income-elastic sectors represent a high share of US value added, thisimplies that the sectoral distribution of wage bills is concentrated in high-income elastic sectors for high and low- skill occupations, while the wage bill of middle-skill occupations is concentrated mostly in income inelastic sectors.Our demand-driven polarization mechanism follows from this fact. As aggregate expenditure grows, demand shifts to high-income-elastic sectors. Since these sectors are intensive in high and low-skill occupations, the reallocation of sectoral demand causes an increase in the relative demand for high- and low-skilled workers. This leads to a hollowing out of the wage bill distribution and polarization of workers earnings…A calibrated general-equilibrium model suggests this mechanism accounts for 90% and 35% of the increase in the wage-bill share of low- and high-skill occupations observed in the US during 1980-2016, and for 64% and 28% of the rise in the employment shares of low- and high-skill occupations…Our model predicts a continuation of the labor market polarization. The relative of low-skill occupations increases from 0.8 to 0.93, while the relative wage of high-skill occupations increases from 1.49 to 1.7. The share of hours worked for low and high-skill occupations increases, respectively from 0.12 to 0.142 and from 0.384 to 0.414, while the share of hours worked in medium skill occupations declines by 5 percentage points. These changes in wages and hours worked imply a reallocation of the wage bill from medium skill to low- and especially to high-skill occupations. Specifically, the wage bill of medium skill occupations declines by 8 percentage points, while the wage bill of low- and high-skill occupations increases, respectively, by 2 and almost 6 percentage points. The magnitude of these changes are quite significant both in absolute terms and compared to the polarization observed during the 1980-2016 period. This is especially the case for relative wages which our model predicts will increase by proportionately more than in the 1980- 2016 period. The share of hours worked and the wage bill for low-skill occupations will also increase by proportionately more from 2016-2035 than in 1980-2016. However, the shares of hours worked and the wage bills for medium and high-skill occupations will increase by between 22% and 38% of the overall increase in 1980-2016. Though these are very significant increases, they suggest that the pace at which the wage bill has been reallocated from medium to high-skill occupations will slow down slightly. ….We document that income elastic-sectors are more intensive in high- and low-skill occupations than income inelastic sectors, which are relatively more middle-skill intensive. As a result, increases in aggregate expenditure have an asymmetric effect on labor demand across occupations and cause labor-market polarization…”

Income-Driven Labor Market Polarization: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Diego Comin, Ana Danieli and Marti Mestieri, "Income-Driven Labor Market Polarization," National Bureau Of Economic Research, June 2020, https://www.nber.org/papers/w27455

Table 8“…The main take away is that the key findings from our baseline calculations about the drivers of labor market polarization are completely unaffected by taking into account the effect of international trade. The neutral increase in aggregate expenditures still accounts for a remarkable share of the polarization in labor markets generated by our mode. In particular, it accounts, respectively, for 75% and 51% of the increases in the low vs. medium and high vs. medium relative wages generated by the model and between 47% to 93% of the change in the share of hours worked. Furthermore, the neutral increase in expenditures is responsible for a share of the change in the wage bill shares generated by the model that ranges from 51% for the high-skill occupation to 104% for the low skill occupation, which is strikingly close to the results from our closed economy model….”

Ed Comment:I don't understand this. (I haven't read the paper yet). Plz try to explain it to me in plain English as best you understand it. What is a wage bill? (I'm not saying it's not an interesting paper, because it sounds interesting. Our apple core showed little change in the distribution of wages except from an overall upward drift, significant change at the top 1%, and slight upward change in the relative wages of the top 10 or 20%. We only saw dramatic change like this if we defined the middle class with silly dollar bookends, like Pew. I don't see how the demand for labor can vary much from the supply other than demand for (real) talent because it's supply is constrained, especially in the short run. I get how (phoney) talent (ie unneeded college education) can appear to distort the elasticity in the demand for talent, i.e. make the demand for real talent appear to be more elastic than it is. I don't see how the market can demand much more than the supply of unconstrained labor (unless you run large trade surpluses by exporting savings) because supply (is what) creates (it's own) demand.

