Edward Conard

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  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences provides a provocative interpretation of the causes of the global financial crisis and the policies needed to return to rapid growth. Whether you agree or not, this analysis is well worth reading.” - Nouriel Roubini, New York University; Chairman, Roubini Global Economics
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
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  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
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Friday, December 28, 2018

Can an Inverted Yield Curve Cause a Recession?

AI Summary. An inverted yield curve — when short-term U.S. Treasury yields exceed long-term yields — has consistently preceded recessions and may also help cause them by squeezing bank profit margins. The author argues that during past inversions banks tightened lending standards, reducing loan supply and dampening economic activity.

David Wheelock Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Date Posted:
December 28, 2018
Is Database:
Database

Yield curve inversions aren’t just a leading indicator of recessions but a cause of them as they pinch bank margins and contract loan activity.

Does an inverted yield curve cause recessions by tightening bank lending?

Core argument: An inverted yield curve, where short-term U.S. Treasury yields exceed long-term yields, has consistently predicted recessions and may also cause them by squeezing bank profit margins and prompting tighter lending standards.

An inverted yield curve, where short-term U.S. Treasury yields exceed long-term yields, has consistently predicted recessions and may also cause them by impacting bank operations. When the yield curve inverts, banks' profit margins are squeezed as short-term rates rise relative to long-term asset yields, prompting banks to tighten lending standards. Historical data shows that during past inversions, such as in 2000 and 2006, the net percentage of banks tightening lending standards increased, leading to reduced loan supply and slower economic activity. This contraction in loan activity can directly contribute to economic slowdowns, suggesting that yield curve inversions do more than forecast recessions; they can actively trigger them by constraining credit availability and dampening economic growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. An inverted yield curve, where short-term U.S. Treasury yields exceed long-term yields, has consistently predicted recessions and may also cause them by squeezing bank profit margins and prompting tighter lending standards.
  2. During the 2000 and 2006 inversions, the net percentage of banks tightening lending standards increased, reducing loan supply and slowing economic activity.
  3. The argument holds that yield curve inversions do more than forecast recessions and can trigger them by constraining credit availability and dampening economic growth.

blog post/chart from St. Louis Fed, yield curve inversions aren’t just a leading indicator of recessions but a cause of them. can pinch bank lending margins and contract loan activity. the curve isn’t inverted now, but the spread has flattened.

“…An inverted yield curve—or a situation in which market yields on shorter-term U.S. Treasury securities exceed those on longer-term securities—has been a remarkably consistent predictor of economic recessions. However, simply because inversions forecast recessions does not necessarily mean that inversions cause recessions. Why might a yield curve inversion cause economic activity to slow?….The figure below illustrates the tendency of banks to tighten lending terms when the yield curve inverts. It plots the yield on 10-year Treasury securities minus the yield on two-year securities….Why is this important? Researchers have found that the economy tends to slow after banks tighten their lending standards, suggesting that an inversion of the yield curve could cause economic activity to slow by leading banks to reduce the supply of loans.3Thus, an inverted yield curve might do more than predict a recession: It might actually cause one….”

Normally, the yield on 10-year securities exceeds the yield on two-year securities, reflecting the fact that the yield curve is usually upward sloping. The yield curve is downward sloping (or inverted) when the yields on shorter-term securities are higher than those on longer-term securities, as in 2000 and 2006. Both of those inversions were followed by the start of a recession within a few months.

The Fed has surveyed banks on their lending terms continuously since 1990.2 The chart shows that the net percentage of banks tightening their lending standards on commercial and industrial loans began to rise around the time that the yield curve inverted in 2000 and 2006.

Why is this important? Researchers have found that the economy tends to slow after banks tighten their lending standards, suggesting that an inversion of the yield curve could cause economic activity to slow by leading banks to reduce the supply of loans.3 Thus, an inverted yield curve might do more than predict a recession: It might actually cause one.

Notes and References

1 October 2018 Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices.

2 The Fed also surveyed banks on their lending terms from 1967 to 1983.

3 Lown, Cara S.; Morgan, Donald P.; and Rohatgi, Sonali. “Listening to Loan Officers: The Impact of Commercial Credit Standards on Lending and Output.” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Economic Policy Review, July 2000. Also, Bassett, William F.; Chosak, Mary Beth; Driscoll, John C.; and Zakrajsek, Egon. “Changes in Bank Lending Standards and the Macroeconomy.” Journal of Monetary Economics 2014, Vol. 62,pp. 23-40.

