Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Thursday, November 21, 2019

What Fewer Billionaires Could Mean for the Rest of Us

AI Summary. Proposals for steep wealth taxes on the ultra-wealthy, such as annual rates up to 6% on fortunes above $1bn, are designed to function like a Pigovian tax that discourages extreme wealth accumulation. Proponents argue such fortunes entrench privilege and that redirecting them could fund universal health care and student debt elimination.

Greg Ip Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
November 21, 2019
Is Database:
Database

@greg_ip: The ultra-wealthy tax could fund socially beneficial initiatives like universal health care & student debt elimination, potentially enhancing middle-class prosperity & economic equity.

Would steep wealth taxes on billionaires benefit everyone else?

Core argument: Sen. Elizabeth Warren's proposed wealth tax of up to 6% annually on the ultra-wealthy is intended to reduce the concentration of extreme wealth, which some view as detrimental to economic growth and democracy.

The implementation of steep taxes on the ultra-wealthy, such as Sen. Elizabeth Warren's proposed wealth tax of up to 6% annually, aims to reduce the concentration of extreme wealth, which some view as detrimental to economic growth and democracy. This tax would function similarly to a Pigovian tax, discouraging the accumulation of fortunes over $1bn. Proponents argue that while billionaires like Jeff Bezos and Bill Gates have driven innovation, their vast fortunes now contribute to entrenched privilege. Redirecting this wealth could fund socially beneficial initiatives like universal health care and student debt elimination, potentially enhancing middle-class prosperity and economic equity.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Sen. Elizabeth Warren's proposed wealth tax of up to 6% annually on the ultra-wealthy is intended to reduce the concentration of extreme wealth, which some view as detrimental to economic growth and democracy.
  2. The proposed levy would function like a Pigovian tax, discouraging the accumulation of fortunes over $1bn.
  3. Proponents argue that billionaires such as Jeff Bezos and Bill Gates drove innovation but their fortunes now contribute to entrenched privilege, and that redirecting this wealth could fund universal health care and student debt elimination.

Greg Ip, "What Fewer Billionaires Could Mean for the Rest of Us,"Wall Street Journal, November 20, 2019, https://www.wsj.com/articles/what-fewer-billionaires-could-mean-for-the-rest-of-us-11574267129

What Fewer Billionaires Could Mean for the Rest of Us

Steep taxes on the ultra-wealthy are, for some, not a means to an end but an end itself. They see the very existence of extreme wealth as inimical to economic growth, middle-class prosperity and democracy. “Every billionaire is a policy failure,” goes one progressive meme.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren doesn’t go that far. Yet her tax plans are in the same spirit. Her wealth tax of up to 6% a year, coupled with several other levies, would serve to shrink the fortunes of many billionaires and multimillionaires. It would disincentivize the accumulation of fortunes above $1 billion much as a cigarette tax discourages smoking. (They are called “Pigovian” taxes, after the economist Arthur Pigou, who proposed using taxes to discourage undesirable behavior.)

Ms. Warren and her supporters are all for Jeff Bezos, Bill Gates and Larry Ellison creating successful companies such Amazon.com Inc., Microsoft Corp. and Oracle Corp. But they claim these men’s fortunes are far larger than needed to spur innovation and business excellence and have simply become a source of entrenched privilege. A wealth tax, they argue, would repurpose the money to more socially beneficial purposes such as universal health care and eliminating student debt.

Ed Comment: “It’s not the short-term reaction of billionaires that matters most, but the gradual long-term reaction of the economy. In the wake of higher payoffs (for more reasons than just taxes), the US gradually built an army of talented and properly trained risk-takers, who produced trillions of dollars of innovation, while Europe and Japan contributed shockingly little. There were also large spillover benefits to the US, which lead to a doubling of private sector non-automotive R&D relative to Europe, 25% more digitization, 50% faster productivity growth since 2000, and 30% more consumption per capita. It’s a gross understatement when Ip says"....No one knows exactly how would respond.” Is there really “little economic benefit to the unlimited tax-free growth of inherited wealth” when it redistributes and consumes income (i.e. future cash flows) that would otherwise be invested, and demotivates risk-takers to create more value than they can consume in their lifetime?”

