Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Thursday, January 9, 2020

Pay Is Rising Fastest for Low Earners. One Reason? Minimum Wages

AI Summary. Analysis estimates that wage growth for the bottom third of earners would have been about 3.3% rather than 4.1% without minimum wage increases, which added roughly 0.4 percentage points to aggregate wage growth of 3.9%. A tightening labor market is likely responsible for most of the gains.

Ernie Tedeschi New York Times
Date Posted:
January 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Minimum wage hikes explain 20% of wage growth for the bottom third, but labor market tightness is likely responsible for the majority. @ErnieTedeschi

How much of low earners' wage growth comes from minimum wages?

Core argument: Wage growth for the bottom third of U.S. earners ran 4.1%, but would have been closer to 3.3% without minimum wage increases, according to the analysis.

Wage growth for the lowest quartile in states without minimum wage increases suggests labor market tightness is a key driver. Analysis shows that wage growth for the bottom third of earners would have been closer to 3.3% without minimum wage hikes, compared to the actual 4.1%. Minimum wage work accounts for about 13% of hours worked by the bottom third, amplifying its impact on wage growth. Overall, minimum wage increases have added 0.4 percentage points to aggregate wage growth, which has been running at 3.9% annually. However, the tightening labor market is likely responsible for the majority of wage growth, with minimum wage hikes explaining around 20% of the increase for the bottom third over the last two years. This indicates that while minimum wages contribute to wage growth, broader labor market dynamics play a more significant role.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Wage growth for the bottom third of U.S. earners ran 4.1%, but would have been closer to 3.3% without minimum wage increases, according to the analysis.
  2. Minimum wage increases added 0.4 percentage points to aggregate wage growth, which has been running at 3.9% annually, with minimum wage work accounting for about 13% of hours worked by the bottom third.
  3. A tightening labor market is likely responsible for the majority of wage growth, with minimum wage hikes explaining around 20% of the increase for the bottom third over the past two years.

Counterintuitive Ernie analysis suggests that the impact of state and local minimum wage hikes might be skewing our sense of how hot the labor market is. He segments minimum wage workers by those impacted by federal/state/local minimum wages and then looks at relative wage pressure using AHE and finds that absent the hikes wage growth for bottom third would be slower than overall wage growth as opposed to higher. His work suggests that wage growth for Americans in bottom 1/3 of wage earners would have been closer to 3.3% as opposed to 4.1% net the impact of minimum wages. Note he mentions this does not take into account people laid off due to the minimum wage increases.

"...To get a sense of this impact, I have used data in the Current Population Survey to look at minimum wage workers as a group and calculate the pressure their wage gains have put on aggregate wage growth over time, controlling for compositional changes in the share of minimum wage work. Note that this approach doesn’t settle whether minimum-wage increases are a net benefit to Americans, since among other things wage data will by definition capture only those who stayed employed after an increase. If people were laid off because of a minimum-wage increase, their loss of wages wouldn’t factor into the average.This analysis shows that growth in average wages has been running about 3.9 percent per year in the Current Population Survey over the past two years, a bit firmer than the pace right before the Great Recession but below the near 5 percent reached in 2000. But increases to minimum wages at the state and local level have put 0.4 percentage points of upward pressure on this recent growth. Absent that pressure, wage growth in the Current Population Survey over the last two years would have been 3.5 percent.That’s still a fine result, but it’s a bit cooler than the unadjusted data suggest. Wage pressure from minimum wage workers is magnified when you look at only the lowest wages. That’s because while minimum wage work makes up about 6 percent of all usual hours worked, it’s around 13 percent of hours worked by Americans in the bottom third of wages. As the analysis has shown us, wage growth at the bottom is doing well. It has been around 4.1 percent over the last two years — above the 3.6 percent at the top end, and above the overall average of 3.9 percent. But absent the pressure from minimum wage workers, growth at the bottom would have been closer to 3.3 percent...."
Basically overall Ernie finds that AHE growth it’s running 4.1% per year on average in the CPS, and changes in wages for minimum wage workers boosted that by 0.8 percentage points. So ex-hikes, growth at the bottom third looks closer to 3.3%. And when you look at everyone, minimum wage hikes are still registering, though obviously far less, adding 0.4 percentage points to wage growth. He noted in an email, “….A few conclusions from this: first, among workers who stay employed, minimum wages are clearly helping, though as I said earlier this approach can’t weight this benefit against possible costs. In fact, for workers at the bottom, minimum wage hikes have meant the difference between exceeding or falling short of the overall average growth and the growth at the top. Second, minimum wage wages aren’t the biggest reason wages have grown, even at the bottom. The tightening labor market is very likely responsible for the lion’s share of growth. In the bottom third, minimum wage hikes can explain around 1/5 of the wage growth over the last 2 yrs….”