The figure below illustrates the tendency of banks to tighten lending terms when the yield curve inverts. It plots the yield on 10-year Treasury securities minus the yield on two-year securities.

Can an Inverted Yield Curve Cause a Recession?

An inverted yield curve—or a situation in which market yields on shorter-term U.S. Treasury securities exceed those on longer-term securities—has been a remarkably consistent predictor of economic recessions. However, simply because inversions forecast recessions does not necessarily mean that inversions cause recessions. Why might a yield curve inversion cause economic activity to slow?

Banking and Yield Curve Inversions

One possible channel is through the banking system. Banks engage in maturity transformation. That is, on average, the loans in a typical bank’s portfolio have a longer term to maturity than the deposits and other funds they use to finance those loans. In essence, banks transform their short-term liabilities (such as deposits) into longer-term assets (such as business and consumer loans).

Normally, banks can profit on the spread between the yields on longer-term assets and the interest they pay on deposits and other short-term liabilities. However, bank profits get squeezed when short-term interest rates rise relative to the yields on long-term assets. This can lead banks to cut back on their lending, which, in turn, can put the brakes on economic activity.

Tightening Lending Standards

Recently, the Federal Reserve asked banks how their lending policies might change in response to a hypothetical moderate inversion of the yield curve.1 Many of those surveyed indicated that they would tighten lending standards or price terms on every major loan category.

When asked why they would do so, several potential reasons were given:

David Wheelock, “Can an Inverted Yield Curve Cause a Recession?,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, December 27, 2018, https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2018/december/inverted-yield-curve-cause-recession

  • An inversion could cause loans to be less profitable relative to the bank’s cost of funds.
  • An inversion would cause their banks to be less risk tolerant.
  • An inversion may signal a less favorable or more uncertain economic outlook.
  • Financial Markets
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Monetary Policy
    • Banking

U.S. Economy Fuels Boom in Consumer Debt

AI Summary. U.S. consumer debt is projected to surpass $4tn, driven by increases in credit card, auto, student, and personal loans. Mortgage debt reached $10.3tn, a 2.8% increase from a year earlier, approaching its prior peak of $10.7tn.

Anna Maria Andriotis Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
December 28, 2018
Is Database:
Database

US consumer debt is projected to surpass $4tn in 2019, driven by increases in credit card, auto, student, and personal loans.

Is consumer debt rising across credit cards, autos, student, and mortgage loans?

Core argument: U.S. consumer debt is projected to surpass $4tn in 2019, driven by increases in credit card, auto, student, and personal loans.

Consumer debt in the U.S. is projected to surpass $4tn in 2019, driven by increases in credit card, auto, student, and personal loans. This growth occurs alongside a rise in mortgage debt, which reached $10.3tn by the end of Q3 2018, marking a 2.8% increase from the previous year. Mortgage debt is nearing its peak of $10.7tn observed in early 2008 during the housing crisis. The expansion in consumer debt reflects broader economic trends and poses potential risks to financial stability, as households take on more liabilities relative to their income. The implications for policymakers include the need to monitor debt levels closely and consider measures to ensure sustainable borrowing practices.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. consumer debt is projected to surpass $4tn in 2019, driven by increases in credit card, auto, student, and personal loans.
  2. U.S. mortgage debt reached $10.3tn at the end of the third quarter of 2018, up 2.8% from a year earlier and nearing its early-2008 peak of $10.7tn.
  3. The expansion in consumer debt poses potential risks to financial stability as households take on more liabilities relative to their income, prompting calls for policymakers to monitor debt levels closely.

WSJ write up of Fed's bew consumer credit #. Note they don't show gross debt as a % of GDP
"...Consumer debt, including credit cards, auto and student loans and personal loans, is on pace to top $4 trillion in 2019.That comes even as mortgage debt approaches levels last seen during the housing meltdown. Homeowners owed about $10.3 trillion on mortgages at the end of the third quarter, up 2.8% from a year earlier, according to Federal Reserve data. Mortgage debt peaked at $10.7 trillion in early 2008...."

U.S. Economy Fuels Boom in Consumer Debt: Extended Excerpt Image 1


Anna Maria Andriotis, "U.S. Economy Fuels Boom in Consumer Debt,"Wall Street Journal, December 28, 2018, https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-economy-fuels-boom-in-consumer-debt-11546007400

  • Financial Markets
  • Comparisons
    • Historical

Wednesday, January 2, 2019

From Population Growth to Firm Demographics: Implications for Concentration, Entrepreneurship and the Labor Share

AI Summary. Since 1978 the share of US workers at large firms rose 6 percentage points and the entrepreneurship rate nearly halved, while labor's share of GDP declined. The authors link these shifts to slower population growth, which lowers firm entry and shifts the firm-age distribution toward older firms that have lower labor shares.