Virtually all Democrats want to raise billionaires’ taxes, and it isn’t hard to see why. The ultra-rich already control near-record shares of the country’s wealth and income yet have had their taxes slashed, directly and indirectly, by President Trump, driving the budget deficit sharply higher.

But should they be taxed to the point that they are no longer billionaires? That’s a tougher case to make. In a 2016 book, economist Caroline Freund, now global director for trade at the World Bank, found that countries with a lot of billionaires per capita had higher incomes per capita. She also found a country’s share of the world’s billionaires, as compiled by Forbes, corresponded closely to its share of the world’s largest, most successful companies. While this doesn’t mean billionaires make an economy successful, it does show the two go hand in hand.

How a billionaire earns his or her fortune matters, of course. Some are “rent seekers,” meaning they skim off the productive efforts of others via corruption, royal prerogative or control of some valuable market or resource. That’s why Russia is an outlier in Ms. Freund’s research: lots of oligarchs, with not much economic benefit to show for it.

That, however, is rare in Western democracies, where the more important distinctions are between inherited and earned wealth. Ms. Freund says countries with less self-made and more inherited wealth do seem to grow more slowly, although the ranks of hereditary billionaires are shrinking while those of self-made billionaires are growing.

There is little economic benefit to the unlimited tax-free growth of inherited wealth. Democrats, and a few conservatives, have proposed personal, capital gains and estate tax changes to counter it.

By contrast a wealth tax, also embraced by presidential candidates Sen. Bernie Sanders (up to 8%) and billionaire Tom Steyer (1%), makes no distinction between when or how the wealth was acquired. It would hit not only Walmart Inc. founder Sam Walton’s children, but also future Sam Waltons; not just Bezos today, but Bezos when he became a billionaire in 1998 and Amazon sold just books and music.

No one knows exactly how billionaires would respond, but it seems certain they would, somehow. A recent study by Enrico Moretti, an economist at University of California, Berkeley and Daniel Wilson at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco notes that billionaires were once largely insulated from state-level estate taxes by a federal credit. After the credit was eliminated in 2001, the number of billionaires in states with estate taxes fell 35% relative to states without. Whether the wealth was inherited or self-made didn’t seem to matter. In another study, the authors found that star scientists—the kind that power technology or biotech companies—tend to leave states with relatively higher personal or corporate income taxes.

Gabriel Zucman, an economist at the University of California, Berkeley said unlike a state tax, American billionaires couldn’t avoid Ms. Warren’s wealth tax, which he helped design, by moving, even abroad. And he said the tax wouldn’t deter entrepreneurs from taking risks and building companies, because they are not mainly motivated by money and taxes. Mr. Gates founded Microsoft, he noted, when corporate, personal and estate taxes were far higher than today. Nor would a 6% wealth tax matter much to someone like Facebook Inc. founder Mark Zuckerberg, whose wealth has grown 40% a year since 2008, he added. A wealth tax, he said, would mean the Forbes 400 would have more self-made billionaires like Mr. Zuckerberg and fewer hereditary billionaires.

But Mr. Zuckerberg’s returns are exceptional. For more typical billionaires, Ms. Warren’s taxes could easily eat up most if not all his or her returns. Founders would have to steadily sell off their holdings to pay their taxes, shrinking their stake. “To say you can’t have that wealth means you can’t own your company,” Ms. Freund said.

That’s a problem, she said: The founder is often a more successful and committed chief executive than an outsider. “They really, really care and need to have controlling interest to make decisions,” she said. Indeed, many billionaires use the wealth from one venture to start another: After selling Electronic Data Systems to General Motors, Ross Perot later used the proceeds to start Perot Systems. Mr. Bezos is selling Amazon shares to finance Blue Origin, his space company.

