Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Monday, November 11, 2019

Household disposable income OECD

AI Summary. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development reports household disposable income — income after taxes, social contributions, and net interest and dividends — in US dollars per person, adjusted for differences in purchasing power to allow comparison across countries. A gross adjusted measure includes in-kind transfers such as government-provided health and education services.

OECD Staff OECD
Date Posted:
November 11, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Household Disposable Income USD/capita measures the income of households after taxes, social contributions, and net interest & dividends. @OECD presents this data in terms of USD per capita at current prices andppPs.

How is household disposable income measured and compared across countries?

Core argument: The OECD measures household disposable income as income after taxes, social contributions, and net interest and dividends received, reporting it in USD per capita at current prices and purchasing power parities for cross-country comparison.

Household disposable income, a key economic indicator, measures the income of households after accounting for taxes, social contributions, and net interest and dividends received. This metric is crucial for understanding economic well-being as it reflects the actual purchasing power of households. The OECD presents this data in terms of USD per capita at current prices andppPs [Purchasing Power Parities], providing a standardized comparison across countries. The "gross" series includes transfers in kind, such as government-provided health or education services, which are adjusted for in the gross adjusted disposable income measure. This indicator is available both as annual growth rates for real net disposable income and as gross adjusted disposable income per capita. All OECD countries compile their data according to the 2008 System of National Accounts (SNA 2008), ensuring consistency and comparability in the data presented.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The OECD measures household disposable income as income after taxes, social contributions, and net interest and dividends received, reporting it in USD per capita at current prices and purchasing power parities for cross-country comparison.
  2. The OECD's gross adjusted disposable income measure accounts for transfers in kind such as government-provided health and education services, and the indicator is also published as annual growth rates for real net disposable income.
  3. All OECD countries compile household disposable income data under the 2008 System of National Accounts, which the OECD states ensures consistency and comparability across the data presented.

OECD also has the household disposable income measure we've looked at in the past. The "gross" series captures transfers

Household disposable income OECD: Extended Excerpt Image 1


https://data.oecd.org/hha/household-disposable-income.htm
"....Disposable income is closest to the concept of income as generally understood in economics. Household disposable income measures the income of households (wages and salaries, self-employed income, income from unincorporated enterprises, social benefits, etc.), after taking into account net interest and dividends received and the payment of taxes and social contributions. Net signifies that depreciation costs have been subtracted from the income presented. "Real” means that the indicator has been adjusted to remove the effects of price changes.Household gross adjusted disposable income is the income adjusted for transfers in kind received by households, such health or education provided for free or at reduced prices by government and NPISHs. This indicator is presented both in terms of annual growth rates (for real net disposable income) and in terms of USD per capita at current prices and ppPs (gross adjusted disposable income). All OECD countries compile their data according to the 2008 System of National Accounts (SNA 2008)...."

  • Wages/Income
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country

Actual Individual Consumption Per Head At The Price Levels And ppP Of Year 2010

AI Summary. Actual individual consumption per person, measured at 2010 price levels and purchasing power parities, varies significantly across OECD member countries, indicating disparities in living standards. Gross household disposable income per person in US dollars provides a complementary measure of household financial health.

OECD Staff National Accounts Of OECD Countries
Date Posted:
November 11, 2019
Is Database:
Database

OECD reports Actual Individual Consumption (AIC) per head varied significantly among member countries in 2019, highlighting disparities in economic well-being.

How much do living standards vary across developed countries?

Core argument: Actual Individual Consumption per head, measured at 2010 price levels and Purchasing Power Parities, varied significantly across OECD member countries in 2019, according to the OECD's National Accounts data.

Actual Individual Consumption (AIC) per head, measured at the price levels and Purchasing Power Parities (PPP) of 2010, provides a crucial insight into living standards across OECD countries. This metric, derived from the National Accounts data, reflects the value of goods and services consumed by individuals, adjusted for price level differences. In 2019, the OECD reported that AIC per head varied significantly among member countries, highlighting disparities in economic well-being. Additionally, Gross Household Disposable Income (GHDI) in US dollars per capita, as of 2018 or the latest available data, offers a complementary perspective on household financial health. These indicators are vital for economists and policymakers to assess economic performance and formulate strategies to enhance consumer welfare and address income inequality. Understanding these metrics helps in evaluating the real purchasing power and consumption capacity of households, which are essential for informed economic decision-making.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Actual Individual Consumption per head, measured at 2010 price levels and Purchasing Power Parities, varied significantly across OECD member countries in 2019, according to the OECD's National Accounts data.
  2. Gross Household Disposable Income in US dollars per capita, reported as of 2018 or the latest available year, complements Actual Individual Consumption per head as a measure of household financial health.
  3. Actual Individual Consumption per head captures the value of goods and services consumed by individuals adjusted for price level differences, which economists and policymakers use to assess real purchasing power and consumption capacity.