Pay Is Rising Fastest for Low Earners. One Reason? Minimum Wages: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Ernie Tedeschi, "Pay Is Rising Fastest for Low Earners. One Reason? Minimum Wages," New York Times, January 3, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/03/upshot/minimum-wage-boost-bottom-earners.html

  • Other Comparison
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Business Cycle
  • Workforce
    • Minimum Wage
    • Wages/Income

The Saving Glut of the Rich and the Rise in Household Debt

AI Summary. Rising U.S. income inequality since 1980 is associated with a large increase in saving by the top 1% — a "saving glut of the rich" — alongside falling saving rates among the bottom 90%. The authors find rich Americans have increasingly financed borrowing by non-rich Americans, and government deficits after the Great Recession.

Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi Harvard University
Date Posted:
January 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

The “saving glut of the rich” in the US has mirrored the global saving glut but without a corresponding rise in investment, linked to “dis-saving” of the bottom 90%.

Does rising saving by the top 1% finance borrowing by everyone else?

Core argument: The net household debt position of the top 1% of U.S. households fell by 20 percentage points of national income since 1980, while the bottom 90% saw theirs rise by 40 percentage points, as rich Americans increasingly financed the borrowing of non-rich Americans.

Since 1980, rising income inequality in the U.S. has led to a significant increase in savings by the top 1%, termed the "saving glut of the rich," which mirrors the global saving glut but without a corresponding rise in investment. This phenomenon has been linked to a substantial dis-saving by the bottom 90%, whose saving rates fell significantly during this period. The net household debt position of the top 1% decreased by 20 percentage points of national income, reflecting their accumulation of household debt as a financial asset, while the bottom 90% saw their net household debt position increase by 40 percentage points. This indicates that rich Americans have increasingly financed the borrowing of non-rich Americans, with income growth at the top explaining 75% of the accumulation of household debt held as a financial asset. Post-Great Recession, the saving glut of the rich has also been financing government deficits more extensively.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The net household debt position of the top 1% of U.S. households fell by 20 percentage points of national income since 1980, while the bottom 90% saw theirs rise by 40 percentage points, as rich Americans increasingly financed the borrowing of non-rich Americans.
  2. Rising U.S. income inequality since 1980 has produced a "saving glut of the rich," with the top 1% increasing savings without a corresponding rise in investment, mirroring the global saving glut, alongside falling saving rates among the bottom 90%.
  3. Income growth at the top explains 75% of the accumulation of household debt held as a financial asset, and since the Great Recession the saving glut of the rich has financed government deficits more extensively.

Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi, "The Saving Glut of the Rich and the Rise in Household Debt," Harvard University, November 2019, https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/straub/files/mss_richsavingglut.pdf

"....Rising income inequality since 1980 in the United States has generated a large increase in saving by the top of the income distribution, which we call the saving glut of the rich. The saving glut of the rich has been on the same order of magnitude as the global saving glut, and it has not been associated with an increase in investment.An examination of thedistribution of income and wealth reveals that a large fraction of the rise in household borrowing by non-rich households has been financed by rich households through this saving glut...From a national accounting perspective, the saving glut of the rich must have been absorbed by some other part of the economy...investment actually declined from 1980 to 2014, and government deficits were stable until the Great Recession....the net foreign account moves in the opposite direction. The United States as a whole borrowed more from the rest of the world during this time period... This leaves only one remaining margin: the rest of the U.S. household sector must have reduced saving substantially. This is what the analysis finds. Saving by the bottom 90% of the income distribution fell significantly over this time frame. The rise in saving of the top 1% was associated with a substantial dis-saving by the bottom 90%.... The results show that the rise in household debt owed as a liability was driven by the bottom 90% of the income distribution, where as the rise in house hold debt held as a financial asset was driven by the top of the wealth distribution. This suggests that a better measure of house hold debt claims across the wealth distribution is net household debt owed, which is defined as gross household debt owed minus household debt held as a financial asset. Net household debt positions clarify that the post 1980 period was one in which rich Americans increasingly financed the borrowing of non-rich Americans. The net household debt position of the top 1% fell by 20 percentage points of national income since 1980 which reflected their accumulation of house hold debt held as a financial asset. In contrast, the net house hold debt position of the bottom 90%increased by 40 percentage points.... Analysis using variation across states in the rise in top income shares shows that income growth at the top of the income distribution can explain 75%of the accumulation of household debt held as a financial asset by households in the United States. After the Great Recession, evidence suggests that the saving glut of the rich has been financing government deficits to a greater degree…”

