Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Friday, May 22, 2020

Firming Up Inequality

AI Summary. Analysis of US earnings data attributes two-thirds of the rise in earnings inequality to greater variance in average earnings between firms, as high-wage workers increasingly sort into high-wage firms and work alongside one another. Within-firm earnings variance rose mainly at mega firms with 10,000+ employees.

Song, Jae, David Price, Fatih Guvenen, Nicholas Bloom, and Till von Wachter Quarterly Journal of Economics
Date Posted:
May 22, 2020
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Research finds 2/3 of the rise in earnings inequality is attributed to increased variance in average earnings btw firms.

Does rising earnings inequality come mostly from differences between firms?

Core argument: Two-thirds of the rise in earnings inequality from 1978 to 2013 is attributed to increased variance in average earnings between firms rather than within them.

Analyzing data from 1978 to 2013, it is evident that 2/3 of the rise in earnings inequality is attributed to increased variance in average earnings between firms. This disparity is driven by a widening gap in worker composition, with high-wage workers increasingly sorting into high-wage firms and segregating among themselves. Notably, within-firm variance of earnings rose significantly within mega firms (10,000+ employees), which experienced a larger increase in earnings variance compared to smaller firms. This suggests that the structural dynamics of worker distribution and firm size play crucial roles in shaping overall earnings inequality.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Two-thirds of the rise in earnings inequality from 1978 to 2013 is attributed to increased variance in average earnings between firms rather than within them.
  2. High-wage workers increasingly sorted into high-wage firms and segregated among themselves, widening the gap in worker composition across firms.
  3. Within-firm variance of earnings rose within mega firms of 10,000 or more employees, which saw a larger increase in earnings variance than smaller firms.

“…We use a massive, matched employer-employee database for the United States to analyze the contribution of firms to the rise in earnings inequality from 1978 to 2013. We find that one-third of the rise in the variance of (log) earnings occurred within firms, whereas two-thirds of the rise occurred due to a rise in the dispersion of average earnings between firms. However, this rising between-firm variance is not accounted for by the firms themselves but by a widening gap between firms in the composition of their workers. This compositional change can be split into two roughly equal parts: high-wage workers became increasingly likely to work in highwage firms (i.e., sorting increased), and high-wage workers became increasingly likely to work with each other (i.e., segregation rose). In contrast, we do not find a rise in the variance of firm-specific pay once we control for the worker composition in firms. Finally, we find that two-thirds of the rise in the within-firm variance of earnings occurred within mega (10,000+ employee) firms, which saw a particularly large increase in the variance of earnings compared with smaller firms….”

Song, Jae, David Price, Fatih Guvenen, Nicholas Bloom, and Till von Wachter, “Firming Up Inequality,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics, October 25, 2018, https://academic.oup.com/qje/article-abstract/134/1/1/5144785

  • Productivity
    • Institutional Capabilities
    • Investment
    • Workforce Reorganization
      • High vs Low Skill
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Sector

The Elite Illusion: Achievement Effects At Boston And New York Exam Schools

AI Summary. Attending elite exam schools in Boston and New York produces only scattered academic gains, with the most notable improvement in 10th grade English scores, particularly for minority students. The authors find little evidence that high-achieving peers boost outcomes, suggesting most students would have performed similarly elsewhere.

Atila Abdulkadiroglu, Joshua Angrist and Parag Pathak Econometrica
Date Posted:
May 22, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Attending elite exam schools in Boston & New York yields only scattered academic gains, with most students likely achieving similar success without attending.

Do elite exam schools improve student achievement?

Core argument: Attending elite exam schools in Boston and New York produces only scattered academic gains, with the most notable improvement in 10th grade English scores, particularly for minority students.