Here are (some of) OECD's AIC series from the National Accounts data

OECD “Actual Individual Consumption Per Head At The Price Levels And ppP Of Year 2010,” National Accounts Of OECD Countries, 2019, https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/economics/national-accounts-of-oecd-countries/volume-2019/issue-1_g2g9fe48-en

--

OECD “Household Disposable Income Gross Adjusted US Dollars/Capita 2018 Or Latest Available,” OECD, Accessed May 2020, https://data.oecd.org/hha/household-disposable-income.htm

  • Historical
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Do the Rich Save More?

AI Summary. A study of U.S. household data estimates that the share of lifetime resources consumed falls from about 0.09 for the bottom 20% of households to roughly 0.01 for the top 20%, where resources are private wealth plus human wealth minus net taxes. The authors attribute the pattern to bequest motives and household heterogeneity.

Elias Ilin, Victor Ye and Manni Yu Boston University
Date Posted:
November 11, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Wealthier individuals tend to consume less & save more, driven by bequest motives & heterogeneity. APC decreases from 0.09 for bottom 20% to 0.01 for top 20% of resource quintiles.

Wealthier individuals tend to consume less & save more, driven by bequest motives & heterogeneity. APC decreases...

Do wealthier households consume a smaller share of lifetime resources?

Core argument: Elias Ilin, Victor Ye, and Manni Yu find the average propensity to consume falls from 0.09 for the bottom 20% of lifetime-resource quintiles to about 0.01 for the top 20%, a gap of roughly three standard deviations.

The study by Elias Ilin, Victor Ye, and Manni Yu reveals a significant negative relationship between the average propensity to consume (APC) and lifetime net resources, defined as the sum of private wealth and human wealth minus net taxes. Using data from the Health and Retirement Study, the research identifies that the APC decreases notably from 0.09 for the bottom 20% of resource quintiles to about 0.01 for the top 20%, a difference of approximately three standard deviations. This indicates that wealthier individuals tend to consume less and save more, driven by factors such as bequest motives and heterogeneity. The analysis, which accounts for heterogeneous borrowing constraints, shows that while consumption rates do not decrease in liquid assets, they do decrease in overall resources, highlighting the economic implications of wealth accumulation and consumption behavior across different income levels.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Elias Ilin, Victor Ye, and Manni Yu find the average propensity to consume falls from 0.09 for the bottom 20% of lifetime-resource quintiles to about 0.01 for the top 20%, a gap of roughly three standard deviations.
  2. The study defines lifetime net resources as private wealth plus human wealth minus net taxes, and using Health and Retirement Study data identifies a significant negative relationship between that measure and the average propensity to consume.
  3. Accounting for heterogeneous borrowing constraints, Ilin, Ye, and Yu find consumption rates do not decrease in liquid assets but do decrease in overall resources, and attribute wealthier households' higher saving to bequest motives and heterogeneity.

This is an interesting job market paper from some Boston University gradate students on the average propensity to consume by income level, note that Kotlikoff and Restrepo offered comments on it.

"....The answer to the old question whether the rich save more is still debatable. We define the average propensity to consume (APC) out of remaining lifetime net resources. Lifetime net resources consist of lifetime private wealth and human wealth, deducting net taxes....We define remaining lifetime net resources (also referred as net resources or resources) as the sum of private wealth and human wealth, deducting lifetime net taxes..... We use a novel software TFA, a detailed life-cycle consumption-smoothing program, to calculate human wealth and net taxes using the Health and Retirement Study data. Because of potential consumption behavioral factors that are linked to the ability to accumulate wealth, we construct wealth luck instruments to resolve the endogeneity issue. We identify a strong negative relationship between the APC and lifetime net resources. We divide households into five quintile groups by resources. The predicted APC of the highest resources cohort is about 0.01, which is three standard deviations smaller than the lowest resource cohort. Our finding shows that the rich consume less and save more. Testable implications of models indicate that both bequest motives and heterogeneity explain why the rich save more. The results do not change if we consider heterogeneous borrowing constraints among households. Breakdown of resources into four components, including liquid and illiquid assets, human wealth, and net taxes, shows that consumption rate does not decrease in liquid assets...."Abnormally large return rates causally increase resources and we assume households receive large return rates because of pure luck. Our key result is that consumption rate decreases in resources in the IV regression. Average propensity to consume (APC) decreases significantly and economically fast from 0.09 for the bottom 20% resources quintile to about 0.01 for the top 20% resources quintile. The difference is about 3 standard deviations. By testable implications in the model part, we conclude that bequest motives can explain why the rich save more..."