new Mian/Sufi on the "savings glut of the rich" which they argue domestic rich savers (with a qualifier "may be") linked to the "dis-saving" of the bottom 90%.

Ed Comment:“I gave the paper a quick read. It's a valuable contribution. But it's a small piece of a larger macro picture. Of course as the income of the top1% grows relative to GDP, so too will their savings. The riskiness of the economy has grown significantly since the 1960s as well as our understanding of those risks. No surprise risk underwriters are carrying more low-risk assets. That said, I agree that's not the only reason. In the 60s, manufacturing was having an enormous positive impact of the economy -- see Gordon's book. There was little offshore competition, especially from $3 an hour labor. We thought the US was invincible. Growth reduces risk. Growth was largely driven by low risk expansions of existing capacities. Unlike Gordon's book on Intel in the 1990s, (Only the Paranoid Survive) which is all about competition, Alfred Sloan's landmark 1960s book on GM is about organization. Competition was barely on his radar. The rest of the world has grown more competitive. Growth has slowed. Risky innovation now largely drives growth on its own. So does the growth of risky intangible investments overlooked in the paper. Employees and entrepreneurs underwrite risk through options, equity, and startups. Undiversified risk of this sort is much riskier to hold. Government policy is more f-ed up. And over time, we recognize more of these risks. Statisticians barely considered fat tail risks in the 1960s. No surprise risk-underwriters increasing hold low-risk assets to offset the risks they are bearing. My guess is if you do something to discourage that, they will find other ways to dial back risk--better more cash than less innovation. Most policy is the mistaken analysis of a world too complex to analyze, which results in unintended consequences. Mutation, survival of the fittest, and gradual evolution is far more likely to produce more optimal and robust results. That's why I favor free markets over dangerous armchair second guessing. The latter is highly likely to be wrong. Mian and Sufi don't have their noses far enough off the paper to recognize the factors I raise here much less to have considered them fully. They are great data analysts but sloppy macroeconomists.”

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • GDP
  • Workforce
    • Inequality
    • Wages/Income

The 2010s may have seen the slowest population growth in U.S. history, census data show

AI Summary. U.S. Census data show the 2010s had the slowest population growth in U.S. history, including a 0.48% annual increase that was the lowest since 1918. The decade featured fewer births, more deaths, net immigration of 595,000 — the lowest since the 1980s — and a 1.14m decline in the under-18 population.

William H. Frey Brookings Institution
Date Posted:
January 9, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US population growth in the 2010s was the slowest in history, with a 0.48% increase from 2018 to 2019, the lowest annual rate since 1918.

Was the past decade the slowest for U.S. population growth on record?

Core argument: U.S. population grew 0.48% from 2018 to 2019, the lowest annual rate since 1918, and census data suggest the 2010s may have been the slowest decade of population growth in U.S. history.

The 2010s marked the slowest population growth in U.S. history, with a mere 0.48% increase from 2018 to 2019, the lowest annual rate since 1918. This decade-long stagnation was characterized by fewer births, more deaths, and uneven immigration patterns. Immigration fell to 595,000, the lowest since the 1980s, while natural increase dropped below 1m. The aging population contributed to a decline of 1.14m in the under-18 demographic. Regional disparities emerged, with higher growth in the Mountain West and Southeast, low growth in the Midwest and Northeast, and population loss in four states. California faced potential congressional seat loss due to declining growth. These trends reflect broader demographic shifts, including lower fertility rates and an aging population, with projections indicating higher growth rates for those over 65 compared to youth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. population grew 0.48% from 2018 to 2019, the lowest annual rate since 1918, and census data suggest the 2010s may have been the slowest decade of population growth in U.S. history.
  2. Immigration fell to 595,000, the lowest level since the 1980s, while natural increase dropped below 1m and the under-18 population declined by 1.14m.
  3. Population growth was higher in the Mountain West and Southeast and low in the Midwest and Northeast, with four states losing population and California facing a potential loss of a congressional seat.

