Edward Conard

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Wednesday, August 7, 2019

As Scotlands Trainspotting Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up

AI Summary. Scotland recorded 1,187 drug-related deaths in a year, a 27% increase, with nearly 60,000 people engaged in routine opioid or benzodiazepine use. Observers attribute the crisis to aging long-term opioid users, impoverished areas, and underfunded treatment services, with only 40% of users in treatment compared with 60% in England.

Allison McCann New York Times
Date Posted:
August 7, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Scotland’s drug crisis has reached alarming levels, with 1,187 drug-related deaths last year, a 27% increase from the previous year. @AllisonMcCann reports for @nytimes.

Why are drug-related deaths rising sharply in Scotland?

Core argument: Scotland recorded 1,187 drug-related deaths last year, a 27% rise from the prior year, a surge attributed to aging long-term opioid users among nearly 60,000 people engaged in routine opioid or benzodiazepine use.

Scotland's drug crisis has reached alarming levels, with 1,187 drug-related deaths last year, marking a 27% increase from the previous year. This surge is attributed to aging long-term opioid users, with nearly 60,000 individuals engaged in routine opioid or benzodiazepine use. Economic policies have left areas impoverished, and treatment services have been underfunded, exacerbating the crisis. In 2016, funding for alcohol and drug prevention services was cut by over 20%, though it has since been restored. Currently, only 40% of users are in treatment compared to 60% in England. The lack of progressive drug policies, such as supervised consumption spaces, further complicates the situation. As the U.S. faces its own opioid crisis, it may benefit from observing Scotland's response to its aging drug-using population.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Scotland recorded 1,187 drug-related deaths last year, a 27% rise from the prior year, a surge attributed to aging long-term opioid users among nearly 60,000 people engaged in routine opioid or benzodiazepine use.
  2. Only 40% of Scotland's drug users are in treatment, compared with 60% in England, after funding for alcohol and drug prevention services was cut by over 20% in 2016 and later restored.
  3. Economic policies that left areas impoverished, underfunded treatment services, and the absence of measures such as supervised consumption spaces are cited as compounding Scotland's drug crisis.

"...Last year there were 1,187 drug-related deaths in Scotland, a record, and a staggering increase of 27 percent from the year before. Overdoses are more common in Scotland, by some measures, than even in the United States...."

As Scotlands Trainspotting Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Allison McCann, "As Scotland’s ‘Trainspotting’ Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up,"New York Times, August 7, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/07/world/europe/scotland-heroin-deaths.html

As Scotland’s ‘Trainspotting’ Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up

GLASGOW — Tony Nugent was clean for almost seven years before he relapsed.

He found that heroin, cruel to the young, is even less forgiving with age.

Mr. Nugent had been using the drug on and off since he was 19, but overdosed the first time he shot up again. He has overdosed three more times since last year.

“I’ve nearly died four times,” said Mr. Nugent, who turns 43 this month. “It’s getting harder for me to recover as I get older.”

Still, he considers himself lucky, especially living in what is now being called the “drug-death capital of the world.”

Last year there were 1,187 drug-related deaths in Scotland, a record, and a staggering increase of 27 percent from the year before. Overdoses are more common in Scotland, by some measures, than even in the United States.

As Scotlands Trainspotting Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Older, long-term opioid users account for much of the problem. Things are expected to only get worse.

“We’re seeing diseases that you would associate with old age in a lot of these middle-aged men with a long history of drug use,” said Dr. Carole Hunter, the lead pharmacist for Glasgow Addiction Services. “What your body tolerates at 18 it doesn’t tolerate at 38 or 48.”

Drug deaths aren’t new in Scotland. More than two decades ago, the grueling life of addiction in Edinburgh was the subject of the novel-turned-film “Trainspotting.”

What’s new is how many people are dying.

“I remember there was outrage when the headlines said ‘One Death Every Day From Drugs,’” said Andrew McAuley, a senior research fellow on substance use at Glasgow Caledonian University, referring to a national investigation into drug deaths in 2003. “That seems like glory days. We’re four times that now.”

There are almost 60,000 drug users in Scotland with routine and prolonged use of opioids or benzodiazepines. Many also suffer from physical and mental health issues too, putting them at greater risk of dying from an overdose.

Mr. Nugent is one of them. He has been treated for deep-vein thrombosis, hepatitis C and skin abscesses. Lately, he said, he had been urinating blood.