Elias Ilin, Victor Ye and Manni Yu, "Do the Rich Save More?," Boston University, October 2019, https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jPbGQX7Ngx6Pa_-Qg9am9m-iq1q8wBMg/view

  • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

The Flynn effect for fluid IQ may not generalize to all ages or ability levels: A population-based study of 10,000 US adolescents

AI Summary. A study of 10,073 US adolescents aged 13–18 estimates that generational gains in fluid intelligence are not uniform: scores fell 4.9 points per decade among those with IQ at or below 70 while rising 3.5 points among those at or above 130. The authors also estimate gains at age 13 and declines at age 18.

Jonathan Platt, Katherine Keyes, KatieMcLaughlin, and Alan Kaufman Intelligence
Date Posted:
November 11, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Research reveals a negative Flynn Effect for individuals with IQ ≤ 70, declining 4.9 points per decade, contrasting with a 3.5-point increase for those with IQ ≥ 130. @JonathanPlatt

Do generational IQ gains differ across ability levels and ages?

Core argument: Fluid IQ declined 4.9 points per decade (95% CI = −4.9, −4.8) among US adolescents with IQ ≤ 70, while rising 3.5 points (95% CI = 3.4, 3.6) among those with IQ ≥ 130.

Recent research highlights a negative Flynn Effect for individuals with IQ ≤ 70, indicating a decline of 4.9 points per decade (95% CI = −4.9, −4.8) among this group. This contrasts with a 3.5-point increase for those with IQ ≥ 130 (95% CI = 3.4, 3.6). The study, involving 10,073 US adolescents aged 13-18, reveals significant heterogeneity in fluid IQ changes over time, challenging the notion of uniform generational IQ gains. While the overall Flynn Effect was not significant, variations by age and ability level were notable, with IQs increasing by 2.3 points at age 13 but decreasing by 1.6 points at age 18. These findings suggest that economic and educational policies should consider the diverse impacts of cognitive trends across different ability levels to address potential socioeconomic disparities.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Fluid IQ declined 4.9 points per decade (95% CI = −4.9, −4.8) among US adolescents with IQ ≤ 70, while rising 3.5 points (95% CI = 3.4, 3.6) among those with IQ ≥ 130.
  2. In a population-based study of 10,073 US adolescents aged 13–18, the overall Flynn Effect was not significant, but fluid IQ rose 2.3 points at age 13 and fell 1.6 points at age 18.
  3. The study suggests economic and educational policies should account for the diverse impacts of cognitive trends across ability levels to address potential socioeconomic disparities.

new study finds a Flynn Effect was found for IQs ≥ 130, and a negative effect for IQs ≤ 70 though the negative Flynn effect for those with lower ability was worth highlighting"....lower ability levels are exhibiting worsening IQ over time..."

Jonathan Platt,Katherine Keyes, KatieMcLaughlin, Alan Kaufman, "The Flynn effect for fluid IQ may not generalize to all ages or ability levels: A population-based study of 10,000 US adolescents,"Intelligence, November-December 2019, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0160289619301679

