Edward Conard

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  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
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  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Thursday, October 10, 2019

What Economists Including Me Got Wrong About Globalization

AI Summary. U.S. manufacturing employment held steady in absolute terms until the late 1990s, then fell about 20% from 1997 to 2005 as the non-oil trade deficit surged; the deficit's rise is estimated to have cut manufacturing's share of GDP by 1.5 percentage points, explaining over half that job decline. Economists underestimated these effects because hyperglobalization and the trade-deficit surge were unforeseen.

Paul Krugman Bloomberg
Date Posted:
October 10, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Manufacturing employment remained stable until the late 1990s but plummeted after 2000, coinciding with a sharp rise in the non-oil trade deficit. @PaulKrugman

Did a surging trade deficit drive the drop in manufacturing jobs?

Core argument: The surge in the U.S. non-oil trade deficit is estimated to have cut manufacturing's share of GDP by 1.5 percentage points, explaining more than half of the 20% decline in manufacturing employment from 1997 to 2005.

Manufacturing employment remained stable in absolute terms until the late 1990s but plummeted after 2000, coinciding with a sharp rise in the non-oil trade deficit. This surge in the trade deficit is estimated to have reduced manufacturing's share of GDP by 1.5 percentage points, explaining over half of the 20% decline in manufacturing employment from 1997 to 2005. While trade deficits account for only a small part of the long-term shift to a service economy, the rapid import growth imposed significant shocks on U.S. workers, contributing to the globalization backlash. The 2013 analysis of the China shock highlighted the large and persistent effects of import growth on local labor markets, offering new insights into globalization's impact. Economists underestimated these developments due to unforeseen hyperglobalization and trade-deficit surges, which amplified the China shock's effects.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The surge in the U.S. non-oil trade deficit is estimated to have cut manufacturing's share of GDP by 1.5 percentage points, explaining more than half of the 20% decline in manufacturing employment from 1997 to 2005.
  2. U.S. manufacturing employment held stable in absolute terms until the late 1990s and then fell sharply after 2000, coinciding with a steep rise in the non-oil trade deficit.
  3. Trade deficits account for only a small part of the long-run shift to a service economy, but rapid import growth imposed large shocks on U.S. workers and contributed to the globalization backlash, with the 2013 China shock analysis finding large and persistent effects on local labor markets.

Worth reading as your write, Krugman op-ed adapted from a chapter Krugman has in an upcoming PUP book"...Until the late 1990s, employment in manufacturing, although steadily falling as a share of total employment, had remained more or less flat in absolute terms. But manufacturing employment fell off a cliff after 2000, and this decline corresponded to a sharp increase in the non-oil deficit.Does the surge in the trade deficit explain the fall in employment? Yes, a lot of it. A reasonable estimate is that the deficit surge reduced the share of manufacturing in GDP by around 1.5 percentage points, or more than 10%, which means that it explains more than half the roughly 20% decline in manufacturing employment between 1997 and 2005. This is over a relatively short time period and focuses on absolute employment, not the employment share. Trade deficits explain only a small part of the long-term shift toward a service economy. But soaring imports did impose a shock on some U.S. workers, which may have helped cause the globalization backlash.....This is where the now-famous 2013 analysis of the “China shock” by David Autor, David Dorn and Gordon Hanson comes in. What they mainly did was shift focus from broad questions of global income distribution to the effects of rapid import growth on local labor markets, showing that these effects were large and persistent. This represented a new and important insight.To make partial excuses for those of us who failed to consider these issues 25 years ago, at the time we had no way to know that either the hyperglobalization that began in the 1990s or the trade-deficit surge a decade later were going to happen. And without the combination of these developments, the China shock would have been much smaller. Still, we missed a crucial part of the story...."Paul Krugman, "What Economists (Including Me) Got Wrong About Globalization," Bloomberg, October 10, 2019, https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2019-10-10/inequality-globalization-and-the-missteps-of-1990s-economics

  • Trade (not deficits)

Friday, October 11, 2019

Is There an Investment Gap in Advanced Economies? If So, Why?

AI Summary. Private fixed investment has been weak in the US and Europe, with different drivers: US investment has run below what fundamentals predict, which the authors attribute to weaker competition, rising market concentration, and reduced antitrust enforcement. In Europe, investment tracks profitability, and concentration has been stable or declining amid stronger antitrust regulation.

Robin Dottling Social Science Research Network
Date Posted:
October 11, 2019
Is Database:
Database

US investment has been lower than predicted by fundamentals since 2000, driven by decreased competition & increased market concentration. Europe’s investment aligns with profitability & Tobin’s Q, except during crisis peaks.

Does weaker competition explain the US investment gap?

Core argument: Private fixed investment in the US and Europe has been weak over the past 20 years, with US investment falling below levels predicted by fundamentals since around 2000, attributed primarily to decreased competition, increased market concentration, and reduced anti-trust enforcement.

Over the past 20 years, private fixed investment in the US and Europe has been weak, with distinct regional drivers. In the US, investment has been lower than predicted by fundamentals since around 2000, primarily due to decreased competition and increased market concentration, alongside reduced anti-trust enforcement. Conversely, in Europe, investment aligns with profitability and Tobin's Q, except during crisis peaks in countries like Spain and Italy. Unlike the US, Europe has seen stable or declining concentration and enhanced anti-trust regulation. Intangible investment contributes to the investment weakness, with EU firms catching up to US counterparts in intangible capital, primarily through within-firm deepening.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Private fixed investment in the US and Europe has been weak over the past 20 years, with US investment falling below levels predicted by fundamentals since around 2000, attributed primarily to decreased competition, increased market concentration, and reduced anti-trust enforcement.
  2. European investment tracks profitability and Tobin's Q except at crisis peaks in countries such as Spain and Italy, and Europe has seen stable or declining concentration alongside strengthened anti-trust regulation, unlike the US.
  3. Intangible investment contributes to the investment weakness, with EU firms catching up to US counterparts in intangible capital primarily through within-firm deepening.

the Dottling/Gutierrez/Philippon you asked about (tracking investment using Q) not sure it's a better version of what we have

"...We analyze private fixed investment across European economies and in the US over the past 20 years, focusing on tangible and intangible investment and the role of competition and financial constraints. In both regions, we find that investment is weak, but we argue that the reasons are more cyclical in Europe and more structural in the US.In the US, we find that investment is lower than predicted by fundamentals starting around 2000, and that the gap is driven by industries where competition has decreased over time. The decline in US investment has coincided with increased concentration and decreased anti-trust enforcement. In Europe, on the other hand, investment is roughly in line with measures of profitability and Tobin’s 𝑄 for the majority countries, except at the peak of the crisis, most notably Spain and Italy.Unlike in the US, concentration has been stable or even declining in Europe, while product market regulation have decreased and anti-trust regulation has increased.Regarding intangible investment,we find that it accounts for some but not all of the weakness in measured investment. We also find that EU firms have been catching up with their US counterparts in intangible capital.The process of intangible deepening happens mostly within firms in Europe, as opposed to between firms in the US...."

Is There an Investment Gap in Advanced Economies? If So, Why?: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Is There an Investment Gap in Advanced Economies? If So, Why?: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Robin Dottling, German Gutierrez and Thomas Philippon, "Is There an Investment Gap in Advanced Economies? If So, Why?," Social Science Research Network, July 2017, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm

  • Productivity
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
    • Historical


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