"... The nation’s population growth from 2018 to 2019 grew by a mere 0.48%, according to newly released Census Bureau estimates. This is the lowest annual growth rate since 1918, and caps off a decade that should show the slowest 10-year population growth since the first census was taken in 1790....The decade’s patterns reveal a nation with unprecedented growth stagnation, an absolute decline in its under-18 youth population, higher growth for states in the Mountain West and Southeast, low growth in the Midwest and Northeast, and population loss in four states. Moreover, declining growth in California could lead to its first-ever loss of a congressional seat... The 2010s was a decade of fewer births, more deaths, and uneven immigration. (download Table A) The 2018-19 period had an exceptionally low growth rate of 0.48%, with immigration declining to 595,000 people—the lowest level since the 1980s—and a drop in natural increase to below 1,000,000. (download Table B) While immigration may have been unusually low due to recent federal restrictions which led to a decline in the noncitizen foreign-born, relatively low natural increase levels are likely to persist due to the aging of the population. One symptom of the aging population is the decade-wide loss in young people under age 18. Between 2010 and 2019, the nation sustained an absolute decline of 1.14 million youth. Some of this change can be attributed to lower fertility rates and the aging into adulthood of the last of the millennial population, though census projections show older populations—especially those over age 65—will display far higher rates of growth than youth.."

The 2010s may have seen the slowest population growth in U.S. history, census data show: Extended Excerpt Image 1


William H. Frey, "The 2010s may have seen the slowest population growth in U.S. history, census data show," Brookings Institution, January 2, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/research/population-change-and-the-projected-change-in-congressional-representation/

  • Demographics
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Workforce
    • Immigration

Friday, January 10, 2020

Where You Want to Get Cancer

AI Summary. The U.S. has higher cancer survival rates than the UK and France, with five-year survival at 98% for prostate, 92% for melanoma, and 90% for breast cancer, and cancer mortality down nearly 30% from its peak. The UK's system, which often rejects expensive drugs, has an age-adjusted cancer mortality rate 20% higher than the U.S.

Chart Editorial Board Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
January 10, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US boasts superior cancer survival rates compared to the UK and France, driven by advancements in early diagnosis and treatment. Since 1991, US cancer mortality rate has dropped nearly 30%.

Does the U.S. deliver better cancer survival than the UK and France?

Core argument: The U.S. cancer mortality rate has fallen nearly 30% since 1991, with declines in lung and breast cancer deaths attributed to reduced smoking and improved screening.

The U.S. boasts superior cancer survival rates compared to the UK and France, driven by significant advancements in early diagnosis and treatment. Since 1991, the U.S. cancer mortality rate has dropped nearly 30%, with notable declines in lung and breast cancer deaths due to reduced smoking and improved screening. The five-year survival rates for prostate, melanoma, and breast cancer are 98%, 92%, and 90%, respectively. Breakthrough therapies, including immunotherapies, have enhanced survival rates for difficult-to-treat cancers like metastatic melanoma. However, these treatments require substantial investment, leading to higher costs. In contrast, the UK's socialized medicine system often rejects expensive drugs, contributing to a 20% higher age-adjusted cancer mortality rate compared to the U.S. AI advancements in diagnostics further bolster U.S. outcomes, while disparities in cancer death rates between racial groups have narrowed significantly.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The U.S. cancer mortality rate has fallen nearly 30% since 1991, with declines in lung and breast cancer deaths attributed to reduced smoking and improved screening.
  2. Five-year U.S. survival rates stand at 98% for prostate cancer, 92% for melanoma, and 90% for breast cancer, and immunotherapies have raised survival in hard-to-treat cancers such as metastatic melanoma.
  3. The UK's age-adjusted cancer mortality rate runs 20% higher than the U.S. rate, which the article attributes to a socialized medicine system that often rejects expensive drugs.

Chart

Editorial Board, "Where You Want to Get Cancer,"Wall Street Journal, January 9, 2020, https://www.wsj.com/articles/where-you-want-to-get-cancer-11578615274

Where You Want to Get Cancer

Cheer up, folks. For all the political grousing about health-care costs, the good news out this week is that cancer survival rates have improved enormously over the last three decades. The chances of beating most types of cancer are increasing, and that’s especially true if you live in the United States.