As Scotlands Trainspotting Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up: Extended Excerpt Image 3


“Scotland looks perhaps more like the U.S. than many of the countries to which we usually think of as having more progressive drug policy,” said Corey Davis, an attorney at the National Health Law Program. “It has a higher baseline rate of both drug and alcohol misuse, chronic underinvestment in public health and less of an interest in adopting interventions like supervised consumption spaces.”

The United States is three decades into its own opioid crisis, and with its drug users aging, experts might do well to look at how Scotland responds. The United States has a much larger number of overall drug users, many of them are turning to deadlier drugs like fentanyl, and, in general, they have less access to drug treatment than users in Scotland.

“There are lessons to be learned internationally as many countries grapple with this,” said Dr. Jeffrey Samet, a professor at Boston University who specializes in substance use disorders.

Path to Trouble

Scotland wasn’t always the “sick man of Europe.”

Until around 1950, life expectancy there was on par with most of Western Europe, or better. But after World War II, things in Scotland improved more slowly than in any other Western European country.

As Scotlands Trainspotting Generation Ages, the Dead Pile Up: Extended Excerpt Image 4


The reasons behind Scotland’s drug crisis are varied: Economic policies left areas deeply impoverished. Treatment services were neglected. Drugs became deadlier.

“The jigsaw is complex,” said Dr. McAuley, the Glasgow researcher. “It’s our history, it’s the way we consume drugs, it’s the chronic underfunding and underperforming treatment services we have. Underline that with austerity and welfare cuts in recent years, and you’ve got the perfect storm for this to happen.”

Many of Scotland’s struggles grew out of social and economic policy changes made in the late 1970s, according to David Walsh, a researcher at the Glasgow Center for Population Health who has studied Scotland’s high mortality. The conservative government in London at the time considered industrial cities like Glasgow to be “declining” and pushed for rapid economic restructuring.

Scotland’s leaders made contentious policy decisions at home, too. In Glasgow in particular, said Mr. Walsh, officials prioritized commercial development and clearing slums, relocating entire communities to isolated public housing estates that were poorly maintained.

“There’s a very clear relationship between socioeconomic factors and health,” Mr. Walsh said. “Evidence shows people can turn to alcohol and drugs to cope with difficult circumstances.”

As far-reaching changes hit Scotland, heroin flowed into Europe. A supply route linking Afghanistan to Iran opened up in the 1980s, making the drug more available — and affordable — than ever. In Scotland, this produced what came to be known as the “Trainspotting” generation.

“Before 1980, our police drug squad said there were maybe 50 people in Edinburgh using heroin, and we knew them all,” said Roy Robertson, a professor of addiction medicine at the University of Edinburgh. “Then around 1980 there was this wave of drugs, and that availability stimulated the epidemic.”

Strides, and Stumbles

For years, Scotland made strides in curbing drug deaths.

Needle exchanges were introduced in the 1980s and naloxone, the lifesaving overdose medication, has been in widespread use since 2011. Opioid-substitute therapies like methadone — which is tightly regulated in the United States — are free and available at most pharmacies through the nationalized health care system.

But in 2016 the Scottish government cut funding to alcohol and drug prevention services by more than 20 percent, from 69 million pounds a year down to 54 million. The funding has since been restored, and the Scottish government pledged an additional 20 million pounds, starting this year.

“What would you expect to happen to a country with an opiate addiction problem if you progressively remove treatment? The death rate would steadily go up,” said John Strang, a professor at King’s College London who has researched addiction treatment for over 30 years.

About 40 percent of users in Scotland are currently in treatment, according to Dr. Lesley Graham of the National Health Services of Scotland. In England that figure is closer to 60 percent. The challenge for Scotland is to get more people into treatment — and to keep them there.

When Daniel Hamilton arrived at the Edinburgh Access Practice on a Monday afternoon, he didn’t think he’d leave that day with a prescription for methadone, the opiate substitute used to curb heroin cravings. In his hometown, Perth, getting a prescription can sometimes take months, he said. (A review of cases from the National Health Service found that the median wait for treatment in the region was eight weeks.)

“You could get a bad batch of heroin and die by then,” he said.

The Edinburgh Access Practice is trying to get people into treatment faster and start addressing the issues behind their drug use. Its staff includes a mental health team as well as social workers and housing and employment specialists.

But facilities like this one are rare. Experts say Scotland needs to scale up and improve access to existing services, and then introduce approaches like heroin-assisted treatment centers or supervised drug consumption facilities.

