Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “Unintended Consequences represents the most cogent and persuasive analysis of the Financial Crisis to date.” - Andrei Shleifer, 1999 John Bates Clark Medal Winner
  • “There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
Buy the Books
  • Macro Roundup
  • About Roundup
  • About Ed Conard
  • Highlights
  • Topics
  • Subscribe
Edward Conard
  • twitter
  • facebook
  • linkedin
  • youtube

Macro Roundup

  • Email
  • Text Message (SMS)
  • Twitter/X
  • LinkedIn
  • Facebook
  • WhatsApp Message
Subscribe to Macro Roundup Emails
Select topics to choose: articles that mention them (broader) or articles mainly about them (focused)
  • Mentions 0
  • Primary focus 0
Showing all 7,336 Macro Roundup articles
When you search for any topic (like GDP, Inflation, or Banking), choose:
Choose search scope

Tuesday, July 16, 2019

Peter Thiel and the populist rights embrace of broken capitalism theory

AI Summary. Properly measured, wages and productivity remain closely linked: productivity and compensation growth moved together from 1970 to 2001, with a modest divergence afterward. One study estimates that a 1% increase in productivity growth was associated with a 0.7–1% rise in median and average compensation growth, suggesting other factors have suppressed typical pay.

James Pethokoukis American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
July 16, 2019
Is Database:
Database

1973-2016: 1% productivity growth drove 0.7-1% rise in median/avg compensation. Data shows wage-productivity link intact: 1970-2001 growth matched, post-2001 divergence less severe than claimed

Do wages still track productivity growth when properly measured?

Core argument: Stansbury and Summers found that from 1973–2016 a 1% increase in productivity growth was associated with a 0.7–1% rise in median and average compensation growth.

The link between wages and productivity remains strong when properly measured, despite claims of a broken economy. From 1970 to 2001, productivity and compensation growth were coincident, with a divergence post-2001 that is not dramatic. A study by Stansbury and Summers found that from 1973-2016, a 1% increase in productivity growth correlated with a 0.7-1% rise in median and average compensation growth. This suggests that while productivity boosts compensation, other factors have suppressed typical compensation. The narrative of stagnant wages over 40 years is politically convenient but not entirely accurate.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Stansbury and Summers found that from 1973–2016 a 1% increase in productivity growth was associated with a 0.7–1% rise in median and average compensation growth.
  2. Productivity and compensation growth were coincident from 1970 to 2001, with a post-2001 divergence that is not dramatic, leaving the link between wages and productivity strong when properly measured.
  3. Productivity gains appear to boost compensation while other factors have suppressed typical pay, making the narrative of 40 years of stagnant wages politically convenient but not entirely accurate.

James Pethokoukis, "Peter Thiel and the populist right’s embrace of broken capitalism theory," American Enterprise Institute, July 15, 2019, https://www.aei.org/economics/peter-thiel-and-the-populist-rights-embrace-of-broken-capitalism-theory/

Peter Thiel and the populist right’s embrace of broken capitalism theory

When, in a speech Sunday, Peter Thiel wasn’t lamenting Silicon Valley’s failure to produce a working warp engine or musing about “seemingly treasonous” actions by Google executives, he was suggesting a familiar economic argument. Well, familiar on the left ⁠— at least until the populist surge on the right. It’s an argument easily summed up by this chart from economist Robert Lawrence, one included in a recent paper by my AEI colleague Michael Strain, “The Link Between Wages and Productivity Is Strong”:

Peter Thiel and the populist rights embrace of broken capitalism theory: Extended Excerpt Image 1


The intended take-away from the above chart is that link between productivity growth and higher living standards ⁠— as measured by worker compensation ⁠— has been severed. The link between wages and productivity is most definitely not strong. Slightly different versions of this chart are pretty common in news pieces about American’s “broken economy” or how “capitalism is broken.” In this case, the chart might suggest all the cool stuff coming from Silicon Valley hasn’t done much for the middle class.