Julian Neira National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

US labor force growth, driven by birth rates 16 years prior, is linked to increased concentration, slower new firm entry, and declining labor share.

Does slower population growth explain rising business concentration and falling labor share?

Core argument: Since 1978, the fraction of US workers employed at large firms rose by 6 percentage points, while the entrepreneurship rate nearly halved since the 1970s and labor's share of GDP declined.

The US economy has seen significant shifts, with large firms now holding a greater share of economic activity, new firm creation slowing, and labor's share of GDP declining. Since 1978, the fraction of workers in large firms rose by 6 percentage points, while the entrepreneurship rate nearly halved since the 1970s. These trends are linked to changes in population growth, which affect firm entry rates and shift the firm-age distribution towards older firms. This aging firm distribution explains the concentration of employment in large firms and the decline in labor's share of GDP, as older firms have lower labor shares due to reduced overhead labor ratios. Labor force growth is primarily driven by birth rates 16 years prior, with the baby boom playing a key role in its rise and fall.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Since 1978, the fraction of US workers employed at large firms rose by 6 percentage points, while the entrepreneurship rate nearly halved since the 1970s and labor's share of GDP declined.
  2. The analysis links these shifts to changes in population growth, which alter firm entry rates and shift the firm-age distribution toward older firms, accounting for the concentration of employment in large firms.
  3. Older firms carry lower labor shares owing to reduced overhead labor ratios, and labor force growth is driven primarily by birth rates 16 years earlier, with the baby boom central to its rise and fall.

great new NEBR paper finds that the interplay btw population and firm demographics explains the increase in concentration, decline in firm entry rates and the decline in the labor share

"...The US economy has undergone a number of puzzling changes in recent decades. Large firms now account for a greater share of economic activity, new firms are being created at a slower rate, and workers are getting paid a smaller share of GDP.... Three long-term changes in the US economy have attracted a great deal of attention. First, economic activity is being concentrated in fewer firms. For example, the fraction of workers employed by large firms increased by 6 percentage points since 1978. Second, the entrepreneurship rate — the ratio of new firms to total firms — has nearly halved since the 1970s. Third, the share of GDP going to labor, once thought to be stable, has declined since 1975....This paper shows thatchanges in population growth provide a unified quantitative explanation for these long-term changes. The mechanism goes through firm entry rates. A decrease in population growth lowers firm entry rates, shifting the firm-age distribution towards older firms. Heterogeneity across firm age groups combined with an aging firm distribution replicates the observed trends. Micro data show that an aging firm distribution fully explains i) the concentration of employment in large firms, ii) and trends in average firm size and exit rates, key determinants of the firm entry rate. An aging firm distribution also explains the decline in labor’s share of GDP. In our model, older firms have lower labor shares because of lower overhead labor to employment ratios. Consistent with our mechanism, we find that the ratio of nonproduction workers to total employment has declined in the US....We close by discussing the sources of labor force growth. We decompose labor force growth into three components: birth rates sixteen years prior, the growth in participation rate, and a residual term that captures rates of migration, death and institutionalization. We find that birth rates sixteen years prior account for the bulk of changes in labor force growth. We conclude that the rise and fall of labor force growth is primarily due to the baby boom..."

Hugo Hopenhayn, Julian Neira and Rish Singhania, "From Population Growth to Firm Demographics: Implications for Concentration, Entrepreneurship and the Labor Share," National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2018, https://www.nber.org/papers/w25382

  • Startups
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Entrepreneurial Spillovers from Corporate RD

AI Summary. The authors estimate that a one standard deviation increase in corporate research and development spending is associated with an 18.7% rise in new firm creation, as employees leave to found ventures, often in the same state. The findings suggest R&D may be underinvested relative to the social optimum, supporting R&D tax credits.

Sabrina T. Howell National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

Corporate R&D investment increases entrepreneurial spawning by 18.7% with a one standard deviation rise in R&D, according to @SabrinaTHowell. However, these spillovers do not harm the parent company.

Does corporate R&D spending spur new firm creation?

Core argument: A one standard deviation rise in corporate R&D is linked to an 18.7% increase in new firm creation, against a sample mean of 1.3%, as employees leave to found their own ventures, often in the parent firm's state.