This isn’t a reason not to tax billionaires; it’s a reason to be careful about how it’s done.

FYI Greg Ip mentioned the new Moretti study we used in chapter, "....No one knows exactly how billionaires would respond, but it seems certain they would, somehow. A recent study by Enrico Moretti, an economist at University of California, Berkeley and Daniel Wilson at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco notes that billionaires were once largely insulated from state-level estate taxes by a federal credit. After the credit was eliminated in 2001, the number of billionaires in states with estate taxes fell 35% relative to states without. Whether the wealth was inherited or self-made didn’t seem to matter.In another study, the authors found that star scientists—the kind that power technology or biotech companies—tend to leave states with relatively higher personal or corporate income taxes...."

  • Politics
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Inequality

Why the global shortage of safe assets is getting worse

AI Summary. The global shortage of safe assets is intensifying because their growth lags the expansion of the global economy, with demand continuing to outpace supply even though the ratio of safe assets to US output has more than doubled since the 1950s.

Tommy Stubbington Financial Times
Date Posted:
November 21, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The global shortage of safe assets is intensifying as their growth lags behind the expansion of the global economy.

Is the global shortage of safe assets getting worse?

Core argument: The ratio of safe assets to US GDP has more than doubled since the 1950s, yet demand for safe assets continues to outpace supply.

The global shortage of safe assets is intensifying as their growth lags behind the expansion of the global economy. Despite the ratio of safe assets to US GDP more than doubling since the 1950s, the demand for these assets continues to outpace supply. This imbalance is exacerbated by the increasing GDP growth rates, which further widen the gap between available safe assets and economic expansion. As a result, investors face heightened challenges in securing low-risk investments, potentially leading to increased volatility in financial markets. The implications are significant for policymakers and financial institutions, as they must navigate a landscape where the scarcity of safe assets could impact economic stability and investment strategies.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The ratio of safe assets to US GDP has more than doubled since the 1950s, yet demand for safe assets continues to outpace supply.
  2. The global shortage of safe assets is intensifying as their growth lags the expansion of the global economy, with rising GDP growth rates widening the gap between available safe assets and economic expansion.
  3. The scarcity of safe assets leaves investors facing greater difficulty securing low-risk investments and could increase financial market volatility, with implications for policymakers and financial institutions.

great charts - imply the safe assets shortage will get worse as safe assets grow smaller relative to the global economy - note Fed data from last year showed the ratio of safe assets to US GDP has more than doubled since the 1950s

Why the global shortage of safe assets is getting worse: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Why the global shortage of safe assets is getting worse: Extended Excerpt Image 2

Tommy Stubbington, "Why the global shortage of safe assets is getting worse,"Financial Times, November 19, 2019, https://www.ft.com/content/c7fd4e22-07ae-11ea-a984-fbbacad9e7dd

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP

Nonfinancial corporate business; total assets, Level

AI Summary. US nonfinancial corporate business total assets have fluctuated between roughly 177% and 212% of GDP over the past two decades, peaking before the financial crisis and falling to their low in its aftermath. The ratio subsequently rebounded to about 207%.

U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Date Posted:
November 21, 2019
Is Database:
Database

US nonfinancial corporate assets/GDP ratio: 197% (Q4 2000) → 212% (Q4 2007) → 177% (Q4 2010) → 207% (Q2 2019). Post-crisis drop of 35% points marks sharpest asset contraction; 30% rebound by 2019 signals recovery

How have corporate assets moved relative to GDP over two decades?

Core argument: Nonfinancial corporate business total assets equaled 212% of GDP in Q4 2007, up from 197% in Q4 2000, coinciding with pre-financial-crisis asset expansion.