The American Cancer Society reported this week that the cancer mortality rate in the U.S. has plunged nearly 30% since its peak in 1991, with the biggest annual decline occurring in 2017. Fewer Americans are smoking, which has reduced the incidence of lung cancer in particular. More Americans are also being diagnosed with cancer at earlier stages thanks to better tests and screening, increasing the odds of survival.

The five-year survival rate is now 98% for prostate cancer, 92% for melanoma and 90% for breast cancer. Between 2013 and 2017, the death rate for men with melanoma declined by a stunning 7.6% annually. Screening and treatment improvements also helped reduce the death rate for breast cancer by an average of 1.5% annually from 2008 to 2017.

Scientific understanding of cancer and its genetic determinants has advanced by leaps over the past decade. Personal DNA testing companies like 23andMe arm people with more information about their risk factors. Most women now know, for example, that mutations in the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes increase the risk for breast and ovarian cancers.

Breakthrough therapies that harness a victim’s immune system have also increased survival rates by multiples over traditional treatments such as chemotherapy. That’s especially true for cancers with low survival rates such as metastatic melanoma and lung cancer.

Where You Want to Get Cancer: Extended Excerpt Image 1


But the drugs require enormous investment and therefore aren’t cheap once they’re approved by the Food and Drug Administration. The United Kingdom’s National Institute for Health and Care Excellence has rejected immunotherapies because they were too expensive, though it has had to relent in some cases after patient protests.

Such government rationing and price controls on drugs are one major reason that countries with socialized medicine like the United Kingdom have lower cancer survival rates than the U.S. The age-adjusted cancer mortality rate is about 20% higher in the U.K and 10% higher in Canada and France than in the U.S. Survival rates for hard-to-treat cancers are also higher in the U.S. than in most countries with nationalized health systems.

According to a study in the journal Lancet last year, an individual diagnosed with pancreatic cancer between 2010 and 2014 had nearly twice the likelihood of surviving five years in the U.S. than in the U.K. The five-year survival rate for brain cancer in the U.S. is 36.5% compared to 27.2% in France and 26.3% in the U.K. For stomach cancer the five-year survival rate is 33.1% in the U.S. compared to 26.7% in France and 20.7% in the U.K.

Diagnostic and treatment advances in the U.S. are also accelerating. Google’s artificial intelligence can now detect breast and lung cancers with better accuracy—meaning fewer false positives and negatives—than radiologists. AI systems are also enabling researchers to identify more genetic links and to personalize treatments.

Even the report’s gloomiest news has a silver lining. Death rates for liver cancer are rising faster than for other forms of the disease, but Hepatitis C drugs could greatly reduce the incidence and have come down 80% in price since 2014. It’s also worth highlighting that the disparity in cancer death rates between blacks and whites declined to 13% in 2017 from a peak of 33% in 1993.

Almost everyone knows someone who has been struck with cancer, and many have had bouts of their own. The good news is that the prognosis has never been better, and innovative drug therapies are a major reason.

  • Cross-country
  • Healthcare/Seniors

Money-Losing Companies Mushroom Even as Stocks Hit New Highs

AI Summary. Nearly 40% of U.S. listed companies lost money over a 12-month period, the highest share since the late 1990s outside post-recession periods, driven by a rise in persistent loss makers among the smallest 80% of public firms. Health-care and tech account for 42% and 17% of these loss-making companies.

James Mackintosh Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
January 10, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US listed companies losing money over 12 months has risen to nearly 40%, the highest since the late 1990s outside post-recession periods. @WSJ.

Are money-losing companies a growing share of US listed firms?

Core argument: Nearly 40% of U.S. listed companies lost money over 12 months, the highest share since the late 1990s outside post-recession periods, alongside a rise in persistent loss makers—firms losing money three years running—among the smallest 80% of public firms.