Steve Comment: Table7 “…. The key take away is that the neutral increase in expenditure was very relevant in the labor market polarization during both subperiods, however it was somewhat less important for low-skilled labor in the 2000-2016 period. More specifically, we find that the neutral increase in expenditure observed during the 1980-2000 period more than accounts for the evolution of relative wage and the share of hours for low-skill occupations, and it accounts for 70% and 61%, respectively, of the change in the model simulations for relative wages and the share in hours worked by high-skill occupations. In the 2000s, the contribution of the neutral expenditure decrease but it is still key for the model success in explaining the observed polarization of labor markets. It generates between 50% and 60% of the change in the relative wage, share of hours worked and wage bill for high and medium-skill occupations and around 35% for the low-skill occupations…”

Diego Comment:The distinction you make is important because changes in the relative wages reflect both demand and supply forces. The consensus in the literature is that because relative wages increased for high and low-skilled workers, the increase in the demand dominated the increase in the supply of hours worked by those workers. Hence, the increase in demand has been very significant because hours worked have also contributed to the changes in the wage bill shares.It is also important to realize that over long periods of time, labor supply is endogenous. Therefore, channels like ours or technology will affect how many high and low skilled workers are in the economy. That is why we model the supply too, and show that indeedmuch of the contribution to the polarization of wage bills through the income channel takes place through the endogenous changes in supply. You can see that in tables 7 and 8 of the paper.

Steve Comment: Diego, Do you have a version of the table of the wage bill evolution decomposed into the wages and (times) number of employees/workers bythe three skill segments over time? The changes in wages relative to one another would imply/show demand relative to supply.

Ed Comment:In particular, I am curious to see the wage bill decomposed into the wages and (times) number of employees over time. Seems odd that they don't show it. Relative changes in wages ought to indicate demand relative to supply. With the distribution of wages not changing significantly other than to shift upward, I don't think they've found nearly the insight they seem to have. The paper grossly exaggerated the hollowing out of the middle because the movement they find is predominantly (slightly) upward. Ho hum.I continue to think they make an interesting point: that demand has shifted to where ever it has shifted. But they way over attribute that driver. And I still think it's missing big pieces of logic. One the one hand, if skill (in general) constrains growth, then an increase in skill will be demanded no matter wether there is an increase in prosperity. Similarly, if IT adds value, then specific IT skills will be demanded, no matter the general increase in prosperity. If the supply of low-skilled hispanic immigrants increases, at the very least they will work for each other. More likely, prices will adjust to increase demand by other more skillful workers for them, no matter the general level of prosperity. On the other hand a more prosperous population will likely spend their incremental dollars on healthcare (or housing) all other things equal. Or perhaps on dinning out, landscaping, and construction if low skilled labor is cheaper/more abundant. Complicating matters, an increase in skill, breakthrough in IT and increase in the supply of low-skilled workers will increase prosperity. I think they grossly simplify how preferences change as prosperity increases. They assume it's all exogenous like healthcare. But prosperity increases for different reasons and demand is affected by changing prices, which in turn is affected by supply (of talent and labor), opportunity (of which the advent of IT opens a window) and changing preferences, which are partially driven by rising prosperity. I hardly think the story starts and ends with exogenous changing preferences (e.g., for healthcare as the population grows more prosperous). But it's a worthy point that needs to be incorporated into a comprehensive macro economic theory.