The study reveals that attending elite exam schools in Boston and New York yields only scattered academic gains, with the most notable improvement being in 10th grade English scores, particularly for minority students. Despite the high peer achievement levels at these schools, the data suggests that peer effects are not significant in enhancing educational outcomes. Most students would likely have achieved similar success without attending these schools, indicating that the perceived benefits may be overstated. While exam school graduates might earn higher wages, these gains are likely due to factors other than increased cognitive achievement or peer composition. The findings challenge the assumption that group averages strongly influence individual outcomes, highlighting the risk of specification error in peer analysis. Overall, the results suggest that the elite status of these schools may not translate into substantial academic advantages for their students.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Attending elite exam schools in Boston and New York produces only scattered academic gains, with the most notable improvement in 10th grade English scores, particularly for minority students.
  2. Despite high peer achievement at Boston and New York exam schools, the study finds peer effects are not significant in improving educational outcomes, and most students would likely have achieved similar results without attending.
  3. Any wage premium earned by exam school graduates is likely attributable to factors other than increased cognitive achievement or peer composition, and the study points to the risk of specification error in peer analysis.

Atila Abdulkadiroglu, Joshua Angrist and Parag Pathak, “The Elite Illusion: Achievement Effects At Boston And New York Exam Schools,” Econometrica, January 2014, https://economics.mit.edu/files/9518

“…The results reported here suggest that an exam school education produces only scattered gains for applicants, even among students with baseline scores close to or above the mean in the target school. Because the exam school experience is associated with sharp increases in peer achievement, these results weigh against the importance of peer effects in the education production function. Our results also fail to uncover systematic evidence of racial composition effects. The outcome most strengthened by exam school attendance appears to be the 10th grade English score, a result driven partly by gains for minorities.Given the history of racial preferences (and their more recent elimination) in Boston’s exam schools, this finding seems worth further exploration. Overall, however,while the exam school students in our samples typically have good outcomes, most of these students would likely have done well without the benefit of an exam school education. Of course, test scores and peer effects are only part of the exam school story. It may be that preparation for exam school entrance is itself worthwhile.The RD design captures the impact of peer composition and possibly other changes at admissions cutoffs, while ignoring effects common to applicants on both sides. Likewise, unique features of an exam school education may boost achievement in specific subject areas. Students who attend Boston Latin School almost certainly learn more Latin than they would have otherwise. The many clubs and activities found at some exam schools may expose students to ideas and concepts not easily captured by achievement tests or our post-secondary outcomes. It is also possible that exam school graduates earn higher wages…Still, the estimates reported here suggest that any labor market gains are likely to come through channels other than peer composition and increased cognitive achievement. Can these results be reconciled with those of other studies reporting a strong association between group averages and individual outcomes? Every context is different, and the absence of peer effects in one setting does not prove that such effects are unimportant elsewhere.At the same time, it is worth emphasizing the high risk of specification error in peer analysis….the relationship between an individual-level variable and any group average of this variable is essentially mechanical. Likewise, any regression of one outcome variable on the group average of another outcome variable is biased toward a finding of peer effects due to the presence of common shocks. Random assignment to groups fails to solve either of these problems. Finally, any regression of an individual outcome on a combination of observationally varying individual- and group-level treatments is almost sure to produce something that looks like a peer effect for reasons related to the information content of the average (see, e.g., Acemoglu and Angrist (2000) and Moffitt (2001)). It is perhaps unsurprising, therefore, that experimental or quasi-experimental manipulation of predetermined peercharacteristics is less likely to uncover a peer effect than are other study designs. Estimates from the Moving to Opportunity demonstration, for example, which manipulated peer composition by randomly assigning housing vouchers, are consistent with the results reported here in offering little evidence of causal peer effects…”

Not surprising to me that school doesn’t change cognitive outcomes (remember all these kids were motivated enough to take the entrance exam in the first place) but hard to believe it doesn’t have an impact.

Ed Comment:I’d also like to see his papers on the no elite effect and the one that says the last student admitted to Stuyvesant isn’t hurt by it, although the latter seems less interesting because it’s a we didn’t find any statistically significant effect rather than we found a statistically significant effect, which seems much more reliable to me. I think the benefit of being with elite peers is that the classes can move faster and reach further. When you are with non-elite peers, the instruction is held back. My kid’s schools splits the classes so the smart kids can move faster and dig deeper. If the amount of instruction matters as he claims is the benefit of no excuses characters then, it’s hard to see how this wouldn’t be true.