The ratio of nonfinancial corporate business total assets to GDP has shown significant fluctuations over the past two decades, reflecting broader economic trends. In Q4 2000, this ratio stood at 197%, indicating a substantial asset base relative to the economy's size. By Q4 2007, it increased to 212%, coinciding with the pre-financial crisis asset expansion. However, the aftermath of the crisis saw a decline, with the ratio dropping to 177% by Q4 2010. This decline suggests a contraction in asset growth or a relative increase in GDP. By Q2 2019, the ratio rebounded to 207%, highlighting a recovery in asset accumulation within the nonfinancial corporate sector. These shifts underscore the dynamic interplay between corporate asset growth and economic output, offering insights into corporate financial health and economic resilience over time.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Nonfinancial corporate business total assets equaled 212% of GDP in Q4 2007, up from 197% in Q4 2000, coinciding with pre-financial-crisis asset expansion.
  2. The ratio of nonfinancial corporate total assets to GDP fell to 177% by Q4 2010 after the financial crisis, a decline suggesting contraction in asset growth or a relative increase in GDP.
  3. Nonfinancial corporate total assets stood at 207% of GDP in Q2 2019, up from 177% in Q4 2010.

Nonfinancial corporate business; total assets, Level / Gross Domestic Product *100 Q4 2000 197% Q4 2007 212% Q4 2010 177% Q2 2019 207%
Ed, This is Nonfinancial corporate business; total assets, Level (from Z1) / Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Sheet attached.

Nonfinancial corporate business; total assets, Level: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, "Nonfinancial corporate business; total assets, Level," Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Accessed November 1, 2019, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/TABSNNCBU.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, "Gross Domestic Product," Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Accessed November 21, 2019, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/GDP

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP

Friday, November 22, 2019

Excess Asian savings are weighing on global interest rates

AI Summary. High savings rates in Asia have produced current-account surpluses averaging $525bn a year over the past five years, about 0.6% of global GDP, with Singapore's surplus at 18% of its GDP. Aging populations in Singapore, China, South Korea, and Taiwan may reduce these surpluses as savings are drawn down.

Economist Staff Economist
Date Posted:
November 22, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Asian savings have led to large current-account surpluses, averaging $525bn annually over the past five years, slightly higher than pre-2008 levels.

Are high Asian savings holding down global interest rates?

Core argument: Asia's current-account surpluses have averaged $525bn annually over the past five years, slightly above pre-2008 levels and equal to about 0.6% of global GDP, comparable to Europe's surplus economies.

High savings rates in Asia have led to large current-account surpluses, averaging $525bn annually over the past five years, slightly higher than pre-2008 levels. These surpluses, representing about 0.6% of global GDP, are comparable to Europe's surplus economies. Singapore's surplus is notably high at 18% of GDP, with the IMF suggesting increased government spending to reduce precautionary savings. However, demographic shifts in countries like Singapore, China, South Korea, and Taiwan may naturally reduce surpluses as populations age and savings are drawn down. While Asian savings contribute to global financial imbalances, other factors such as America's trade policies and Europe's fiscal challenges also play significant roles.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Asia's current-account surpluses have averaged $525bn annually over the past five years, slightly above pre-2008 levels and equal to about 0.6% of global GDP, comparable to Europe's surplus economies.
  2. Singapore's current-account surplus stands at 18% of GDP, and the IMF suggests higher government spending there to reduce precautionary savings.
  3. Aging populations in Singapore, China, South Korea and Taiwan may draw down savings and reduce Asian surpluses, while America's trade policies and Europe's fiscal challenges also shape global financial imbalances.