“We’ve managed to keep a lot of the aging cohort alive through our current drug treatment services, but they get to a certain point where that blanket is not enough,” Dr. McAuley said. “They need respiratory care, they need mental health care, they need help with housing, employment, welfare and a whole host of other things.”

Controlled substances like heroin, however, fall under the British government’s jurisdiction, and conservative lawmakers have resisted proposals for more progressive drug policy.

“The U.K. government has been clear that there is no legal framework for the provision of drug consumption rooms and there are no plans to introduce them,” the Home Office said in a statement.

Scotland’s public health minister, Joe FitzPatrick, lamented that position.

“I know the instinct from the U.K. government is that they don’t want to be seen in any way to be condoning illegal drug use,” he said. “But people are dying. We need to do things that at first feel difficult.”

Two Friends

Scotland has largely managed to avoid America’s deadliest opioid, fentanyl: Only 12 deaths last year involved any trace of the drug.

Health officials can do little but hope that remains the case.

“If fentanyl does come here, it will be kind of endgame type stuff,” Dr. McAuley said.

Mr. Nugent said he had not seen fentanyl in Glasgow yet. He’s more worried about the influx of “street Valium,” or etizolam. “People are dying with one bad pill,” he said. Etizolam was found in nearly half of all drug deaths in Scotland last year.

Mr. Nugent said he steered clear of it, but his best friend, James Muir, is less cautious. Mr. Muir is homeless in Glasgow; Mr. Nugent planned to check himself into a rehab center this fall.

He worries about what will happen to Mr. Muir when he’s gone.

“I don’t know what’s going to become of him,” he said. “I hope that someone will look after him the way I do.”

  • Historical
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

A Toolkit of Policies to Promote Innovation

AI Summary. Federal privacy laws including health and education records rules limit reporting of potential threats to the national gun background check system, which states join voluntarily, and background checks fail to stop most mass shootings because perpetrators often lack criminal histories. Updating data-sharing rules, expanding red-flag laws allowing temporary firearm removal, and reforming involuntary commitment laws are proposed responses.

Editorial Board Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
August 7, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Big Data can help identify potential mass killers by detecting patterns of dangerous behavior. Updating federal privacy laws & expanding red-flag laws could improve public safety while ensuring due process & treatment for the mentally ill.

Big Data can help identify potential mass killers by detecting patterns of dangerous behavior. Updating federal privacy laws...

Do privacy laws limit the reporting of threats to gun background checks?

Core argument: Background checks fail to prevent most mass shootings because perpetrators typically lack criminal histories, and state participation in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System is voluntary.

Leveraging Big Data to identify potential mass killers could significantly enhance public safety by detecting patterns of dangerous behavior. Current federal privacy laws, such as Hipaa [Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act] and Ferpa [Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act], hinder the reporting of potential threats, as state participation in NICS [National Instant Criminal Background Check System] is voluntary. Updating these laws to facilitate data sharing could improve the effectiveness of background checks, which currently fail to prevent most mass shootings due to the lack of criminal history among perpetrators. Additionally, expanding red-flag laws, which allow temporary firearm removal from individuals deemed dangerous, could further mitigate risks. These measures, combined with reforms in involuntary commitment laws, could provide a more comprehensive approach to preventing mass violence while ensuring due process and treatment for the mentally ill.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Background checks fail to prevent most mass shootings because perpetrators typically lack criminal histories, and state participation in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System is voluntary.
  2. The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act and the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act hinder reporting of potential threats, and updating these federal privacy laws to facilitate data sharing could improve the effectiveness of background checks.
  3. Using Big Data to detect patterns of dangerous behavior, expanding red-flag laws that permit temporary firearm removal, and reforming involuntary commitment laws could offer a more comprehensive approach to preventing mass violence while ensuring due process and treatment for the mentally ill.

"...A better path of deterrence would be to focus on identifying potential risks and separating them from the means of harm. The use of Big Data by law enforcement to identify patterns of dangerous activity would be helpful….look to overhaul federal privacy laws that are a barrier to reporting potential threats. These include the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (Hipaa) and the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (Ferpa). Federal law and Justice Department regulations disqualify individuals who have been committed to a mental institution or adjudicated as mentally deficient from owning firearms and are noted in the NICS checks. Yet state participation in NICS is voluntary, and many remain reluctant to submit health records for fear of violating Hipaa. A December 2018 report from the Federal Commission on School Safety noted that states and localities are also confused about when it is appropriate to share student records with officials or parents under Hipaa and Ferpa. The George W. Bush and Obama Administrations tried to clarify these rules related to public safety, but without apparent success. Congress should update them to reflect the danger from mass killers, and it can drag the 1974 Ferpa into the digital age, making data more easily manageable...."

