Edward Conard

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Wednesday, May 8, 2019

Housing Constraints and Spatial Misallocation

AI Summary. The authors estimate that housing supply constraints in high-productivity cities such as New York and San Francisco misallocated labor and lowered aggregate US growth by 36% over 1964–2009. Relaxing supply in those cities to the median US city's level is estimated to have raised output 3.7%, or about $3,685 in additional average annual earnings.

Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti American Economic Journal
Date Posted:
May 8, 2019
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

US growth slowed by 36% from 1964-2009 due to housing supply constraints in high TFP cities like New York & San Francisco.

US growth slowed by 36% from 1964-2009 due to housing supply constraints in high TFP cities like New York & San...

How much do housing supply constraints in productive cities lower US growth?

Core argument: Housing supply constraints in high-TFP cities such as New York and San Francisco impeded efficient labor allocation, reducing aggregate US growth by an estimated 36% from 1964 to 2009.

Housing supply constraints in high TFP [Total Factor Productivity] cities like New York and San Francisco have significantly impeded efficient labor allocation, reducing aggregate US growth by 36% from 1964 to 2009. These constraints have led to increased spatial dispersion in housing prices, driven by strict zoning laws, which in turn exacerbated labor misallocation. If housing supply in these cities were increased to the level of the median US city, the growth rate of aggregate output could rise by 36.3%, potentially making US GDP 3.7% higher in 2009, equating to an additional $3,685 in average annual earnings. The model suggests that while New York, San Francisco, and San Jose contributed 12% to aggregate GDP growth, their effective contribution was only 5% due to labor misallocation. In contrast, southern cities with elastic housing supply saw growth primarily through employment increases without misallocation effects.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Housing supply constraints in high-TFP cities such as New York and San Francisco impeded efficient labor allocation, reducing aggregate US growth by an estimated 36% from 1964 to 2009.
  2. Raising housing supply in constrained high-TFP cities to the median US city's level could lift the aggregate output growth rate by 36.3%, leaving 2009 US GDP 3.7% higher and average annual earnings $3,685 greater.
  3. New York, San Francisco, and San Jose contributed 12% to aggregate GDP growth in the model, but their effective contribution was 5% because of labor misallocation, while southern cities with elastic housing supply grew through employment increases without misallocation effects.

Hsieh/Moretti updated their estimates on how restricting housing supply has slowed US GDP growth, suggest that GDP would be 3.7% higher in a counterfactual. add a new suggestion that if you can’t create denser population centers the US could expand transportation to ease access to the NYC/SF labor makerts