Steve Comment: The “Elite Illusion” By Atila (Duke) and Josh and Parag (MIT). Underwhelming to me, he isn’t capturing is the counterfactual, what happens to the laststudent admitted to Stuyvesant if he/she doesn’t go over the long term. The expectation at Stuy is to go to an elite school, because that gets you in the door at an institution that provides training (The Bain Consultings or JMP of the world) the expectation at other schools isn’t that. Note:“…he many clubs and activities found at some exam schools may expose students to ideas and concepts not easily captured by achievement tests or our post-secondary outcomes. It is also possible that exam school graduates earn higher wages….”

Steve Comment: The “Elite Illusion” By Atila (Duke) and Josh and Parag (MIT). Underwhelming to me, he isn’t capturing is the counterfactual, what happens to the laststudent admitted to Stuyvesant if he/she doesn’t go over the long term. The expectation at Stuy is to go to an elite school, because that gets you in the door at an institution that provides training (The Bain Consultings or JMP of the world) the expectation at other schools isn’t that. Note:“…he many clubs and activities found at some exam schools may expose students to ideas and concepts not easily captured by achievement tests or our post-secondary outcomes. It is also possible that exam school graduates earn higher wages….”

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Other Comparison
    • Skill Level
  • Workforce
    • Education
      • K-12

Monday, May 25, 2020

Penny-pinching consumers could spell trouble for recovery

AI Summary. The US personal savings rate has surged to around 20% of household income as consumer spending slumped while personal incomes held stable. Some of the spending decline is involuntary and may recover as businesses reopen, but reduced discretionary spending on services and goods such as autos could persist.

Gavyn Davies Financial Times
Date Posted:
May 25, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US personal savings rate may have surged to 20% of household income, driven by stable incomes & declining consumer spending. Will this caution persist as lockdowns ease?.

Will a surge in household saving hold back the recovery?

Core argument: The US personal savings rate has surged toward roughly 20% of household income, a potential all-time high, driven by a slump in consumer spending while personal incomes held stable.

The US personal savings rate has surged, potentially reaching an all-time high of around 20% of household income, driven by a slump in consumer spending despite stable personal incomes. This trend suggests that consumers may remain cautious during the economic recovery, particularly affecting service sectors and discretionary goods like autos. The key question is how much of this increased savings will reverse as lockdowns ease. While some spending decline is involuntary and may recover as businesses reopen, the reduction in discretionary spending could persist, especially if emergency unemployment benefits end as scheduled.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The US personal savings rate has surged toward roughly 20% of household income, a potential all-time high, driven by a slump in consumer spending while personal incomes held stable.
  2. Service sectors and discretionary goods such as autos are particularly exposed if consumers stay cautious through the recovery, with the central question being how much of the added saving reverses as lockdowns ease.
  3. Part of the spending decline is involuntary and may recover as businesses reopen, but reduced discretionary spending could persist, especially if emergency unemployment benefits end as scheduled.

Penny-pinching consumers could spell trouble for recovery: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Gavyn Davies, "Penny-pinching consumers could spell trouble for recovery,"Financial Times, May 23, 2020, https://www.ft.com/content/fffa1302-99ba-11ea-adb1-529f96d8a00b

Good observation and shocking chart from Gavyn Davies, the slump in US consumer spending has been driven by a surge in savings, not a decline in personal income. “…much of the slump in US consumer spending has been accompanied not by declining personal incomes but by a surge in savings, which suggests consumers may remain cautious during the recovery… Despite this income support, consumer spending has collapsed, especially in service sectors and on discretionary goods such as autos. As a result, the savings ratio could well rise to about 20 per cent of household income. The key question for the economic recovery is how much of this increase will be reversed as the lockdowns are eased. Part of the decline in spending has been involuntary and will be restored as restaurants and stores re­open and work patterns return to normal. But the decline in discretionary spending on big-ticket and other items may last longer, especially if the emergency rise in unemployment benefits ends after the end of July, as planned….”

Ed Comment:My concern is not demand; it's supply. Most low-skilled workers live paycheck-to-paycheck. They may be saving in these risky times, especially since it's hard to spend money, but my guess is, it won't last long. Incomes are going down and savings are going to be spent. As I have said, I'm concerned the small business owners go bankrupt; the low-skilled workers lose their jobs; and no one, with the expertise, capital, and inclination to take risk, is left to recreate their employment.