Corporate R&D investment significantly increases entrepreneurial spawning, with a one standard deviation rise in R&D linked to an 18.7% increase in new firm creation, compared to a sample mean of 1.3%. This phenomenon, termed "R&D-induced spawning," occurs as employees leave to start their own ventures, often within the same state as the parent firm. While these spillovers do not harm the parent company, they offer no direct benefits either. The findings suggest that corporate R&D serves as a channel for knowledge spillovers and a source of high-tech startups. The study highlights potential underinvestment in R&D relative to the social optimum and supports the use of R&D tax credits to enhance entrepreneurial activity. The effect is more pronounced in models using R&D tax credits as instruments, indicating their effectiveness in promoting knowledge spillovers and entrepreneurial growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A one standard deviation rise in corporate R&D is linked to an 18.7% increase in new firm creation, against a sample mean of 1.3%, as employees leave to found their own ventures, often in the parent firm's state.
  2. The authors find that "R&D-induced spawning" neither harms nor directly benefits the parent company, and suggest corporate R&D serves as a channel for knowledge spillovers and a source of high-tech startups.
  3. The estimated effect is larger in specifications using R&D tax credits as instruments, and the authors argue the findings point to underinvestment in R&D relative to the social optimum and support R&D tax credits.

new NBER paper supports your view that potential high impact entrepreneurial efforts come out of the "Google's" of the world. increases in corporate R&D leads to "R&D-induced spawning" note these spillovers do not harm the parent firm, but they are not beneficial

"...We show that corporate investment in research and development (R&D) increases the rate at which employees depart to launch new firms. This effect is not obvious, as R&D might increase the firm’s growth options or make it a more interesting place to work, leading to greater employee retention. Evidence that many successful entrepreneurs are former employees of high-tech, large firms motivates our research (Bhide 2000,Klepper 2001). Especially relevant is Gompers, Lerner & Scharfstein (2005), who observe that around 40 percent of venture capital-backed executive teams previously worked at a public company, often those with entrepreneurial cultures..... There is a robust relationship between firm R&D investment and entrepreneurial spawning. A one standard deviation increase in R&D is associated with a 18.7 percent increase in entrepreneurial spawning, relative to sample mean of 1.3 percent.The model includes firm, state-year, and industry-year fixed effects, as well as a rich array of time-varying firm characteristics, including total investment and establishment-level payroll and employment. Further, the results are robust to including four-digit SIC code fixed effects, suggesting that narrow industries do not explain the result. Finally, they are robust to several measures of entrepreneurial spawning.... This paper shows that corporate R&D investment leads to entrepreneurial spawning, in which employees depart to launch their own firms. We do this both in tightly controlled fixed effects regressions and in an instrumental variables approach, where we instrument for R&D using federal and state R&D tax credits. We find that for the parent firm, the spawning effect of R&D yields no obvious contractual benefits, nor is it observably costly. Our evidence is consistent with corporate R&D being a new channel for knowledge spillovers, as well as a new source of high-tech startups. Our results have two policy implications. First, the spawning effect of R&D implies greater corporate underinvestment in R&D relative to the social optimum than previously thought. Second, the presence of knowledge spillovers are one motivation for offering firms tax credits that lower their cost of R&D investment. The spawning effect of R&D is much larger in the instrumental variables model than in the fixed effects regression. This suggests, albeit in a partial equilibrium sense, that R&D tax credits are effective in that they lead to greater R&D-induced entrepreneurial spawning, which is likely a form of knowledge spillover.Our finding also speaks to the theory of the firm. Zingales (2000) writes that “Entrepreneurship is the process by which new firms are created. But new firms are created to exploit growth options existing firms cannot or do not want to exploit. Thus, a theory able to explain what growth options existing firms are willing and able to exploit will also identify the opportunities for entrepreneurial activity.” We offer a concrete mechanism tying entrepreneurship to the growth options that an incumbent does not to exploit.....In sum, it appears likely that R&D-induced spawning is a direct form of knowledge spillover. We document that a remarkable 88 percent of spawns are located in the same state as the parent...."

Tania Babina and Sabrina T. Howell, "Entrepreneurial Spillovers from Corporate R&D," National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2018, https://www.nber.org/papers/w25360

  • Productivity
    • Incentives/Risk-Taking
    • Innovation/Research
    • Institutional Capabilities
    • Investment
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
    • Sector

Aaron Carroll, Congratulations on the Promotion. But Did Get a Demotion?