Editorial Board, "Flagging Future Killers," Wall Street Journal, August 6, 2019, https://www.wsj.com/articles/flagging-future-killers-11565132691

Some useful steps to identify and deter dangerous individuals.

The Dayton and El Paso shootings have spurred familiar calls for more gun control, and by all means let’s have a debate. But the focus should be on denying weapons to the potential killers rather than on gun laws that may be politically satisfying but won’t make much difference.

Start with the calls for more “background checks,” which implies none now exist. Yet nearly all gun purchasers today have their backgrounds checked on the spot via the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS). Most mass shooters obtained their guns through licensed dealers after checks, or from family members. The Dayton and El Paso killers, and the Gilroy, Calif., shooter of late July obtained their firearms legally.

Democrats want to expand background checks to person-to-person sales, though policing that would be a challenge as most such sales could be done off the books. They also want to extend to 10 days from three the amount of time dealers must wait to get a response from the background check system before proceeding with a sale. Senators Pat Toomey (R., Pa.) and Joe Manchin (D., W.Va.) want background checks to cover unlicensed sales at gun shows and online, but exempt sales between friends and family.

Congress should have that debate, but no one should think they would reduce the number of mass shootings. Most mass shooters don’t have a criminal history that would pop up in the background system. There is also no evidence that longer waiting periods reduce suicides, homicides or mass shootings. Determined killers can always get a weapon.

A better path of deterrence would be to focus on identifying potential risks and separating them from the means of harm. The use of Big Data by law enforcement to identify patterns of dangerous activity would be helpful, as Holman Jenkins Jr. notes nearby.

Congress can also look to overhaul federal privacy laws that are a barrier to reporting potential threats. These include the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (Hipaa) and the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (Ferpa). Federal law and Justice Department regulations disqualify individuals who have been committed to a mental institution or adjudicated as mentally deficient from owning firearms and are noted in the NICS checks.

Yet state participation in NICS is voluntary, and many remain reluctant to submit health records for fear of violating Hipaa. A December 2018 report from the Federal Commission on School Safety noted that states and localities are also confused about when it is appropriate to share student records with officials or parents under Hipaa and Ferpa.

The George W. Bush and Obama Administrations tried to clarify these rules related to public safety, but without apparent success. Congress should update them to reflect the danger from mass killers, and it can drag the 1974 Ferpa into the digital age, making data more easily manageable.

Congress can also work with states and localities to pass emergency protection orders. Some 17 states and Washington, D.C., now have these “red flag” laws permitting police or family members to petition a judge to temporarily remove firearms from individuals deemed a danger to themselves or others.

South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham this week said he has bipartisan support for legislation for grants to states enacting red-flag laws. Congress could also do a service by advising on model legislation. A good law would provide adequate due process that lets flagged individuals challenge the order; requires judges to rule on the basis of clear and compelling evidence; and includes criminal penalties for anyone bringing false accusations.

Red-flag laws should also go beyond mere firearm confiscation. The mental-health lobby is a more formidable obstacle here than the gun lobby. Most states refuse to reform their involuntary commitment laws, making it impossible to provide help for the severely mentally ill. Yet if an individual is dangerous enough to strip of a constitutional right, the government should also insist on treatment, and in some cases temporary commitment to a psychiatric facility.

There is no single answer to mass shootings, but most of the quick solutions on offer would provide false comfort. That’s true of gun restrictions short of outright bans or confiscation that would run afoul of the Second Amendment. The immediate priority should be to reform laws and practices to deny firearms to those who are a danger to the public.

  • Regulation
  • Politics
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

A toolkit of policies to promote innovation

AI Summary. Market economies tend to under-provide innovation because knowledge spills over between firms, and research and development tax credits and direct public funding are identified as the most effective short-term tools to raise innovation, with skilled immigration also having significant short-term effects and expanded university science and engineering admissions building long-term human capital.

Nicholas Bloom, John Van Reenen and Heidi Williams Center for Economic Performance
Date Posted:
August 7, 2019
Is Database:
Database

R&D tax credits and skilled immigration are the most effective policy tools to promote innovation, according to @NicholasBloom, @JohnVanReenen, and @HeidiWilliams.

Which policies most effectively raise innovation in market economies?