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Comparisons
    • Historical

How to Fix Globalization—for Detroit, Not Davos

AI Summary. Globalization's gains over recent decades accrued disproportionately to elite circles rather than industrial regions, according to this argument, and profit-driven incentives can push firms in fiercely competitive markets toward practices such as holding insufficient capital reserves or marketing deceptively. Regulation is framed not as anti-business but as a way to let ethical firms compete fairly.

Larry Summers The American Interest
Date Posted:
May 25, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Regulation should support businesses prioritizing societal well-being, not just profit. Effective regulation can enable ethical businesses to compete fairly, balancing profit with broader societal values. @LHSummers, The American Interest.

Can regulation make globalization work for industrial regions, not just elites?

Core argument: Globalization has disproportionately benefited elite circles such as Davos while neglecting industrial regions like Detroit.

Over the past two decades, globalization has disproportionately benefited elite circles, such as those in Davos, while neglecting industrial regions like Detroit. The focus on high-powered incentives, primarily profit-driven motives, has led to both economic growth and the exploitation of workers and consumers. In fiercely competitive markets, firms may resort to unethical practices to maintain market share, such as insufficient capital reserves or deceptive marketing. This underscores the need for regulation not as an anti-business measure but as a means to support businesses that prioritize societal well-being. Effective regulation can enable ethical businesses to compete fairly, ensuring that profit does not overshadow other societal values. The emphasis should shift from maximizing profit at all costs to fostering a balanced approach that benefits broader society.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Globalization has disproportionately benefited elite circles such as Davos while neglecting industrial regions like Detroit.
  2. High-powered, profit-driven incentives have produced both economic growth and the exploitation of workers and consumers, with firms in fiercely competitive markets resorting to practices such as holding insufficient capital reserves or marketing deceptively to defend market share.
  3. Regulation can serve not as an anti-business measure but as support for businesses that prioritize societal well-being, letting ethical firms compete fairly so that profit does not overshadow other societal values.

"...LHS: Let’s take the global dimension first. We have done too much management of globalization for the benefit of those in Davos, and too little for the benefit of those in Detroit or Dusseldorf. Over the last two decades, better intellectual property protection for Mickey Mouse and Hollywood movies has been an A level economic issue. Better global tax cooperation, so that tech companies’ profits do not locate themselves in cyberspace and entirely escape taxation, has been a B-level issue….. More broadly, we need a reconsideration of what economists would call the role of high-powered incentives. The profit motive is a very positive thing. It drives businesses to be more efficient. It drives businesses to create new product. It drives economies forward. But profit can also be an incentive to the exploitation of workers. It can be an incentive to the exploitation of consumers. In a world where firms compete too ruthlessly for market share, if somebody cuts a corner, there can be overwhelming pressure for everyone to cut that corner in order to survive—whether it is maintaining insufficient capital in a financial institution, using a deceptive marketing practice that addicts customers, or producing in a way that is invisibly unsafe. So the case for regulation is not to be anti-business. Regulation needs to be supported because it enables the vast majority of businesses who want to do right by society to do so and still be able to compete. That’s how the case for regulation needs to be framed. We should not be waging jihad against business. We should be waging jihad against those who put profit ahead of every other value in the society. And that’s where in the emphasis on profit, we have gone a bit awry...."
Lawrence Summers, "How to Fix Globalization—for Detroit, Not Davos,"The American Interest, May 22, 2020, https://www.the-american-interest.com/2020/05/22/how-to-fix-globalization-for-detroit-not-davos/

Summers interview, he continues to bash the wealth tax but this is the most interesting bit