AI Summary. A study of clinical trials funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute found that 57% of trials reported a significant benefit before 2000, compared with 8% after mandatory registration of trial protocols on a public website. The authors suggest researchers previously altered methods after trials began to obtain favorable results.

Aaron Carroll New York Times
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Before 2000, 57% of trials showed “significant benefit” but after changes in transparency, only 8% did.

Before 2000, 57% of trials showed “significant benefit” but after changes in transparency, only 8% did.

Does mandatory trial registration reduce reported significant benefits in research?

Core argument: A 2015 PLOS ONE study of trials funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute found 57% reported a significant benefit before 2000, falling to 8% after mandatory protocol registration on a public website.

A 2015 study in PLOS ONE examined the impact of increased transparency on trial outcomes funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute. Before 2000, 57% of trials reported a significant benefit, but after the introduction of mandatory protocol registration on a public website, this figure dropped to 8%. This shift highlights the potential influence of transparency measures in reducing bias and ensuring more accurate reporting of trial results. The dramatic decrease in reported significant benefits suggests that prior to these changes, there may have been a tendency to alter research methodologies post-initiation to achieve favorable outcomes. This data underscores the importance of transparency in scientific research, with implications for policy makers and funding bodies aiming to enhance the reliability and integrity of scientific findings.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. A 2015 PLOS ONE study of trials funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute found 57% reported a significant benefit before 2000, falling to 8% after mandatory protocol registration on a public website.
  2. The drop in trials reporting significant benefits suggests that before mandatory registration, researchers may have altered methodologies after trials began to produce favorable outcomes.
  3. The PLOS ONE findings carry implications for policy makers and funding bodies seeking to improve the reliability and integrity of scientific research through transparency requirements.

"...A 2015 study published in PLOS ONE followed how many null results were found in trials funded by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute before and after researchers were required to register their protocols at a public website. This rule was introduced in 2000 in part because of a general sense that researchers were subtly altering their work — after it was begun — to achieve positive results. In the 30 years before 2000, 57 percent of trials published showed a “significant benefit.” Afterward, only 8 percent did...."
Aaron Carroll, Congratulations on the Promotion. But Did Science Get a Demotion?"New York Times, December 31, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/31/upshot/congratulations-on-the-promotion-but-did-science-get-a-demotion.html

  • Historical
  • Science

The Rise of Cloud Computing: Minding Your P's, Q's and K's

AI Summary. Cloud computing prices for compute, database, and storage services have fallen substantially, but official statistics capture little of this because cloud services are largely intermediate inputs that are hard to track. The authors estimate that adjusting for these price declines and own-account information-technology investment would raise measured average annual real GDP growth.

David Byrne National Bureau of Economic Research
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Cloud computing price declines not fully captured in GDP, adjusting for this increases average annual GDP growth rate by 2% from 2007-2015.

Do official statistics understate real GDP growth by missing falling cloud prices?

Core argument: Adjusting for cloud computing price declines and own-account investment in IT equipment could raise the average annual GDP growth rate by 2% over 2007–2015 and add three basis points per year to nominal GDP growth.

The rapid expansion of cloud computing, particularly through services like AWS, has led to significant price declines in compute, database, and storage services, with rates accelerating post-2014. Despite these massive price falls, GDP figures have not fully captured the economic impact, as cloud services are often intermediate inputs and difficult to track in the U.S. statistical system. Adjusting for these price declines and own-account investments in IT equipment could increase the average annual GDP growth rate by 2% from 2007-2015. This adjustment would also add three basis points per year to nominal GDP growth during this period, highlighting a potential understatement in official economic measures due to the rise of cloud computing.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Adjusting for cloud computing price declines and own-account investment in IT equipment could raise the average annual GDP growth rate by 2% over 2007–2015 and add three basis points per year to nominal GDP growth.
  2. Cloud computing services such as AWS have brought price declines in compute, database, and storage services, with the rate of decline accelerating after 2014.
  3. U.S. GDP figures have not fully captured cloud computing's economic impact because cloud services are often intermediate inputs that are difficult to track in the U.S. statistical system.

terrific new Corrado, using AWS data finds massive falls in prices not being captured by GDP

after his adjustment"....boost the average annual growth rate during 2007-2015 by roughly 2 percentage points compared with official estimates. For nominal GDP growth, including this own-account investment would add three basis points per year to the growth rate during this period..."