"....Generational changes in IQ (the Flynn Effect) have been extensively researched and debated. Within the US, gains of 3 points per decade have been accepted as consistent across age and ability level, suggesting that tests with outdated norms yield spuriously high IQs. However, findings are generally based on small samples, have not been validated across ability levels, and conflict with reverse effects recently identified in Scandinavia and other countries. Using a well-validated measure of fluid intelligence, we investigated the Flynn Effect by comparing scores normed in 1989 and 2003, among a representative sample of American adolescents ages 13-18 (n = 10,073). Additionally, we examined Flynn Effect variation by age, sex, ability level, parental age, and SES. Adjusted mean IQ differences per decade were calculated using generalized linear models. Overall the Flynn Effect was not significant; however, effects varied substantially by age and ability level. IQs increased 2.3 points at age 13 (95% CI = 2.0, 2.7), but decreased 1.6 points at age 18 (95% CI = −2.1, −1.2). IQs decreased 4.9 points for those with IQ ≤ 70 (95% CI = −4.9, −4.8), but increased 3.5 points among those with IQ ≥ 130 (95% CI = 3.4, 3.6).The Flynn Effect was not meaningfully related to other background variables. Using the largest sample of US adolescent IQs to date, we demonstrate significant heterogeneity in fluid IQ changes over time. Reverse Flynn Effects at age 18 are consistent with previous data, and those with lower ability levels are exhibiting worsening IQ over time. Findings by age and ability level challenge generalizing IQ trends throughout the general population...".

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Skill Level
  • Science
    • Evolution/Heredity
  • Workforce
    • Education

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Heres just how big a risk Elizabeth Warren and The New York Times want America to take

AI Summary. Proposals to raise taxes on wealth and corporations to levels other advanced economies have abandoned risk weakening US innovation and growth, the author argues. The US is ranked the most competitive large economy by the World Economic Forum, and historical evidence indicates high taxes are associated with reduced innovation.

James Pethokoukis American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
November 12, 2019
Is Database:
Database

@JamesPethokoukis: The proposed redistribution policies by Elizabeth Warren & supported by The New York Times pose significant risks to the US economy, particularly in terms of innovation & growth, as high taxes negatively impact innovation.

Do higher taxes on wealth and corporations reduce innovation and growth?

Core argument: The author argues Elizabeth Warren's plan to tax wealth and corporations at levels other advanced economies have abandoned risks stifling the innovation dynamism that underpins US growth.

The proposed redistribution policies by Elizabeth Warren and supported by The New York Times pose significant risks to the US economy, particularly in terms of innovation and growth. The NYT editorial board suggests that increased taxes on the wealthy and corporations would not deter economic progress, despite acknowledging an imperfect understanding of innovation drivers. However, evidence from the St. Louis Fed indicates that innovation and venture capital investment surged post-Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. The US, ranked as the most competitive large economy by the World Economic Forum, thrives on its innovation ecosystem, producing numerous high-impact startups. In contrast, Warren's plan to tax wealth and corporations at levels abandoned by other advanced economies could stifle this dynamism. Historical data shows high taxes negatively impact innovation, suggesting that such a redistribution experiment could hinder the US's future growth trajectory.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The author argues Elizabeth Warren's plan to tax wealth and corporations at levels other advanced economies have abandoned risks stifling the innovation dynamism that underpins US growth.
  2. The New York Times editorial board contends that higher taxes on the wealthy and corporations would not deter economic progress, while acknowledging an imperfect understanding of what drives innovation.
  3. St. Louis Fed evidence cited by the author indicates innovation and venture capital investment rose after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, and the World Economic Forum ranks the US the most competitive large economy.

Pethokoukis on risks of redistribution, “…Maybe it’s worth reviewing, say, newsfrom the St. Louis Fed where “the evidence suggests that both innovation and venture capital investment increased significantly after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.” …One more thing: That bit from the New York Times about “experts have an imperfect understanding of what drives innovation” caught in my brain. Where had I read something similar? Then it hit me. Check out this from “Taxation and innovation in the 20th century” by Ufuk Akcigit, John Grigsby, Tom Nicholas, and Stefanie Stantcheva: “Understanding how taxation influences innovation is of central importance to create investment incentives for R&D, yet our knowledge remains limited due to a lack of data, especially covering a long period of time.”…”

James Pethokoukis, "Here’s just how big a risk Elizabeth Warren and The New York Times want America to take,"American Enterprise Institute, November 8, 2019, https://www.aei.org/economics/heres-just-how-big-a-risk-elizabeth-warren-and-the-new-york-times-want-america-to-take/

Here’s just how big a risk Elizabeth Warren and The New York Times want America to take

The New York Times editorial board is truly, madly, deeply confident that if the United States taxes rich people and corporations in a way no other advanced economy does, all will be well. Keep calm and carry on, Silicon Valley! Although conceding in a new editorial that “experts have an imperfect understanding of what drives innovation,” Team NYT goes on to trippingly conclude that “there is little evidence to justify … concern that tax increases of the magnitude proposed by Ms. Warren and other candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination would meaningfully discourage innovation, investment or economic growth.”