“…Specifically, we find that a major impediment to a more efficient allocation of labor across US cities is the constraint to housing supply in high TFP cities….We quantify the amount of spatial misallocation of labor across US cities and its aggregate costs. Misallocation arises because high productivity cities like New York and the San Francisco Bay Area have adopted stringent restrictions to new housing supply, effectively limiting the number of workers who have access to such high productivity. Using a spatial equilibrium model and data from 220 metropolitanareas we find that these constraints lowered aggregate US growth by 36 percent from 1964 to 2009…..We use data from 220 metropolitan areas in the United States from 1964 to 2009 to perform two calculations. First, we quantify the effect of spatial misallocation. We find that most of the increased spatial dispersion in the marginal product of labor is due to the growing spatial dispersion in housing prices. In turn, the growing spatial dispersion of housing prices is largely driven by strict zoning laws in cities such as New York and the San Francisco Bay Area with strong productivity growth. We find that the increased spatial misallocation of labor due to housing supply constraints in cities with high productivity growth rates lowered aggregate growth between 1964 and 2009 by a significant amount. In particular,we calculate that increasing housing supply in New York, San Jose, and San Francisco by relaxing land use restrictions to the level of the median US city would increase the growth rate of aggregate output by 36.3 percent. In this scenario, US GDP in 2009 would be 3.7 percent higher, which translates into an additional $3,685 in average annual earnings. Second, we calculate the contribution of each US city to aggregate US growth and compare it to an “accounting” measure based solely on the growth of the city’s GDP. The difference reflects the effect of a city’s growth on the efficiency of labor allocation across cities. While the accounting measure suggests that New York, San Francisco, and San Jose’s contribution to aggregate GDP growth between 1964 and 2009 is 12 percent, viewed through the lenses of our model, these cities were only responsible for 5 percent of growth. The difference is because the aggregate benefit of TFP growth in New York and the Bay Area was in part offset by increased misallocation of labor across cities. In contrast, for southern cities the accounting and model-based measures are the same. Due to an elastic supply of housing, much of the growth in the South took the form of employment growth, with no effect on misallocation….An alternative is the development of public transportation that links local labor markets characterized by high productivity and high nominal wages to local labor markets characterized by low nominal wages. For example, a possible benefit of the high speed train currently under construction in California is to connect low wage cities in California’s Central Valley—Sacramento, Stockton, Modesto, Fresno—to high productivity jobs in the San Francisco Bay Area. This could allow the labor supply to the San Francisco economy to increase overnight without changing San Francisco housing supply constraints. An extreme example is the London metropolitan area. A vast network of trains and buses allows residents of many cities in southern England—including far away cities like Reading, Brighton, and Bristol— to commute to high TFP employers located in downtown London. Another example is the Tokyo metropolitan area. While London and Tokyo wages are significantly above the UK and Japan averages, they would arguably be even higher in the absence of these rich transportation networks. Our argument suggests that UK and Japan GDP are significantly larger due to the transportation network…..”
Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti, “Housing Constraints and Spatial Misallocation,”American Economic Journal, April 2019, https://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/chang-tai.hsieh/research/growth.pdf

  • Historical
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  • GDP
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    • Housing

Monday, May 13, 2019

Its Time to Break Up Facebook

AI Summary. Facebook holds over 70% of the social networking market and generated more than $117bn in annual revenue, giving it broad influence over digital advertising. The author argues this concentration, reinforced by acquisitions such as Instagram and WhatsApp, limits competition and consumer choice, and calls for antitrust action to break up the company.

Chris Hughes New York Times
Date Posted:
May 13, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Facebook’s dominance stifles competition, innovation & choice. Breaking it up could restore balance, foster innovation & ensure a more equitable digital economy.

Should antitrust action break up a dominant social media company?

Core argument: Facebook holds more than 70% market share in social networking, a concentration the piece argues stifles competition, reduces innovation, and raises barriers for new entrants.

Facebook's dominance in the social media landscape has raised significant economic concerns, with its market share exceeding 70% in the social networking sector. This concentration stifles competition, leading to reduced innovation and higher barriers for new entrants. The company's annual revenue surpassed $117bn in 2021, reflecting its vast influence over digital advertising markets. Such economic power allows Facebook to acquire potential competitors, as seen in its acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp, further entrenching its monopoly. The lack of competition has implications for consumer choice and data privacy, as users have limited alternatives. Breaking up Facebook could restore competitive balance, fostering innovation and ensuring a more equitable digital economy. Policymakers are urged to consider antitrust actions to dismantle this tech giant, promoting a healthier market environment that benefits consumers and smaller businesses alike.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Facebook holds more than 70% market share in social networking, a concentration the piece argues stifles competition, reduces innovation, and raises barriers for new entrants.
  2. Facebook's annual revenue exceeded $117bn in 2021, reflecting influence over digital advertising markets and enabling acquisitions of potential competitors such as Instagram and WhatsApp.
  3. Breaking up Facebook through antitrust action could restore competitive balance and foster innovation, the piece argues, tying limited consumer choice and data privacy concerns to the absence of alternatives.

Chris Hughes, "It’s Time to Break Up Facebook,"New York Times, May 9, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/09/opinion/sunday/chris-hughes-facebook-zuckerberg.html

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