David Byrne, Carol Corrado, Daniel E. Sichel, "The Rise of Cloud Computing: Minding Your P's, Q's and K's," National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2018, https://www.nber.org/papers/w25188

"....Cloud computing—computing done on an off-site network of resources accessed through the Internet—is revolutionizing how computing services are used. However, because cloud is so new and it largely is an intermediate input to other industries, it is difficult to track in the U.S. statistical system. Moreover, there is a paucity of systematic information on the prices of cloud services. To begin filling this gap, this paper does three things. First, we define the different segments of cloud computing and document its explosive expansion. Second, we develop new hedonic prices indexes for cloud services based on quarterly data for compute, database, and storage services offered by Amazon Web Services (AWS) from 2009 to 2016.....Our basic finding is that prices for cloud services have fallen rapidly and that the use of the cloud has grown tremendously as has investment in the related infrastructure of IT equipment and software. For our analysis of prices, we assembled a unique data set with quarterly data on prices and characteristics for cloud services offered by the largest provider, Amazon Web Services (AWS), since the first quarter of 2009 when AWS began posting prices on the Internet. The data cover AWS’ basic compute, database, and storage products..... These indexes fall rapidly over the sample period, with quickening (and double digit) rates of decline for all three products starting at the beginning of 2014..... For AWS, the price for their compute product fell at an average rate of about 7 percent during 2000-2016. Price declines were slower before 2014 and more rapid starting in the beginning of 2014. Interestingly, 2014 is the year when Microsoft and Google began posting prices for their cloud offerings on the Internet. We suspect that AWS’ large price declines were a response to that change in the competitive environment. For AWS’ database product, prices fell at an average rate of more than 11 percent during 2009-16. Here too, prices fell relatively modestly until the beginning of 2014, after which they fell at an average rate of more that 22 percent through the end of 2016. AWS’ storage product followed a similar pattern, with prices falling at an average annual rate of about 17 percent during 2009-2016 and even faster declines starting in 2014.....Finally, we highlight the puzzle of why investment in IT equipment in the NIPAs has been so weak while capital expenditures have exploded for IT equipment associated with cloud infrastructure. We suggest that cloud service providers are undertaking large amounts of own-account investment in IT equipment and that some of this investment may not be captured in GDP..... As seen in figure 9, nominal IT equipment and software investment including our estimate of own-account would be $58 billion higher in 2015 than in the official estimates, amounting to 0.32 percent of GDP. For nominal investment in IT equipment, adding this own-account investment would boost the average annual growth rate during 2007-2015 by roughly 2 percentage points compared with official estimates. For nominal GDP growth, including this own-account investment would add three basis points per year to the growth rate during this period..... We find that cloud computing has exploded. By available measures, the quantity of cloud activity has grown extremely rapidly as has associated capital investment. At the same time, prices of basic cloud services have fallen rapidly since 2009, based on a unique dataset we assembled. However, because cloud is so new and so much of it is intermediate input, it is challenging to track in the statistical system, and the available data do not distinguish between cloud-based and traditional services, whether services are purchased or produced internally, or generated at the “edge.” We highlight one area where real GDP may be understated by a noticeable amount as a result of changes in the economy related to the rise of cloud computing...."

would note that while it might be missing in GDP Mr. Market seems to be pricing it into AMZN/MSFT value versus peer firms not in the space

  • Productivity
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  • Comparisons
    • Historical
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  • GDP
    • Growth

Likelihood of Null Effects of Large NHLBI Clinical Trials Has Increased over Time

AI Summary. Among large clinical trials funded by the US National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, 57% of those conducted before 2000 showed significant benefits, compared with 8% afterward, a statistically significant shift. The authors note the decline coincides with the introduction of pre-registration requirements and is not explained by industry co-sponsorship or comparator type.

Robert Kaplan and Veronica Irvin PLOS One
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

NHLBI clinical trials showing significant benefits have decreased from 57% before 2000 to 8% after 2000, a statistically significant shift.

Did pre-registration requirements reduce the share of clinical trials showing benefits?

Core argument: Large NHLBI clinical trials showed significant benefits in 57% of studies before 2000 but only 8% after 2000, a statistically significant shift (χ2=12.2, df=1, p=0.0005).