Yet a few reasonable changes to the chart presents a radically altered picture how the US economy has performed over the past half century. (Among the changes, Lawrence looks at the wages of all workers, factors in compensation rather than just wages, calculates real wages using a business price rather than consumer price deflator, and net output ⁠— which removes capital depreciation ⁠— rather than gross output.)

Peter Thiel and the populist rights embrace of broken capitalism theory: Extended Excerpt Image 2


Strain concludes as follows:

In the chart above, productivity growth and compensation growth were coincident between 1970 and 2001. The chart depicts a divergence since 2001, especially since the Great Recession, but not a dramatic one. … The takeaway from this chart is clear: When properly measured, with variable definitions based on the most appropriate understanding of the relevant underlying economic concepts, trends in compensation and productivity have been very similar over the past several decades.

Moreover, these findings present a similar picture as those in a recent working paper ⁠— “Productivity and Pay: Is the link broken?” ⁠— by economists Anna Stansbury and Lawrence Summers:

We find substantial evidence of linkage between productivity and compensation: over 1973-2016, one percentage point higher productivity growth has been associated with 0.7 to 1 percentage points higher median and average compensation growth and with 0.4 to 0.7 percentage points higher production/nonsupervisory compensation growth. These results suggest that other factors orthogonal to productivity have been acting to suppress typical compensation even as productivity growth has been acting to raise it.

A related argument is that wages have gone nowhere for 40 years. But this is an equally suspect claim. Suspect, but politically convenient for populists for whom telling a story of total economic failure is a key attack vector on “elites.”

  • Other Comparison
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Productivity
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Chart of the day . . . or century?

AI Summary. Over a 21.5-year span, US consumer prices rose 57.6% overall, but hospital services (+210%), college tuition (+188%), and college textbooks (+183%) climbed far more, while trade-sensitive goods such as televisions (-97%), toys (-75%), and software (-69%) fell. Average wages rose 83%, outpacing overall inflation.

Mark J. Perry American Enterprise Institute
Date Posted:
July 16, 2019
Is Database:
Database

US CPI for All Items rose 57.6% from 1998-2019, with hospital services (+210%), college tuition (+188%), and college textbooks (+183%) surging, while trade-sensitive goods like TVs (-97%) plummeted.

Why do prices soar for services but fall for traded goods?

Core argument: The CPI for All Items rose 57.6% from January 1998 to June 2019, while average wages rose 83% over the same 21.5-year period, indicating real wage growth.

During the 21.5-year period from January 1998 to June 2019, the CPI for All Items increased by 57.6%, with significant disparities in price changes among various consumer goods and services. Prices for hospital services (+210%), college tuition (+188%), and college textbooks (+183%) surged, reflecting substantial government involvement and regulatory capture. Conversely, prices for trade-sensitive goods like TVs (-97%), toys (-75%), and software (-69%) plummeted due to international competition. Average wages rose by 83%, outpacing inflation and indicating real wage growth. This divergence highlights the impact of globalization and government regulation on price dynamics, posing challenges for policymakers in managing inflation and economic growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The CPI for All Items rose 57.6% from January 1998 to June 2019, while average wages rose 83% over the same 21.5-year period, indicating real wage growth.
  2. Hospital services (+210%), college tuition (+188%), and college textbooks (+183%) led price increases over the period, which the analysis attributes to substantial government involvement and regulatory capture.
  3. Prices for trade-sensitive goods fell sharply over the period — TVs -97%, toys -75%, and software -69% — which the analysis attributes to international competition.

Mark Perry, "Chart of the day... or century?," American Enterprise Institute, July 12, 2019, https://www.aei.org/carpe-diem/chart-of-the-day-or-century-2/?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiWkdZMll6RXpPRE13T1RRMiIsInQiOiJuZmZiV040eURcL09NYXZCY1ZrYldmXC9meHZJZ295aXNMRzBLY2UyOTFvTWVPcm5aOGFtTlloeXRtYnZcL0dkanM3Z244Y1E1enJ0QXYreHlQMmI4UUlmZDVUcEN0MWF2QTVDdlZVNmpJNmlMRCtqR09xS2NVaWxNbW5vZ0plY1R0biJ9

Chart of the day... or century?