Steve Comment:They are using an older Autor skill level classification that I wasn’t familiar with (it’s in Appendix B) Autor had classified occupations into the three skill categories (High, Middle, Low) according to those occupations average wage in 1980, so from my read they are effectively using occupational wage in 1980 as a proxy for skill: “….Our occupation classification is also taken from Acemoglu and Autor (2011). They divide the 382 original occupations into 4 broader categories that are characterized by their skill level: (1) managerial, professional and technical occupations; (2) sales, clerical and administrative support occupations; (3) production, craft, repair and operative occupations; and (4) service occupations. The first group is characterized by high skill occupations, the second and third groups are characterized by middle skill occupations and the last group is characterized by low skill occupations. They measure skill by the average hourly wage of individuals in the occupation in 1980 where the mean wage in each occupation is calculated using workers’ hours of annual labor supply times the Census sampling weights..”

Diego Comin Comment:Indeed, Steven. One relatively surprising finding we have is that how income is distributed across the population does not seem to matter much for the income driven channel.

Steve Comment:Thank you very much for the wage bill table, very helpful. The market income story pre-tax transfers is a much more interesting story than post taxes/transfers. Got it. In terms of netting out the top/bottom 5%, I guess including those groups (mismeasurement issues aside) wouldn't change the story in the paper if the recent Auten-Splinter and Smith/Zidar/Zwick work is directionally correct.

Ed Comment:Add to the data base and mark important. It’s hard for me to interpret their answer without having the questions you asked him. The distribution of wages has scarcely changed, except at the 1% tail. They argue that demand shifted (nonhomotheticly) away from medium-skilled work. That should have flattened out the distribution. But we didn’t see a significant flattening. Pew found an 11 percentage point hollowing out of the number of middle class households by using dollar bookend (which I think are silly): 7 percentage points up, 4 down, with 3 of the 4 down from an increase in low-skilled Hispanics between 1971 and 2017. Between 1980 and 2016, the authors find the total dollars of wages to have shifted upward 19 percentage point and down 2. It’s also hard for me to understand why the changes in the demand for skill seems to correspond so closely with changes in the supply of skills. College hollowed out some of the middle skilled; and low-skilled immigration added to the supply low-skilled workers, and that’s exactly what we see. Do they decompose the total wage bill for each skill level into: wages (times) the number of workers? It’s not clear to me how they defined skill levels. How do they define skill levels?

Herewages are before taxes, so all of our analysis is better interpreted as describing the evolution of labor markets before any redistributive policy is implemented.With respect to the top 1%, the data at the CPS and ACS is top-coded and additionally, we eliminate the top and bottom 5% of earners. Therefore, we cannot say much about the evolution of wage bills once those earners are considered. However, as you can see from the table, there has been very significant reallocation of labor income below the very top with a mass of medium-skilled workers that in 1980 occupied 65% of the labor force, and that has experienced very significant reductions in both hours worked and wages relative to the other occupations.On who receives capital income, we have shown that it does not matter much for the paper’s conclusions. In the baseline we distribute capital income evenly across households, but we also explore the more realistic scenario where the high-skilled get all capital income. The results are similar.In our analysis, wages are endogenous and equal to the marginal product of labor. So, we already consider the effect that lower number of middle skilled workers will have on the middle skilled relative wages. In spite of the reduction in middle skilled hours worked, their relative wages declined very significantly which suggests that the demand for these workers declined very significantly.I hope this clarifies the paper and answers your questions. I’d be more than happy to talk over the phone if you have any question.

0.09

0.42

0.49

2016

0.07

0.51

0.42

2000

0.07

0.63

0.30

1980

0.07

0.74

0.19

1950

Low

Medium

High

Diego Comin Comment: First let me apologize for the delay in our response and thank you for your interest.Let me start by correcting a bit the characterization of our story. Our argument is not just that the expenses of the rich are lifting the poor (and that the reduction in expending in middle skill intensive goods and services are depressing the livelihood of the middle class). This effect, though part of the story is not the bulk of it. What we have documented is that the spending patterns are common across income groups. Any household, rich or poor, changes their pattern of consumption away from income inelastic goods and services and towards income elastic ones as it experiences an increase in income. Therefore, it is not the rich that are spending more in health, education and restaurants. It is all that are experiencing increase sin income over the last 40 years (actually we go back to 1950, so the last 70 years). Hence, the effects on polarization are much larger than if the income channel was driven just by the rich. I paste next the table that I think you as for. This just shows the share of the wage bill accrued by high, middle and low skilled occupations at different points in time.