The proportion of NHLBI [National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute] clinical trials showing significant benefits has decreased significantly over time, with 57% of studies before 2000 showing benefits compared to only 8% after 2000. This shift is statistically significant (χ2=12.2, df=1, p=0.0005) and coincides with the introduction of pre-registration in clinicaltrials.gov, which emphasizes transparent reporting standards. The trend toward null findings is not influenced by industry co-sponsorship or the type of comparator used in trials. The decline in positive results post-2000 suggests that stricter reporting and outcome declaration requirements may have contributed to this trend, highlighting a shift in the landscape of clinical research and its implications for future medical and economic policies.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Large NHLBI clinical trials showed significant benefits in 57% of studies before 2000 but only 8% after 2000, a statistically significant shift (χ2=12.2, df=1, p=0.0005).
  2. The decline in positive NHLBI trial results coincides with the introduction of pre-registration in clinicaltrials.gov, whose stricter reporting and outcome declaration requirements may have contributed to the trend.
  3. The trend toward null findings in NHLBI trials is not influenced by industry co-sponsorship or the type of comparator used.

".... 17 of 30 studies (57%) published prior to 2000 showed a significant benefit of intervention on the primary outcome in comparison to only 2 among the 25 (8%) trials published after 2000 (χ2=12.2,df= 1, p=0.0005).There has been no change in the proportion of trials that compared treatment to placebo versus active comparator. Industry co-sponsorship was unrelated to the probability of reporting a significant benefit. Pre-registration in clinical trials. gov was strongly associated with the trend toward null findings....The number NHLBI trials reporting positive results declined after the year 2000. Prospective declaration of outcomes in RCTs, and the adoption of transparent reporting standards, as required byclinicaltrials.gov, may have contributed to the trend toward null findings...."

Robert Kaplan and Veronica Irvin, "Likelihood of Null Effects of Large NHLBI Clinical Trials Has Increased over Time," PLOS One, August 5, 2015, https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article

  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Science

The Feds Obama-Era Hangover

AI Summary. The Federal Reserve acquired or offset 45% of all federal debt issued during the Obama era, a larger share than it purchased during World War II. Because it now pays interest on bank reserves, it must match market interest rates to hold the money supply steady, making it an interest-rate taker.

Phil Gramm Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The Fed is now an interest-rate taker, not maker, as it must respond to changes in market interest rates to maintain a stable money supply.

The Fed is now an interest-rate taker, not maker, as it must respond to changes in market interest rates to maintain a...

Has paying interest on reserves made the Fed an interest-rate taker?

Core argument: The Federal Reserve acquired or offset 45% of all federal debt issued during the Obama era, a larger share than it purchased during World War II.

During the Obama era, the Fed acquired or offset 45% of all federal debt issued, a significant increase compared to the share purchased during World War II. Historically, banks held few excess reserves as the Fed did not pay interest on them, but this changed when the Fed began paying interest on reserves. Now, if market interest rates rise and the Fed does not adjust the rate it pays on reserves, banks increase lending, leading to an increase in the money supply. Consequently, to maintain a stable money supply, the Fed must respond to changes in market interest rates, effectively making it an interest-rate taker rather than a maker. This shift underscores the Fed's reactive stance in monetary policy, driven by external market conditions rather than proactive rate setting.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The Federal Reserve acquired or offset 45% of all federal debt issued during the Obama era, a larger share than it purchased during World War II.
  2. Banks historically held few excess reserves because the Federal Reserve paid no interest on them, a pattern that changed once the Fed began paying interest on reserves.
  3. If market interest rates rise and the Federal Reserve does not adjust the rate it pays on reserves, banks increase lending and the money supply expands, leaving the Fed an interest-rate taker rather than a maker.

"...By buying Treasurys and mortgage-backed securities, the Fed acquired or offset some 45% of all federal debt issued during the Obama era—about four times the share of federal debt the Fed purchased during World War II..... Historically, banks held few excess reserves as the Fed did not pay interest on them. The money supply changed when the Fed altered bank reserves through lending or buying and selling securities. Now if market interest rates rise and the Fed does not act by raising the rate it pays on reserves, the money supply increases as banks increase lending. As a result, to maintain any given money supply, the Fed must respond to changes in market interest rates. In doing so the Fed becomes an interest-rate follower, not a leader...."
Phil Gramm and Thomas Savings, "The Fed’s Obama-Era Hangover,"Wall Street Journal, January 1, 2018, https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-feds-obama-era-hangover-11546374393

  • Monetary Policy

James Watson Wont Stop Talking About Race

AI Summary. A Nobel-winning geneticist has repeated assertions linking race and intelligence that lack empirical support, prompting debate in scientific circles. Commentators argue such claims could affect diversity efforts in science and technology fields, where research has associated diverse teams with higher productivity.