Economist Staff, "Excess Asian savings are weighing on global interest rates,"Economist, November 23, 2019, https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2019/11/23/excess-asian-savings-are-weighing-on-global-interest-rates

"...There are certainly echoes with 15 years ago. High savings rates in Asia continue to translate into large current-account surpluses. Over the past five years East Asia’s current-account surplus has averaged about $525bn annually, a touch higher in cash terms than the average in the five years preceding the 2008 crisis. The distribution has shifted: China’s surplus peaked a decade ago, while those of South Korea and Taiwan are bigger than they used to be. The current-account surpluses in Asia’s big economies add up to about 0.6% of global gdp, roughly the same as that of Europe’s surplus economies, including Germany’s, in combination.....A broader question is whether Asia should be faulted for its predilection for saving. Take Singapore, which lies at the extreme end with a current-account surplus of 18% of gdp. The imf argues that the country’s external position is “substantially stronger” than warranted by fundamentals. It has called for the government to spend more on infrastructure and on social security, which would help reduce its citizens’ precautionary savings. But Singapore has pushed back against such criticisms. Before the mid-1980s it regularly ran a current-account deficit. Its surplus ballooned as it hit a demographic sweet spot, with lots of workers and few retired people. In the coming years, though, it expects its surplus to narrow as its population gets older. Households will draw down savings and the government will face mounting health-care costs. For China, South Korea and Taiwan, all of which are set to age rapidly, the dynamics are likely to be similar.Economists also continue to question how much blame Asian savers really deserve for the global financial turmoil of 2008. There were plenty of other culprits. They included America’s lax mortgage regulations and Europe’s rash banks, which borrowed heavily and scooped up dangerous debt products. Once again, the West is doing much on its own terms that is alarming enough, from America’s trade wars to Europe’s inability to muster a co-ordinated fiscal response to its economic woes. Surplus savings in Asia are yet another drag on a world suffering from weak demand. But of all the things to worry about, they are not top of the list...."

Economist on the chronic surplus Asian countries (Brad Setser is quoted)

Ed Comment“If China continues to be a surplus exporter to the US but it doesn’t want to buy dollar-denominated assets, then it has to run surpluses with other countries whose currency-denominated assets it wants to buy and hold. In turn, those countries have to run trade surplus with the US. For example, China could loan machinery to Mexico (by financing the purchase of Chinese machinery for pesos). Mexico then runs trade surpluses with the US. If China held pesos, Mexico would take dollar-to-peso conversion risk. Or china could own a Mexican asset directly that generates future peso cash flow (i.e. own equity instead of debt).Except they are beggaring the wages of their workers. I'm not sure we should mind their cheaper wages but for their growing military might, our growing domestic unrest, and the transfer of our IP both illigetimately and legitimately. “

Steve Comment:“Yes in and of itself I agree that is more of a problem for Chinese and German households then for the US Government. But as Pettis's points out those cheaper wages are a function of specific policy choices made by the surplus country to keep their household share low that allow savings to flow to the west. And as you point out in Upside those flows displace our domestic savings and create lower wages/unemployment. Given the resulting "domestic unrest" not sure that trade off is worth it. Perhaps you are correct that the unintended consequences of capital controls (say Buffett's Import certificates, or Pettis's MAC) are to high of a risk; and a disaster if we find ourselves capital constrained. Maybe a new Plaza Accord is needed. Sadly James Baker is likely not long for this world.”

Pettis Comment:"....Asians say their high savings rates and the resulting large trade surpluses have to do with aging populations, but this is nonsense. Their high savings rates are caused mainly by policies that directly or indirectly force households to subsidize manufacturing, some times through weaker currencies but often through repressed interest rates, consumption taxes, downward pressure on wage growth, etc. This is just the modern version of beggar-they-neighbor...."

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical

Affordable housing in Los Angeles: Delivering more and doing it faster

AI Summary. Los Angeles' housing affordability crisis is estimated to depress metro-area GDP by over 2%, equal to $18bn–$22bn in lost annual output for the city and nearly double that for the county, as households curb consumption and bear high transportation costs. Up-zoning single-family areas near transit could close the housing gap.