Steve Comment:I just read your "Income-driven Labor Market Polarization" and had a few questions that I was hoping you could answer or point me in the right direction. Your findings are intuitive to me, higher incomes creates higher demand for lower skilled (for lack of better phrase) services (restaurants, landscaping) and higher end work as talented workers increasing service each other (Bloomberg workers provide data for bankers) creating a self-reinforcing feedback loop that excludes middle skilled work. I was hoping you might have the absolute share of income going to your three groups overtime across sectors? (Ie in 1980 high skilled workers earned X% of total wage bill, middle skilled earned X%, and low skilled earned X% sum =100%. in 2000....2016...) so not the relative change but just a snapshot in time? My understand is most of the cutting edge research has convincingly showed the only major change in distribution of market income was only at the very top (top.1-.01%)How do you think about (and maybe I missed this in paper failed to understand it ) craving out productivity/marginal product of labor from relative labor supply? For example, less supply will raise wages (ie shadow prices) by (necessarily) pruning demand for jobs with lower marginal products of labor, which in turn raises the marginal product of labor. We can only measure productivity from wages, which can only equal the marginal product of labor no?From my read you attribute all capital income to the high skilled, I assume this wage share measure is gross (ie it's pre-tax compensation) Thank you and congratulations on the paper!

Ed Comment:The sum of the sectors has to add back to the Apple core, i.e., no significant change in the distribution of wages. Again, because the supply of labor creates its own demand, if you add 35million low-skilled Hispanics, you are going to see growth in unskilled employment. Similarly, when talent constrains growth, you will see an expansion in the employment of talent as the supply grows. People will eat in restaurants and buy more landscaping, rather than tutor their children if that's who is available to hire. Prices will adjust to equilibrate supply and demand, in large part by raising prices (on skill) to reduce demand. So prices for real skill will rise enough relative to the price of others to employ all the low-skilled Hispanics. As I have said in my book and chapter: if high-skilled (or whites) can gain more income from hiring and working for high-skilled, it will create a self-reinforcing feedback loop that excludes others. But the low-skilled waiters will then wait on each other. The wage that matches that marginal product of labor will ensure they all get hired. What you won't get is a wage (ie shadow price) that could have been higher if their supply had been more constrained. It's not obvious to me how to distinguish their productivity/marginal product of labor from their wages and relative supply. They are all entangled. For example, less supply will raise wages (ie shadow prices) by (necessarily) pruning demand for jobs with lower marginal products of labor, which in turn raises the marginal product of labor. We can only measure productivity from wages, which can only equal the marginal product of labor (unless their is cronyism). Then the low wage workers will resent the fact that you didn't support policies that would have given them higher wages and vote for guys like Trump or the Dems.

Steve Comment:I wasn’t familiar with the termwage billeither. It’s the total sum of the gross wages of an establishment, here they are using it as the “sectorial wage bill of each occupation” My read of their finding is as national income grew in both the US and Europe there was more demand (so higher elasticity) for both high skilled and low skilled labor, and that effect is what has been driving the income polarization that they find. Their high skilled makes an effort to capture talent (or Benzell/Brynjolfsson’s G share) by assigned all capital income to workers in high skilled occupations so the talent constraint is somewhat captured. They are using a skill measure based off Autor’s work that classifies occupations into three skill categories based off average wage in 1980 so the skill is implied. In terms of reconciling this with the apple core will have to spend a little more time with it. We carved out the apple core to show absolute amounts this is attempting to measure relative changes. They don’t have a great table assigning the absolute wage bill by sector overtime which would make it very clear (at least to me). Need to reread.