Among the smallest 80% of public firms, there has been a notable rise in persistent loss makers, defined as those losing money for three consecutive years. This trend has pushed the percentage of U.S. listed companies losing money over 12 months to nearly 40%, the highest since the late 1990s outside post-recession periods. Health-care and tech sectors are prominent, with 42% and 17% of these loss-making firms, respectively. Smaller companies are increasingly squeezed by larger corporates, limiting their market presence and growth potential. Despite this, shares of three-quarters of the 100 biggest loss-reporting companies rose over the past year, highlighting investor focus on growth potential over immediate profitability. This contrasts with only 41% of all loss-making U.S. companies seeing share price increases, underscoring the challenges faced by smaller firms.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Nearly 40% of U.S. listed companies lost money over 12 months, the highest share since the late 1990s outside post-recession periods, alongside a rise in persistent loss makers—firms losing money three years running—among the smallest 80% of public firms.
  2. Health care accounts for 42% and tech 17% of these loss-making firms, and smaller companies are increasingly squeezed by larger corporates, limiting their market presence and growth potential.
  3. Shares of three-quarters of the 100 biggest loss-reporting companies rose over the past year, compared with 41% of all loss-making U.S. companies.

Factoid from WSJ “…Among the smallest 80% of companies, there has been a long-term increase in persistent loss makers—those losing money for three years.…”that seems in line withAutor/Dorn/Katz/Patterson/Van Reenenconclusion that,".... While the prediction that rising market toughness could generate an increase in concentration and the profit share may seem counterintuitive, the ambiguous relationship between concentration, profit shares, and the stringency of competition often arises in industrial organization...".

"...Thecombination of forces has pushed the percentage of listed companies in the U.S. losing money over 12 months to close to 40%, its highest level since the late 1990s outside of postrecession periods....What type of companies are losing money? In the U.S., 42% are health-care companies, reflecting the popularity of small, often loss-making biotech stocks. Another 17% are tech stocks, many of them fashionable new ventures.... Here we come to the third trend: Smaller companies being squeezed.The shares of three-quarters of the 100 biggest companies that reported losses rose over the past 12 months, because big loss-making companies tend to be growth stories where investors don’t much mind the losses. That’s far above the 41% of all loss-making U.S. companies whose shares rose, because smaller lossmakers really suffered, according to data from S&P Global Market Intelligence. Among the smallest 80% of companies, there has been a long-term increase in persistent loss makers—those losing money for three years. The proportion of these loss-making companies rose after each of the last two recessions and didn’t come down again afterward. The story should be familiar by now: Many small companies are being dominated by the biggest corporates, squeezing them out of markets and crushing their ability to invest for growth...."

Money-Losing Companies Mushroom Even as Stocks Hit New Highs: Extended Excerpt Image 1

Money-Losing Companies Mushroom Even as Stocks Hit New Highs: Extended Excerpt Image 2


James Mackintosh, "Money-Losing Companies Mushroom Even as Stocks Hit New Highs,"Wall Street Journal, January 9, 2020, https://www.wsj.com/articles/money-losing-companies-mushroom-even-as-stocks-hit-new-highs-11578608209

  • Productivity
    • Institutional Capabilities
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Sector
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

The Leverage Factor: Credit Cycles and Asset Returns

AI Summary. Research finds rapid credit growth — the lagged three-year change in bank loans relative to GDP — predicts below-average equity returns, with stock returns averaging 11.6% when credit growth was below the median versus 6.8% when it was high. Combining this leverage factor with momentum and value raised risk-adjusted returns.

Josh Davis National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 10, 2020
Is Database:
Database

Rapid credit growth predicts below-average equity returns, with high credit growth associated with 6.8% returns vs 11.6% when growth is low.

Does rapid credit growth predict below-average stock returns?

Core argument: Equity returns averaged 11.6% when the lagged three-year change in bank loans to GDP was below the median, versus 6.8% when credit growth was high, according to Alan Taylor's research.

Alan Taylor's research highlights that rapid credit growth, measured by the lagged three-year change in the ratio of total bank loans to GDP, predicts below-average equity returns. Historically, when the credit-to-GDP growth was below the median, stock returns averaged 11.6%, but when credit growth was high, returns dropped to 6.8%. This pattern suggests that credit booms are a negative predictor for future returns on equities and bonds. The Sharpe ratio for the leverage factor alone was 0.78, outperforming momentum at 0.70 but slightly below value at 0.82. A portfolio incorporating credit booms, momentum, and value achieved a Sharpe ratio of 0.94, indicating a more robust risk-adjusted return strategy.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Equity returns averaged 11.6% when the lagged three-year change in bank loans to GDP was below the median, versus 6.8% when credit growth was high, according to Alan Taylor's research.
  2. Taylor's leverage factor produced a Sharpe ratio of 0.78 on its own, above momentum at 0.70 and slightly below value at 0.82.
  3. A portfolio combining credit booms, momentum, and value achieved a Sharpe ratio of 0.94 in Taylor's research.