Ed Comment: “….Add to the data base as a contrary opinion. There are some insight here but then there are times when I think he goes off the rails. For example he says “Now we’re saying that we have to cut the taxes on those companies and cut the calculus class from your kid’s high school, because otherwise we won’t be able to attract companies to the United States, and you have to pay higher taxes and live with fewer services.” We have done nothing but expand government spending while holding or reducing middle class taxes. meanshwil we are being eating alive by retiring baby boomers, not tax cuts. Of course he says, “We have an economy where there’s a very strong propensity to save, in part because of redistribution towards those with high incomes…” Rognlie disproves that. “… in part because of uncertainty and demographic developments, and where because of what I call a broad “demassification” of the economy, there’s a much lower propensity to invest than was previously the case.” I think investment has shifted from capital investment whose prices have fallen faster than inflation. He scuffs at the idea of government on boards then says, “My advice to policymakers would be to focus maximum energy on public investment. That’s an agenda that will involve larger taxation” Why? because government has proven to be a much better investor that the private sector and therefore it’s worth diverting resources from the private sector to government? He proposes raising the capital gains tax. But let’s work the math. Let’s say investments earn 6%, with inflation at 2% and the tax rate is raised to 50% (mine is almost there now with NY at 12+% and no state deduction). 6% times 50% is 3% less 2% inflation is 1% real return after tax and inflation. Divided by 4% before taxes and after inflation (+6%-2%) is a 75% tax rate (=1%/4%). And that doesn’t include the corporate tax at 20%. So it’s really 7.5% x 20% = 6% etc. so it’s really 1/(7.5-2=5.5) is an 82% tax rate on investment returns. And he thinks it’s a good idea to raise it?! Come on. He depends on his audience not know how to work the math. And that doesn’t include 50% estate taxes or 5% to 8% sales taxes....”

  • Government Spending
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Fiscal Deficits
    • Taxation
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
    • Trade (not deficits)
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century

AI Summary. The authors project that population aging will lower the US real interest rate by 63 basis points and raise the US wealth-to-GDP ratio by 35 percentage points, with increases of 85 percentage points in Japan and 310 percentage points in India. They project these shifts will drive large global imbalances in net foreign asset positions.

Adrien Auclert, Hannes Malmberg, Frederic Martenet and Matthew Rognlie Working Paper
Date Posted:
May 25, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Aging population projected to impact global economic balances, leading to a 63bps decline in US real interest rate. Demographic shift increases US wealth-to-GDP ratio by 35%pts, with Japan & India seeing 85%pts & 310%pts rises, respectively.

How does population aging reshape interest rates, wealth, and global imbalances?

Core argument: Population aging is projected to lower the US real interest rate by 63 bps and raise the US wealth-to-GDP ratio by 35 percentage points.

The aging population is projected to significantly impact global economic balances, leading to a decline in the US real interest rate by 63 bps. This demographic shift is expected to increase the wealth-to-GDP ratio (W/Y) in the US by 35 percentage points, while globally, the compositional effect of aging will vary, with Japan seeing an 85 percentage point rise and India a 310 percentage point rise in W/Y. These changes will drive large global imbalances, with net foreign asset positions reaching unprecedented levels. The macroeconomic effect of aging on wealth accumulation is substantial, but adjustments in equilibrium interest rates, influenced by asset supply and demand sensitivities, moderate the overall impact on interest rates and wealth. This demographic-driven shift underscores the need for policy adjustments to manage the evolving economic landscape.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Population aging is projected to lower the US real interest rate by 63 bps and raise the US wealth-to-GDP ratio by 35 percentage points.
  2. The compositional effect of aging on wealth-to-GDP varies across countries, with Japan projected to see a rise of 85 percentage points and India a rise of 310 percentage points.
  3. Demographic shifts are projected to drive large global imbalances, with net foreign asset positions reaching unprecedented levels, while adjustments in equilibrium interest rates moderate the overall effect on interest rates and wealth.

Adrien Auclert, Hannes Malmberg, Frederic Martenet and Matthew Rognlie, “Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century,” Virtual Macro Seminar, May 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch

Video of paper’s seminar:

Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Adrien Auclert, Hannes Malmberg, Frederic Martenet and Matthew Rognlie, "Demographics, Wealth, and Global Imbalances in the Twenty-First Century," Working Paper, May 20, 2020, http://web.stanford.edu/~aauclert/demowealth21.pdf

new Rognlie on the relationship btw demographic change and the interest rates, implies a decline in the real interest rate of 63bps for US. Also imply the global savings glut is going to grow