  • Inequality
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Skill Level
  • Productivity
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

As Chinese Trade Surpluses Persist, So Will Risk of Trade Wars

AI Summary. China's household consumption has fallen as a share of GDP since it joined the World Trade Organization, reaching 39% versus over 60% in the US, with growth reliant on exports and investment rather than domestic demand. The resulting persistent trade surpluses keep the risk of trade conflicts with major partners elevated.

Greg Ip Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
July 8, 2020
Is Database:
Database

China’s consumer spending as a share of GDP has decreased since WTO accession, highlighting a persistent imbalance in its economic structure, @greg_ip writes for @WSJ.

Do weak household consumption and persistent trade surpluses keep trade conflicts likely?

Core argument: China's household consumption was 39% of GDP in 2019, compared with over 60% in the United States, a disparity that reflects reliance on exports and investment rather than domestic consumption for growth.

China's consumer spending as a share of GDP has decreased since its accession to the WTO, highlighting a persistent imbalance in its economic structure. Despite China's significant trade surpluses, domestic consumption remains subdued, contributing to global trade tensions. In 2019, China's household consumption was only 39% of GDP, compared to over 60% in the US. This disparity underscores the reliance on exports and investment rather than domestic consumption for growth. The sustained trade surplus, driven by a high savings rate and limited consumer spending, exacerbates trade imbalances with major partners like the US. As long as China's economic model prioritizes exports over boosting domestic demand, the risk of trade conflicts remains elevated. This structural issue necessitates policy shifts to enhance consumer spending, which could mitigate trade tensions and foster more balanced global economic growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. China's household consumption was 39% of GDP in 2019, compared with over 60% in the United States, a disparity that reflects reliance on exports and investment rather than domestic consumption for growth.
  2. China's consumer spending as a share of GDP has declined since its accession to the WTO, leaving domestic consumption subdued alongside large trade surpluses.
  3. China's sustained trade surplus, driven by a high savings rate and limited consumer spending, adds to imbalances with partners including the United States, keeping the risk of trade conflicts elevated absent policy shifts to boost consumption.

Greg Ip, "As Chinese Trade Surpluses Persist, So Will Risk of Trade Wars,"Wall Street Journal, July 8, 2020, https://www.wsj.com/articles/as-chinese-trade-surpluses-persist-so-will-risk-of-trade-wars-11594223892

Sending this Greg Ip review of Pettis/Klein for Brad Setser comment/forecast"...my strong suspicion is that the fall in oil prices (and less Chinese tourism spending) has led the global current account surplus to shift back to Asia in a big way. But just a hunch for now...."

Ed Comment:I think they over attribute income inequality, which does show in line's analysis but the 2nd chart is worth saving in the data base.

As Chinese Trade Surpluses Persist, So Will Risk of Trade Wars: Comments Image 1


Brad Setser Comment:Good piece by Greg Ip summarizing the work of Klein and Pettis. Glad China's low level of household consumption is drawing attention again. It is still well below its pre-WTO accession level. As Ip notes, China's surplus in manufacturing remains quite large relative to the economies of its trading partners ("surpluses, especially for manufactured goods, remain enormous). When commodity prices fall, that quickly shows up. Right now, for example, China's goods surplus is soaring even as global trade volumes contract. I usually try to smooth the monthly data, but China's May surplus was enormous and June may not be much smaller. eed the q2 data to prove this -- but my strong suspicion is that the fall in oil prices (and less Chinese tourism spending) has led the global current account surplus to shift back to Asia in a big way. But just a hunch for now."