"... Using long-run annual panel data for the advanced economieswe show that credit booms are a negative predictor for real GDP growth looking forward, as has been noted (Mian, Sufi, and Verner 2017);but they are also a negative predictor for future returns to the major asset classes, equities and bonds. Higher credit growth predicts lower returns to equities in absolute terms, and for equities relative to bonds. In short, when a credit boom is maturing, the investor exposed to equities would face a more likely drawdown, while the investor exposed to bonds would not.....

The Leverage Factor: Credit Cycles and Asset Returns: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Josh Davis and Alan M. Taylor, "The Leverage Factor: Credit Cycles and Asset Returns," National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2019, https://www.nber.org/papers/w26435bn

New Alan Taylor finds that rapid growth in credit (measured by the lagged three-year change in the ratio of total bank loans to GDP) is a predictor of less than average equity returns. Taylor finds that market leverage has historically predicted one year ahead stock returns better than measures of stock market momentum, and almost as well as measures of value. He find (Post World War Two, Table 1)the average return to stocks in sample of countries was 8.9 percent. When lagged growth in the credit-to-GDP ratio was < median the return averaged 11.6 percent. But when the credit growth ratio was high, returns the following year averaged only 6.8 percent.When testing his result he found that theSharpe ratio for the leverage factor alone was 0.78, better than the analogous measure of 0.70 for momentum but not quite as high as 0.82 for value. They found that a portfolio adjustment using all three variables, credit booms, momentum, and value generates a Sharpe ratio of 0.94.

Ed Comment:Interesting, although there haven’t been many business cycles (to regress against) since wwii. I would think it would depend on why credit is booming a) for investment (interest rates rising), in shich case growth and returns should be higher or b) because there is a surplus of savings, in which case rates would be lower, the market might already be higher because of lower rates, growth might be slower with less investment and so lagged stock price growth might less. I don’t know what they are measuring.

  • Business Cycle
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
    • Growth

Americas mobile broadband consumers are getting a bargain

AI Summary. The US has greater 4G mobile availability than would be expected given the price its consumers pay for data, while countries including France and Germany fall below that expected relationship. Across countries, a 100% higher price per 1GB of data is associated with only 3.9% greater 4G availability.

Scott Ganz American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
January 10, 2020
Is Database:
Database

US mobile broadband consumers enjoy greater 4G access than expected relative to price paid, surpassing the expected 4G availability line. @ScottGanz

Do American consumers get more mobile broadband access for their money?

Core argument: A 100% increase in the price of 1GB of mobile data is associated with only a 3.9% increase in 4G availability across countries, and the United States sits above that expected availability line.

American consumers enjoy greater 4G access than expected relative to the price they pay, as evidenced by their position above the expected 4G availability line. A 100% increase in the price of 1GB of data typically results in only a 3.9% increase in 4G availability, yet the US surpasses this expectation. In contrast, countries like France and Germany fall below the line, indicating less access for the price paid. This suggests that US consumers benefit from a more favorable cost-to-access ratio in mobile broadband services, highlighting a competitive advantage in the telecommunications market. The implications for policy makers and economists include potential considerations for regulatory frameworks and market dynamics that contribute to this advantageous positioning.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A 100% increase in the price of 1GB of mobile data is associated with only a 3.9% increase in 4G availability across countries, and the United States sits above that expected availability line.
  2. American consumers obtain greater 4G access than the price they pay would predict, suggesting a more favorable cost-to-access ratio in mobile broadband.
  3. France and Germany fall below the expected 4G availability line, receiving less access for the price paid.

(Philippon pushback)

"...In the graph below,the black line indicates expected 4G availability, conditional on price. On average, a 100 percent increase in the price of 1GB of data is associated with a 3.9 percent increase in 4G availability. Note that the US falls above the line, meaning that American consumers get more access to 4G than would be expected given the price they pay. France and Germany fall below the line. Great Britain falls just above it...."

Americas mobile broadband consumers are getting a bargain: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Scott Ganz, "America’s mobile broadband consumers are getting a bargain," American Enterprise Institute, January 2, 2019, https://www.aei.org/economics/americas-mobile-broadband-consumers-are-getting-a-bargain/

  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical


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