As I wrote last summer on CD, I’ve probably created and posted more than 3,000 graphics on CD, Twitter, and Facebook including charts/graphs, tables, figures, maps and Venn diagrams over the last 12 years. Of all of those graphics, I don’t think any single one has ever gotten more attention, links, re-Tweets, re-posts, and mentions than the one above (and previous versions), which has been referred to as “the Chart of the Century.” Here are some examples of those mentions from last year for the version of the chart with price data through December 2017.

Chart of the day . . . or century?: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Marketwatch has featured the chart twice here and here and made this comment “When this chart’s creator, econ professor Mark Perry and the man behind the Carpe Diem blog, first posted it on Twitter, it was hailed as “stunning” and “one of the most important charts about the economy this century.”

Barry Ritholz has featured various versions of the chart three times on his Big Picture Blog here, here and here.

Bloomberg published an article last July titled “Chart of Century Gives Powell Gloomy Glimpse of Trade-War World,” with this opening:

A multi-colored graphic that’s made the rounds at the Federal Reserve hints at what Chairman Jerome Powell could face if President Donald Trump succeeds in throwing globalization into reverse: Higher prices for many goods and potentially faster inflation.

Plugged as possibly the chart of the century by economist and originator Mark Perry, it shows that prices of goods subject to foreign competition — think toys and television sets — have tumbled over the past two decades as trade barriers have come down around the world. Prices of so-called non-tradeables — hospital stays and college tuition, to name two — have surged.

That report was followed in July with a CBS MoneyWatch article “Inflation risks, trade war costs, make Fed’s job much harder.”

A chart that has been making the rounds at the Fed from economist Mark Perry shows how falling prices for trade-sensitive things like TV sets and toys have helped offset rising costs for things like medical services, housing and education.

More recently, Clemson University economist Bruce Yandle featured the chart in a March 2019 Washington Examiner op-ed titled “Rising prices, global competition, and the chart of the century“:

American Enterprise Institute economist Mark J. Perry is highly and justifiably respected for his ability to convey complicated economic relationships by way of rather simple charts and graphs. The most famous example of this, shown here, is called by some the “chart of the century.” The high praise comes about because the chart is loaded with information regarding the types of challenges faced by the Fed and other Washington policymakers. Perry’s most recent version reports price increases from 1998 through 2018 for 14 categories of goods and services along with the average wage and overall Consumer Price Index.

Based on yesterday’s BLS report for CPI price data through June, I’ve updated the chart above with price changes through June 2019. During the most recent 21.5-year period from January 1998 to June 2019, the CPI for All Items increased by exactly 57.6% and the chart displays the relative price increases over that time period for 14 selected consumer goods and services, and for average hourly earnings (wages). Seven of those goods and services have increased more than average inflation, led by hospital services (+210%), college tuition (+188%), and college textbooks (+183%). Average wages have also increased more than average inflation since January 1998, by 83%, indicating an increase in real wages over the last several decades.

The other seven price series have declined since January 1998, led by TVs (-97%), toys (-75%), software (-69%) and cell phone service (-53%). The CPI series for new cars, household furnishings (furniture, appliances, window coverings, lamps, dishes, etc.) and clothing have remained relatively flat for the last 21.5 years while average prices have increased by 57% and wages increased 83%. Various observations that have been made about the huge divergence in price patterns over the last several decades include:

a. The greater (lower) the degree of government involvement in the provision of a good or service the greater (lower) the price increases (decreases) over time, e.g., hospital and medical costs, college tuition, childcare with both large degrees of government funding/regulation and large price increases vs. software, electronics, toys, cars and clothing with both relatively less government funding/regulation and falling prices. As somebody on Twitter commented:

Blue lines = prices subject to free market forces. Red lines = prices subject to regulatory capture by government. Food and drink is debatable either way. Conclusion: remind me why socialism is so great again.

b. Prices for manufactured goods (cars, clothing, appliances, furniture, electronic goods, toys) have experienced large price declines over time relative to overall inflation, wages, and prices for services (education, medical care, and childcare).

c. The greater the degree of international competition for tradeable goods, the greater the decline in prices over time, e.g., toys, clothing, TVs, appliances, furniture, footwear, etc.