Core argument: R&D tax credits and direct public funding are identified as the most effective short-term tools to raise innovation, which market economies often under-provide because knowledge spills over between firms.

Market economies often under-provide innovation due to knowledge spillovers between firms. R&D tax credits and direct public funding are identified as the most effective short-term tools to boost innovation, while expanding university STEM admissions enhances long-term human capital supply. Skilled immigration has significant short-term impacts, enhancing innovation by increasing the availability of skilled labor. Although competition and trade policies offer modest innovation benefits, they are financially efficient. However, R&D subsidies and trade policies may increase inequality by raising demand for highly skilled labor, whereas boosting skilled labor supply can reduce inequality by easing competition for scarce talent.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. R&D tax credits and direct public funding are identified as the most effective short-term tools to raise innovation, which market economies often under-provide because knowledge spills over between firms.
  2. Skilled immigration has significant short-term innovation effects by increasing the availability of skilled labor, while expanding university STEM admissions builds human capital supply over the long term.
  3. R&D subsidies and trade policies may widen inequality by raising demand for highly skilled labor, whereas increasing the supply of skilled labor can reduce inequality by easing competition for scarce talent.

matches Guzman's findings on the utility of R&D tax credits (though this paper doesn't include his research)

"....Market economies are likely to under-provide innovation, primarily due to fact that knowledge spills over between firms. This article has discussed the evidence on policy tools which aim to increase innovation. We condense our (admittedly subjective) judgements into Table 2, which could be used as a toolkit for innovation policymakers. Column 2 summarizes our read of the quality of the currently available empirical evidence in terms of both quantity of papers and credibility of the evidence provided by those studies. Column 3 summarizes the conclusiveness of the evidence - for example, although there are some credible approaches for estimating the impact of intellectual property, the policy implications of the available findings are unclear. Column 4 scores the overall benefits minus costs, in terms of a light bulb ranking where three is the highest; this is meant to represent a composite of the strength of the evidence as well as the magnitude of average effects.Columns 5 and 6 are two other criteria: first, whether the main effects would be short-term, medium term or long-term; and second, the likely effects on inequality. Different policymakers (and citizens) will assign different weights to these criteria....In the short-run, research and development tax credits or direct public funding seem the most effective, whereas increasing the supply of human capital (for example, through expanding university STEM admissions) is more effective in the long-run. Skilled immigration has big effects even in the short-run. Competition and trade policies probably have benefits that are more modest on innovation, but are cheap in financial terms and so also score highly. One difference is that R&D subsidies and trade policies are likely to increase inequality, partly through increasing the demand for highly skilled labor and partly, in the case of trade, because some communities will endure the pain of trade adjustment and job loss. By contrast, increasing the supply of highly skilled labor is likely to reduce inequality by easing competition for scarce human capital...."

Nicholas Bloom, John Van Reenen and Heidi Williams, "A Toolkit of Policies to Promote Innovation," Center for Economic Performance, July 2019, https://ideas.repec.org/p/cep/cepdps/dp1634.html

  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking
    • Innovation/Research
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • Workforce
    • Immigration

Venture Capital Struggles to Meet Hurdle Rate

AI Summary. Only 38% of venture capital funds over the past two decades returned more than the 8% hurdle rate, measured as an internal rate of return. Average holding periods lengthened, with funds raised from 1999 to 2012 holding companies 5.7 years before exit versus 3.6 years for 1992–1998 funds.

Christine Idzelis eFront
Date Posted:
August 7, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Only 38% of VC funds over last two decades produced gains exceeding an 8% hurdle rate.

Do most venture capital funds clear their 8% hurdle rate?

Core argument: Only 38% of venture capital funds over the past two decades delivered returns above the 8% hurdle rate, which is typically calculated as an internal rate of return and therefore sensitive to time.

Over the past two decades, only 38% of venture capital (VC) funds have achieved returns surpassing the 8% hurdle rate, highlighting challenges in the sector. This hurdle rate is typically calculated as an internal rate of return, emphasizing its time-sensitive nature. The average holding periods for VC investments have increased, with funds from 1999 to 2012 holding companies for an average of 5.7 years before exit, compared to 3.6 years for those from 1992 to 1998. This extended duration may impact the ability of funds to meet or exceed the hurdle rate, as longer holding periods can affect the overall return dynamics. The data underscores the difficulty VC funds face in consistently delivering high returns, which could influence investment strategies and expectations in the industry.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Only 38% of venture capital funds over the past two decades delivered returns above the 8% hurdle rate, which is typically calculated as an internal rate of return and therefore sensitive to time.
  2. Venture capital funds raised in 1999–2012 held portfolio companies an average of 5.7 years before exit, up from 3.6 years for funds from 1992–1998.
  3. Longer holding periods may affect venture capital funds' ability to meet or exceed the 8% hurdle rate, since extended duration alters overall return dynamics.