Or not. Maybe it’s worth reviewing, say, news from the St. Louis Fed where “the evidence suggests that both innovation and venture capital investment increased significantly after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.”

But let’s think broadly for a moment about the novel and risky experiment being proposed by the “broken capitalism” crowd. The World Economic Forum’s new global competitiveness report ranks the US economy as the most competitive big economy in the world, calling it an “innovation powerhouse.” Likewise, no other big economy generates as many super-entrepreneurs or high-impact startups. Jeff Bezos, the Google Guys, Mark Zuckerberg, and Elon Musk aren’t superrich because their parents were billionaires or they were cronies of top politicians. They built companies that consumers and customers greatly value, with their wealth — as massive as it is — reflecting only a tiny portion of that value creation.

Now here comes the Warren plan. First, tax the wealthy in a way and at levels that most other advanced economies have abandoned. (Only four of the 15 European countries that tried even a tiny wealth tax in recent years have stuck with it. And, by the way, the much-praised egalitarian nations of Scandinavia have as many billionaires, relatively, as the US does)

Second, tax corporations at levels all other advanced economies reject. (Rich countries have top corporate rates only slightly higher than the US rate, with Scandinavia about the same.)

Finally, characterize the entire economy as “rigged” and thus all successful people and companies as pretty much corrupt flim-flammers. (When Europeans wonder where their Googles, Amazons, and Apples are, the issue of a corrosive anti-success attitude is frequently mentioned). But what big lesson does Warren take from Europe? That there need to be worker representatives on corporate boards, like in Germany.

One more thing: That bit from the New York Times about “experts have an imperfect understanding of what drives innovation” caught in my brain. Where had I read something similar? Then it hit me. Check out this from “Taxation and innovation in the 20th century” by Ufuk Akcigit, John Grigsby, Tom Nicholas, and Stefanie Stantcheva: “Understanding how taxation influences innovation is of central importance to create investment incentives for R&D, yet our knowledge remains limited due to a lack of data, especially covering a long period of time.”

Well, the NYT got it right — but only partly. The researchers then conclude as follows in a column based on their work (italics by me): “This column uses newly constructed datasets from the 20th century to examine the effects of both personal and corporate income taxation on inventors, as well as on firms that do R&D. It finds consistently negative effects of high taxes on innovation over time as well as on individual inventors and firms.”

Look, the US needs to become even more innovative and productive. At least, that’s if it wants to grow anywhere near as fast in the future as it has in the past. A novel experiment in heavy taxation of risk taking and investment seems misguided at best.

  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation

Dong Lee, Hyun-Han Shin and René Stulz

AI Summary. Research finds the link between an industry's growth opportunities, measured by Tobin's q, and its rate of external funding reversed: previously high-funded industries had a 17% higher median q than low-funded ones, while afterward they had a 15% lower median q. The authors attribute the shift to high-q firms investing less and repurchasing shares.

Dong Lee Ohio State University
Date Posted:
November 12, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Before 1996, high-funded industries had a 17% higher median q than low-funded ones, indicating better growth opportunities. Post-1996, this trend reversed; high-funded industries had a 15% lower median q than low-funded ones.

Does capital still flow to industries with the best growth opportunities?

Core argument: Before 1996, industries with high funding rates had a 17% higher median Tobin's q than low-funded industries, consistent with capital flowing to industries with the best growth opportunities.

In the mid-1990s, the relationship between an industry's Tobin's q and its funding rate shifted significantly. Before 1996, high-funded industries typically had a 17% higher median q than low-funded industries, indicating better growth opportunities. This positive correlation was consistent with efficient capital allocation, where capital flowed to industries with the best growth prospects. However, post-1996, this trend reversed; high-funded industries had a 15% lower median q than low-funded ones, with a negative correlation between funding rates and growth opportunities. This shift is attributed to high q firms investing less and repurchasing shares, altering capital flow dynamics. Consequently, capital no longer prioritized industries with superior growth opportunities, challenging traditional capital market efficiency assumptions.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Before 1996, industries with high funding rates had a 17% higher median Tobin's q than low-funded industries, consistent with capital flowing to industries with the best growth opportunities.
  2. After 1996, the relationship reversed, with high-funded industries showing a 15% lower median q than low-funded industries and a negative correlation between funding rates and growth opportunities.
  3. Lee, Shin and Stulz attribute the reversal to high-q firms investing less and repurchasing shares, so capital no longer prioritized industries with superior growth opportunities.

paper finds that in the mid 1990's the relationship btw an industry’s q and its funding rate changed. prior to 1996 the "high-funded" industries generally had a higher q than the "low-funded" industries after 1996 that relationship inverted, "high-funded" industries had a lower q then "low-funded" industries.