New:

d. The price series that has shown the greatest change recently is the CPI for Educational Books (mostly college textbooks). Textbook prices rose an average of nearly 6% annually between January 1998 and December 2016, nearly three times average inflation during that period of just above 2% annually. But starting in early 2017, the CPI for Educational Books has been flat, and actually fell by 2.15% over the last 12 months through June following an annual decrease of -4.0% the previous month - the two largest annual percentage declines in the history of the series going back to 1967.

We can expect future declines in the prices of college textbooks, as the traditional textbook market faces increasingly tough competition from alternative options including hundreds of “open textbooks” that have been funded, published, and licensed to be freely used, adapted, and distributed. The University of Minnesota’s Center for Open Education maintains an “Open Textbook Library” website that lists hundreds of textbooks in nearly 20 academic subjects that are available for free online or as a PDF file, or as a print copy at a low-cost ($33.50 for print copies from OpenStax). Just in the field of economics, there are more than 20 free open textbooks for Economics courses including Principles of Microeconomics, Principles of Macroeconomics, International Economics, Money and Banking, Economic Analysis and Principles of Political Economy.

Bottom Line: Based on the evidence in the chart above showing stagnating and falling textbook prices following half a century of rising prices, Hurricane Joseph appears to be hitting the college textbook market with a very large, tsunami of creative destruction called “The Open Textbook Effect.”

MP: I’ll continue to update the price chart every six months, look for the next version in January 2020 with data through December 2019.

Ed Comment: Note this is average wages not median

  • Other Comparison
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • GDP
    • Inflation
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

For how long can todays global economic expansion last?

AI Summary. Intellectual property now accounts for about one-third of US non-residential investment, up from one-fifth in the 1980s. American technology firms in the S&P 500 invested $318bn including research and development—roughly one-third of the index's total investment—with ten firms accounting for nearly $220bn, double their level five years earlier.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 16, 2019
Is Database:
Database

US IP now accounts for 1/3 of US non-residential investment, up from 1/5 in the 1980s.

Is intellectual property now a growing share of US business investment?

Core argument: US intellectual property accounts for about one-third of non-residential investment, up from one-fifth in the 1980s.

US intellectual property (IP) now constitutes about one-third of non-residential investment, a significant increase from one-fifth in the 1980s. In the past year, American tech firms in the S&P 500 invested $318bn, including R&D spending, representing roughly one-third of the index's total investment. Notably, just ten firms accounted for nearly $220bn of these investments, a figure that has doubled over the past five years. This shift underscores the growing importance of IP and tech investments in driving economic growth, reflecting a broader trend towards innovation-led expansion. As IP becomes a larger component of investment portfolios, it highlights the potential for sustained economic growth driven by technological advancements and increased R&D activities. This trend suggests that the global economic expansion could be supported by continued innovation and investment in IP-intensive industries, although it also raises questions about the concentration of investment among a few dominant firms.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US intellectual property accounts for about one-third of non-residential investment, up from one-fifth in the 1980s.
  2. American tech firms in the S&P 500 invested $318bn including R&D over the past year, roughly one-third of the index's total investment.
  3. Ten firms accounted for nearly $220bn of that tech investment, double the level of five years earlier.

"....In America ip now accounts for about one-third of non-residential investment, up from a fifth in the 1980s (see chart 4)...In the past year American technology firms in the s&p 500 made investments of $318bn, including research and development spending. That was roughly one-third of investment by firms in the index. Just ten of them were responsible for investments of almost $220bn; five years ago the figure was half that...."