As Chinese Trade Surpluses Persist, So Will Risk of Trade Wars: Comments Image 2

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Trade (not deficits)

Friday, July 10, 2020

How CEO pay in America got out whack

AI Summary. Average inflation-adjusted "realized" pay for chief executives at the 350 largest US firms rose nearly 13-fold over roughly four decades, outpacing the S&P 500 stock index. A study commissioned by the California public pension fund found top-quartile-paid chief executives earned 12x those in the bottom quartile while delivering only twice the financial returns.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 10, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Btw 1978-2019, average “realised” CEO comp at 350 largest US firms outpaced S&P 500 13x, with 2019 pay surging 14%.

Has chief executive pay grown out of line with company performance?

Core argument: Average "realised" CEO compensation at America's 350 largest firms rose nearly 13-fold in inflation-adjusted terms between 1978 and 2019, outpacing the S&P 500, with pay up 14% in 2019 alone.

Between 1978 and 2019, the average "realised" CEO compensation at the 350 largest American firms increased nearly thirteen-fold in inflation-adjusted terms, significantly outpacing the S&P 500. In 2019 alone, CEO pay surged by 14%. A study by Equilar, commissioned by Calpers, found that CEOs in the top pay quartile earned twelve times more than those in the bottom quartile, despite delivering only twice the financial returns. Meanwhile, CEOs in the second-lowest pay quartile earned nearly three times as much as those in the bottom quartile, even when their firms' total returns were worse. This data suggests a disconnect between CEO compensation and company performance, highlighting inefficiencies in how boards assess CEO talent and reward structures.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Average "realised" CEO compensation at America's 350 largest firms rose nearly 13-fold in inflation-adjusted terms between 1978 and 2019, outpacing the S&P 500, with pay up 14% in 2019 alone.
  2. An Equilar study commissioned by Calpers found CEOs in the top pay quartile earned twelve times more than those in the bottom quartile while delivering only twice the financial returns.
  3. CEOs in the second-lowest pay quartile earned nearly three times as much as bottom-quartile CEOs even though their firms' total returns were worse.

Will review EPI report when it is released, "...A forthcoming report by the Economic Policy Institute (epi), a left-leaning think-tank, scrutinises how much bosses at the 350 biggest American firms by revenue actually made once stocks and options were vested and exercised (as opposed to their notional values at the time they were granted). Lawrence Mishel of epi calculates that from 1978 to 2019 the average “realised” compensation swelled nearly thirteen-fold in inflation-adjusted terms, outpacing the stockmarket (see chart 1). It shot up by 14% in 2019 alone..... A fresh analysis by Equilar, commissioned by Calpers, a big Californian public pension fund, identifies similar trends. It looked at the past five years of realised ceo pay for most firms in the Russell 3000 and compared this with the companies’ total returns. The bosses in the top pay quartile made twelve times what those in the bottom quartile did, but produced financial returns only twice as good. The bosses in the second-lowest pay quartile made nearly three times as much as those in the bottom quartile, even though their firms’ total returns were actually worse. “There is no evidence that boards can tell in advance who is a talented ceo,” sums up Simiso Nzima of Calpers….”

How CEO pay in America got out whack: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Economist Staff, "How CEO pay in America got out whack,"The Economist, July 11, 2020, https://www.economist.com/business/2020/07/11/how-ceo-pay-in-america-got-out-whack

Ed Comment:This is full of stupidity. We give CEOs options on stock valued properly at black shoals, to motivate them to drive up the stock price more than expected. When they succeed, are we then going to complain they were paid too much? When we incentivizes them to try, but we can’t predict who will succeed, because of the risks, and inability to predict stock prices because they already incorporates all our knowledge, is it fair to say we don’t know who will succeed? Ofc course we don’t! When the US economy, middle class incomes, and stock market outperform Europe (not mentioned) should American CEOs get some/most of the credit? Don’t we have to pay CEOs of underperforming companies to try to fix them? Aren’t most of those companies victims of historically weak market shares/competitive positions, or in market sectors growing obsolete? Should we not pay CEOs as much to manage those companies? The implications in this article are pure hokum.

  • Wages/Income


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