"....We use a sufficient statistic approach to quantify the effects of population aging on wealth accumulation and equilibrium interest rates.... The model predicts a fall in the real interest rate, a rise in the world W/Y, and an expansion of global imbalances.... A simple calculation that rolls forward projected population distributions over fixed age profiles of assets and income constitutes a sufficient statistic for the transition dynamics of the wealth-to-GDP ratio in a special case of our model, and remains a very useful input into the calculation of equilibrium wealth and interest rates away from this special case. Our sufficient statistic approach shows that the macroeconomic effect of aging on aggregate wealth accumulation is large, but equilibrium interest rate adjustment, disciplined by external evidence on asset supply and demand sensitivities to the interest rate, makes the ultimate effect on interest rates and wealth more modest. Our baseline projections for the United States imply a long-run rise in W/Y of 35 percentage points, and a decline in real interest rates of 63 basis points..... Combining population projections with household survey data from the US and 24 other countries, we project the evolution of wealth-to-GDP ratios by changing the age distribution, holding life-cycle asset and income profiles constant. We find that this compositional effect of aging is large and heterogeneous across countries, ranging from 85 percentage points in Japan to 310 percentage points in India over the rest of the twenty-first century. In a general equilibrium overlapping generations model, our shift-share provides a very good approximation to the evolution of the wealth-to-GDP ratio due to demographic change when interest rates remain constant. In an integrated world economy, aging generates large global imbalances in the twenty-first century, pushing net foreign asset positions to levels several times larger than those observed until today....Figure 11 shows the relationship between historical compositional effects and historical changes in net foreign asset positions. The 45 degree line shows the demeaned compositional effect. Historically, most countries have had similar compositional effects. However, for Japan and Ireland that have substantial deviations, the net foreign asset positions change in the predicted direction, with Japan accumulating a large positive position, and Ireland a large negative position.26 Overall, there is a positive correlation between compositional effects and the change in net foreign asset positions.…"

Ed Comment:Add this to the database as important (!). Also include it inequality. I think this paper defeats the argument that rising inequality is the primary cause of the savings glut. It says it’s entirely demographic. Perhaps you ought to send it to Pettis. It also says that saving and investment are largely insensitive to interest rates. Also noted Page 33: “…. At fixed demographics, the model would completely miss on the entirety of this increase, as the dashed line of panel A indicates. The reason for this fit is clear from Panel B: the fall in interest rates and the decline in productivity growth have roughly offsetting effects on wealth accumulation, so that the effect of demographics remains to "explain" the increase in W/Y (wealth to GDP). However, this exercise does not amount to fully accounting for the causal effect of demographics on the wealth-to-output ratio, since it is likely that part of the decline in the real interest rate was itself caused by demographic. The model predicts a fall in the real interest rate, a rise in the world W/Y, and an expansion of global imbalances….”

Ed Comment:Yes but as he points out, these enacted policies reduced saving, especially social security and low interest rates if the government truly controls them. He (his theory) has to explain an increase in savings for reasons other than demographics beyond his assertion. Rognaline claims it's entirely demographic. Pettis provides no argument otherwise. Not clear to me from his answer that Pettis sees that his answer doesn't address the issue.

Matt Klein Comment:Thanks very much! Will have to read the paper more thoroughly but my immediate thought is that the chart is garbage. If you remove Ireland (which is heavily affected by multinational tax avoidance) and Japan then you end up with a vertical line instead of a 45-degree line. The other thought I have is that Japan's overall net savings doesn't come from the household sector but from the corporate sector. That could be a function of aging (why invest if your domestic market is shrinking) but it seems different from the story in the paper. I think the mistake is to focus solely on the saving preferences of households. That's generally not what drives global imbalances.

Pettis Comment:Thanks, Steve, and sorry for the late response but things have been incredibly busy. The piece you sent is interesting, but one of the points I make in my book and elsewhere is that it is a mistake to see changes in the savings rate as wholly a function of changes in the existing distribution of household savings. If demographics force household saving rates to rise, that is only part of the story. The real changes in savings rates occur as a result of implicit or explicit policies that affect the distribution of income, so strengthening the social safety net, stronger environmental restrictions, lower educational costs, reducing real interest rates, etc. can all act to reduce the savings rate.

  • Inequality
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Workforce
    • Demographics


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