"....Assuming that a proxy for an industry’s Tobin’s q measures the industry’s growth opportunities, we find that, until the middle of the 1990s, the industries with the highest funding rates were industries with better growth opportunities relative to the lowest funding rate industries, as expected for functionally efficient capital markets. After the middle of the 1990s, capital no longer flows more to the industries with the best growth opportunities. From the middle of the 1990s until 2014, industries with the lowest funding rates have better growth opportunities than the industries with the highest funding rates. We show that this change is entirely due to high q firms that invest less after the middle of the 1990s and use the resulting excess cash flow to repurchase shares. Without these firms, there is a positive correlation between an industry’s funding rate and its growth opportunities throughout the sample period rather than only before the middle of the 1990s.We reach these conclusions using Tobin’s q as a measure of industry growth opportunities, which is defined as the ratio of the market value of the assets of the industry divided by their book value. As we rely on the use of medians and non-parametric tests, however, our conclusions are less sensitive to Tobin’s q mismeasurement than typical parametric approaches. Nevertheless, we confirm that our conclusions are robust using Tobin’s q estimates that account for intangibles and are not an artifact of measurement error in Tobin’s q......The median q of the industries in the top funding rate quintile is 1.33. This median q is not significantly different from the median q of 1.29 for the industries in the bottom funding rate quintile. We expect the greater inflow of resources to be associated with higher capital expenditures and higher asset growth for the most funded industries in comparison to the least funded industries. We find that this is the case. The differences in capital expenditures and asset growth between the two quintiles of industries are large. For capital expenditures, the median ratio of capital expenditures to assets is 66% higher for the most highly funded industries compared to the least funded industries. Asset growth of the most highly funded industries is more than three times the asset growth of the least funded industries......Given the change in regime that appears to take place in the middle of the 1990s, we split our sample into two sub-periods. The first sub-period is from 1971 to the end of 1996 and the second from the end of 1996 to 2014. With this split, we find that in the first sub-period the allocation of capital is exactly what one would expect from the efficient capital allocation hypothesis. During this sub-period, the median Tobin’s q of the industries that are most highly funded is 17% higher than the Tobin’s q of the least funded industries (1.30 versus 1.11) and the difference is significant at the 1% level. A significant q difference emerges between the two groups of industries three years before the year when these industries are classified as most-funded and least-funded. The q difference disappears in year 2 after the selection year. Consequently, the evidence for q is also supportive of the convergence hypothesis before the end of 1996 After 1996, the pattern is opposite. The median Tobin’s q of the industries that are most- funded is 15% lower than the Tobin’s q of the least funded industries (1.37 versus 1.58). The difference is significant at the 5% level and is extremely persistent as it is significant for five years after industries are assigned to the funding rate quintiles. Further, the difference five years after assignment is greater than in the year of assignment, which directly contradicts the convergence hypothesis.....In summary, the relation between an industry’s q and its funding rate changes drastically around the middle of the 1990s. In the 25 sample years before 1996, the high-funded industries (top funding rate quintile) tend to have a higher q than the low-funded industries (bottom funding rate quintile). Further, there is a positive correlation between industry q and the funding rate across all sample industries. After 1996, the opposite occurs: the high-funded industries have a lower q than the low-funded industries and the cross-industry correlation between industry q and the industry funding rate is negative.....With functionally efficient capital markets, we expect capital to flow more to the industries with the best growth opportunities. As a result, these industries should invest more and see their assets grow more relative to industries with the worst growth opportunities. We find that industries that receive more funds have a higher industry Tobin’s q until the mid-1990s, but not since then. Since industries with a higher funding rate grow more, there is a negative correlation not only between an industry’s funding rate and industry q but also between capital expenditures and industry q since the mid-1990s. We show that capital no longer flows more to the industries with the best growth opportunities because, since the middle of the 1990s, firms in high q industries increasingly repurchase shares rather than raise more funding from the capital markets...."

Dong Lee, Hyun-Han Shin and René Stulz, "Why does capital no longer flow more to the industries with the best growth opportunities?," Ohio State University, December 2016, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm

  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Sector
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets


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