For how long can todays global economic expansion last?: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Economist Staff, "For how long can today’s global economic expansion last?,"The Economist, July 13, 2019, https://www.economist.com/briefing/2019/07/13/for-how-long-can-todays-global-economic-expansion-last

  • Business Cycle
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Other Comparison
  • Productivity
    • Investment

Should egalitarians fear low interest rates?

AI Summary. Low interest rates redistribute between debtors, whose real obligations shrink, and creditors, with asset-holders' outcomes depending on whether their assets or liabilities are longer-dated. Younger households and those with low net wealth generally benefit, while older and wealthier households often lose through asset-price effects, and exposure across the euro area varies by country with floating-rate mortgages.

Economist Staff The Economist
Date Posted:
July 16, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Low interest rates create winners and losers. Debtors benefit as real debt shrinks, while creditors suffer. Asset-holders’ outcomes depend on balance-sheet maturity.

Low interest rates create winners and losers. Debtors benefit as real debt shrinks, while creditors suffer....

Do low interest rates benefit younger and less wealthy households?

Core argument: Low interest rates redistribute wealth by shrinking the real value of debt, benefiting debtors at the expense of creditors, with asset-holders' gains or losses depending on the maturity structure of their balance sheets.

Low interest rates impact the macroeconomy, inflation, and asset prices, creating winners and losers. Debtors benefit as the real value of obligations shrinks, while creditors suffer. Asset-holders' outcomes depend on their balance-sheet's maturity structure. Those with short-dated assets and long-dated liabilities, like savers with cash for future purchases, lose out, while those with long-dated assets, such as government bonds, gain. Older and wealthier Americans often lose from asset-price effects when rates fall, though measuring this precisely is challenging. In the euro area, unhedged interest exposure varies by country, influenced by floating-rate mortgages. Younger households and those with low net wealth generally benefit from lower rates.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Low interest rates redistribute wealth by shrinking the real value of debt, benefiting debtors at the expense of creditors, with asset-holders' gains or losses depending on the maturity structure of their balance sheets.
  2. Savers holding short-dated assets against long-dated liabilities, such as cash set aside for future purchases, lose when rates fall, while holders of long-dated assets like government bonds gain.
  3. Older and wealthier Americans often lose from the asset-price effects of falling rates while younger households and those with low net wealth generally benefit, though precise measurement remains difficult.

"....A recent paper by Adrien Auclert of Stanford University sets out a framework for judging who wins and who loses from changes in monetary policy. Three channels must be considered. One concerns the impact of lower rates on the macroeconomy—the effect trumpeted by central banks. Another concerns the higher inflation that lower rates might cause. That hurts creditors and benefits debtors, who see the real value of their obligations shrink. The third channel concerns asset prices. It is wrong to claim that asset-holders generally benefit when rates fall, says Mr Auclert. What matters is the full picture of an individual’s assets and liabilities. The latter he defines to include future consumption plans (such as whether the homeowner wants to stay in his house, or whether the retired person seeks to maintain a steady standard of living). Only by looking at an individual’s balance-sheet in full can you judge whether he wins or loses from low rates—or whether, in the jargon, he has “unhedged interest-rate exposure”. The crucial question is whether someone’s assets and liabilities mature at different points in time. People with short-dated assets but long-dated liabilities—for example a saver with lots of cash in the bank to fund a purchase ten years hence—do badly when rates fall. They are the euthanised “rentiers”, who must save more to fund spending later (a rare example of lower rates depressing consumption). But those who wish to spend today and hold long-dated assets, such as long-term government bonds, do well. What does this framework imply for rich and poor? Mr Auclert presents some evidence that Americans who are older, or whose incomes are higher, tend to be on the losing end of asset-price effects when rates fall. But he says it is hard to measure the effect precisely. A recent working paper by Panagiota Tzamourani of the Bundesbank finds that within the euro area, average unhedged interest exposure varies a lot between countries, seemingly in line with the prevalence of floating-rate mortgages. But Ms Tzamourani also finds that younger households and those with low net wealth benefit from lower rates almost everywhere...."
Economist Staff, "Should egalitarians fear low interest rates?,"The Economist, July 11, 2019, https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2019/07/11/should-egalitarians-fear-low-interest-rates

  • Inflation
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income

Wednesday, July 17, 2019

Why teen girls who are as good at math as male peers pick humanities jobs

AI Summary. A study of 300,000 15-year-old students across 64 countries estimates that girls' stronger reading and verbal skills may account for up to 80% of the gender gap in math-related careers. Girls who score on par with boys in math often choose humanities fields, a pattern the authors link to their verbal advantage and to social and cultural norms.