Jacques Bughin McKinsey Global Institute
Date Posted:
November 22, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The housing affordability crisis in LA depresses GDP by over 2%, translating into $18bn to $22bn in lost output annually for the City of LA, and nearly double for LA County.

The housing affordability crisis in LA depresses GDP by over 2%, translating into $18bn to $22bn in lost output annually for...

How much output does unaffordable housing cost a major metro?

Core argument: Median rent in LA County rose 9.7% annually from 2013 to 2017 while median household income rose only 2.4%, leaving 70% of households in the City of Los Angeles financially strained.

From 2013 to 2017, median rent in LA County rose by 9.7% annually, while median household income increased by only 2.4%, leading to financial strain for 70% of households in the City of Los Angeles. This housing affordability crisis depresses GDP across the metro area by over 2%, translating into $18bn to $22bn in lost output annually for the City of LA, and nearly double for LA County. The shortage forces households to limit consumption and endure high transportation costs, exacerbating traffic congestion and environmental issues. Addressing this involves up-zoning single-family areas for multifamily use, particularly near transit hubs, to enable low- and mid-rise redevelopment. This strategy could bridge the housing gap without resorting to high-rises on every open space, leveraging public transit expansion to accelerate progress.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Median rent in LA County rose 9.7% annually from 2013 to 2017 while median household income rose only 2.4%, leaving 70% of households in the City of Los Angeles financially strained.
  2. The housing affordability crisis depresses metro-area GDP by over 2%, costing the City of Los Angeles an estimated $18bn–$22bn in lost output annually and nearly double that for LA County.
  3. Up-zoning single-family areas for multifamily use near transit hubs could enable low- and mid-rise redevelopment to close the housing gap without high-rises on every open space.

McKinsey on how to address housing in LA, basically lots of low hanging fruit in up-zoning single family for multifamily in areas with transit access
"...High housing costs are causing real economic losses and daily trade-offs for individual residents and for the region as a whole.From 2013 to 2017, median rent in LA County increased by 9.7 percent annually, while median household income increased by only 2.4 percent....Increases in rents and home prices have far outpaced wage growth for most of the region’s workers. As a result, one million households, or 70 percent of all households in the City of Los Angeles, would have to stretch financially to obtain a standard-size unit in their current neighborhood. This number rises to a little over 1.9 million households across LA County. The cost of housing has always weighed most heavily on people in the lowest income brackets, but it is now squeezing the middle class as well. While many homeowners are affected, the situation is inherently more precarious for renters.We estimate that the shortage of affordable housing depresses GDP across the metro area by more than 2 percent. This translates into $18 billion to $22 billion in lost output every year for the City of LA, and almost double that amount for all of LA County. Most of this occurs as households forgo other types of consumption to pay the rent or mortgage. Consumption is limited even further for Angelenos who face high transportation costs because they cannot afford to live near their place of employment—a situation that contributes to some of the nation’s worst traffic congestion and related environmental consequences. The people who provide many of the services Los Angeles depends on every day are finding it harder to get by or to live anywhere near where they work...This does not have to involve placing high-rises on every open space. Higher density is a given, but much of the gap could be bridged with low- and mid-rise redevelopment that capitalizes on the ongoing expansion of public transit and is within current zoning. Prioritizing select sites near major transit hubs and primary transit corridors for medium- and some highrise development early in this effort could accelerate progress....:Jacques Bughin, James Manyika, Sven Smit and Jonathan Woetzel, "Affordable housing in Los Angeles: Delivering more— and doing it faster," McKinsey Global Institute, November 2019, https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Public%20Sector/Our%20Insights/Affordable%20housing%20in%20LA%20delivering%20more%20and%20doing%20it%20faster/MGI-Affordable-housing-in-Los-Angeles-full-report.ashx

  • Urban vs Rural
  • Comparisons
    • Geography (Urban/Rural)
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Regulation
  • GDP
    • Housing
  • Productivity
    • Workforce Reorganization


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