Though this would be of interest in context of op-ed draft. Though seems high

"...Only 38 percent of VC funds tracked over two decades produced gains exceeding the traditional 8 percent hurdle, according to a statement Monday from the alternative-assets data provider. Hurdle rates are time sensitive as they’re typically calculated as an internal rate of return....The average holding periods in venture capital have risen, according to eFront. Funds created from 1999 to 2012 backed companies for an average 5.7 years before an exit, up from 3.6 years for vintages tracked from 1992 to 1998, the firm found...."
Christine Idzelis, "Venture Capital Struggles to Meet Hurdle Rate,"Institutional Investor, July 15, 2019, https://www.institutionalinvestor.com/article/b1g92ldh2p8k2r/Venture-Capital-Struggles-to-Meet-Hurdle-Rate

  • Startups
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Financial Markets
  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking

Friday, August 9, 2019

Minimum Wage Analysis: Using a Pre-Committed Research Design: Evidence Through 2017

AI Summary. Using US census and labor survey data, the authors estimate that relatively large minimum wage increases reduced employment among low-skilled workers by just over 2%, while smaller increases showed more variable effects and inflation-indexed increases tended toward moderately positive outcomes. Recent minimum wage changes are positively correlated with low-skilled employment, whereas earlier large increases are strongly negatively correlated.

Jeffrey Clemens and Michael Strain American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
August 9, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Minimum wage increases of 10% or more reduced employment among low-skilled individuals by 2%. Smaller increases showed more variable effects, with inflation-indexed increases tending toward positive outcomes.

Minimum wage increases of 10% or more reduced employment among low-skilled individuals by 2%. Smaller increases showed more...

Do large minimum wage increases reduce low-skilled employment?

Core argument: Using a pre-committed research design on ACS and CPS data through 2017, the study finds relatively large minimum wage increases reduced employment among low-skilled individuals by just over 2%.

Analyzing data from ACS and CPS through 2017, the study reveals that relatively large minimum wage increases led to a reduction in employment among low-skilled individuals by just over 2%. Smaller increases showed more variable effects, with inflation-indexed increases tending toward moderately positive outcomes. The CPS data suggests that smaller increases are relatively more positive for employment. Recent minimum wage changes are positively correlated with employment among low-skilled individuals, whereas earlier large increases show a strong negative correlation. Further analysis is needed to determine if these differences between short- and medium-run effects are systematic.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Using a pre-committed research design on ACS and CPS data through 2017, the study finds relatively large minimum wage increases reduced employment among low-skilled individuals by just over 2%.
  2. Smaller minimum wage increases showed more variable employment effects, with inflation-indexed increases tending toward moderately positive outcomes, and CPS data indicating smaller increases are relatively more positive for employment.
  3. Recent minimum wage changes are positively correlated with low-skilled employment while earlier large increases show a strong negative correlation, and further analysis is needed to determine whether these short- versus medium-run differences are systematic.

Note, 2020 update to this paper is attached

“This paper presents results from the third year of a multi-year, pre-committed research design for analyzing recent minimum wage changes. Using ACS and CPS data through 2017, we find thatrelatively large minimum wage increases reduced employment among low-skilled individuals by just over 2 percentage points. The effects of smaller increases are more variable and estimates for inflation-indexed increases tend toward moderately positive values.The effects of smaller increases are relatively more positive when we analyze the CPS. The most recently enacted minimum wage changes tend to be positively correlated with employment among low-skilled individuals, while relatively early and large increases are strongly negatively correlated with employment. Analysis of future data will be needed to determine whether this apparent difference between short- and medium-run effects is systematic.”

Jeffrey Clemens and Michael Strain, “Minimum Wage Analysis: Using a Pre-Committed Research Design: Evidence Through 2017,” American Enterprise Institute, June 2019, https://www.aei.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Strain-Minimum-Wage-WP-2019.pdf

  • Unemployment/Participation
  • Comparisons
    • Other Comparison
  • Workforce
    • Minimum Wage
    • Wages/Income


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