Thomas Breda New York Post
Date Posted:
July 17, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Women who tested on par with male peers in math generally have a “verbal advantage.”

Women who tested on par with male peers in math generally have a “verbal advantage.”

Do stronger verbal skills explain why women avoid math careers?

Core argument: A Paris School of Economics study of 300,000 15-year-old students across 64 countries finds that girls' stronger reading and verbal skills may explain up to 80% of the gender disparity in math-related careers.

A study by the Paris School of Economics analyzed data from 300,000 15-year-old students across 64 countries and found that girls' superior reading and verbal skills may explain up to 80% of the gender disparity in math-related careers. Despite scoring on par with boys in math, girls often choose humanities jobs due to their "verbal advantage." This trend is influenced by social and cultural norms that encourage women to excel in communication, leading them to pursue careers aligned with these strengths. The study highlights the economic implications of these choices, as the underrepresentation of women in math-intensive fields could impact labor market dynamics and innovation.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A Paris School of Economics study of 300,000 15-year-old students across 64 countries finds that girls' stronger reading and verbal skills may explain up to 80% of the gender disparity in math-related careers.
  2. Girls who score on par with boys in math often choose humanities careers because of their "verbal advantage," a pattern the study links to social and cultural norms encouraging women to excel in communication.
  3. The Paris School of Economics study notes that the underrepresentation of women in math-intensive fields could affect labor market dynamics and innovation.

“…High school-aged girls who tested on par with their male peers in math chose not to crunch numbers for a living because of their “verbal advantage,” according to a study published Monday in the journal PNAS. For the study, researchers at the Paris School of Economics reviewed data from 300,000 15-year-old students from 64 countries worldwide. They found that girls’ higher reading and verbal test scores may account for up to 80% why math-related jobs are dominated by men globally, researcher said. It’s likely that social and cultural norms — in which women are expected to be more expressive and better communicators — drive young girls to excel at verbal subjects at school, study author Thomas Breda says…”

Natalie O’Neill, “Why teen girls who are as good at math as male peers pick humanities jobs,”New York Post, July 16, 2019, https://nypost.com/2019/07/16/why-teen-girls-who-are-as-good-at-math-as-male-peers-pick-humanities-jobs/

Why teen girls who are as good at math as male peers pick humanities jobs

Women have the write stuff for both math and communication jobs, according to A study.

Teenage girls are just as good with numbers as boys — but their even-stronger verbal skills often inspire them to pick humanities-centric jobs instead, according to a study published Monday in the journal PNAS.

High school-aged girls who tested on par with their male peers in math chose not to crunch numbers for a living because of their “verbal advantage,” according to a study published Monday in the journal PNAS.

For the study, researchers at the Paris School of Economics reviewed data from 300,000 15-year-old students from 64 countries worldwide. They found that girls’ higher reading and verbal test scores may account for up to 80% why math-related jobs are dominated by men globally, researcher said.

It’s likely that social and cultural norms — in which women are expected to be more expressive and better communicators — drive young girls to excel at verbal subjects at school, study author Thomas Breda says.

On average, male students scored only slightly higher in math than their female peers, according to the study. Girls scored better in the subject of reading.

“The reality is that people aren’t just their gender,” Juniper Simonis, a quantitative ecologist who was not involved in the study, told PBS.org

  • Test Scores
  • Comparisons
    • Gender
  • Workforce
    • Gender Pay Gap


Loading More Posts

End of content

No more pages to load

© Copyright 2026 Coherent Research Institute · All Rights Reserved · Privacy · Terms