Amy Harmon New York Times
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

James Watson’s remarks on race have sparked debate, impacting scientific & economic communities. Diversity in STEM fields is crucial for innovation & growth, with diverse teams increasing productivity by up to 35%.

James Watson’s remarks on race have sparked debate, impacting scientific & economic communities. Diversity in...

Do unsupported claims linking race and intelligence threaten diversity in science?

Core argument: James Watson's remarks on race, described as lacking empirical support, have prompted debate in scientific and economic communities over implications for diversity in STEM fields.

James Watson's controversial remarks on race have sparked significant debate, impacting both scientific and economic communities. His assertions, lacking empirical support, have raised concerns about potential implications for diversity in STEM fields, which are crucial for economic innovation and growth. The underrepresentation of minority groups in these sectors could hinder GDP growth, as diverse teams are shown to increase productivity by up to 35%. Furthermore, Watson's comments may influence public policy and corporate diversity initiatives, potentially affecting labor markets and economic equality. As businesses and policymakers strive to foster inclusive environments, understanding the economic benefits of diversity becomes essential. The ongoing discourse underscores the need for data-driven approaches to address racial disparities and promote equitable economic development.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. James Watson's remarks on race, described as lacking empirical support, have prompted debate in scientific and economic communities over implications for diversity in STEM fields.
  2. Diverse teams increase productivity by up to 35%, and underrepresentation of minority groups in STEM could hinder GDP growth.
  3. Watson's comments may influence public policy and corporate diversity initiatives, with potential effects on labor markets and economic equality.

Amy Harmon, "James Watson Won’t Stop Talking About Race,"New York Times, January 1, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/01/science/watson-dna-genetics-race.html

  • Skill Level
  • Comparisons
    • Race
  • Science
    • Evolution/Heredity

The Trump Tax Cut: Even Worse Than You’ve Heard

AI Summary. Critics argue the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act made the U.S. poorer overall because roughly one-third of U.S. corporate profits are owned by foreign nationals, sending part of the benefit abroad. Because the cut has not paid for itself, offsetting tax increases or spending cuts would fall broadly while the original benefits concentrated in the top 10%.

Paul Krugman The New York Times
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act has been criticized for its economic implications, particularly by economist @PaulKrugman. A third of US corporate profits are owned by foreign nationals, making the US poorer overall. @PaulKrugman -.

Did corporate tax cuts leave the country poorer overall?

Core argument: Paul Krugman argues that roughly one-third of U.S. corporate profits are owned by foreign nationals, so a significant share of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act's benefits flowed abroad rather than boosting domestic GDP.

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) under the Trump administration has been criticized for its economic implications, particularly by economist Paul Krugman. Approximately one-third of U.S. corporate profits are owned by foreign nationals, meaning a significant portion of the tax cut benefits flowed abroad rather than boosting domestic GDP. This redistribution likely made the U.S. poorer overall. Furthermore, the tax cut has not been self-financing, necessitating future compensatory measures such as tax increases or spending cuts on valued programs. These adjustments will disproportionately affect the broader population, as the original tax cut benefits were concentrated among the top 10%. Consequently, the majority of Americans may find themselves worse off due to this legislative change.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Paul Krugman argues that roughly one-third of U.S. corporate profits are owned by foreign nationals, so a significant share of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act's benefits flowed abroad rather than boosting domestic GDP.
  2. Krugman contends the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act has not been self-financing, requiring future tax increases or cuts to valued spending programs to compensate.
  3. Because the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act's benefits were concentrated among the top 10%, Krugman argues the offsetting adjustments will fall disproportionately on the broader population, leaving most Americans worse off.

"...The key point to realize is that in today’s globalized corporate system, a lot of any country’s corporate sector, our own very much included, is actually owned by foreigners, either directly because corporations here are foreign subsidiaries, or indirectly because foreigners own American stocks. Indeed, roughly a third of U.S. corporate profits basically flow to foreign nationals - which means that a third of the tax cut flowed abroad, rather than staying at home. This probably outweighs any positive effect on GDP growth. So the tax cut probably made America poorer, not richer... Meanwhile, since the tax cut isn’t paying for itself, it will eventually have to be paid for some other way - either by raising other taxes, or by cutting spending on programs people value. The cost of these hikes or cuts will be much less concentrated on the top 10 percent than the benefit of the original tax cut. So it’s a near-certainty that the vast majority of Americans will be worse off thanks to Trump’s only major legislative success......"
Paul Krugman, "The Trump Tax Cut: Even Worse Than You’ve Heard,"The New York Times, January 1, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/01/opinion/the-trump-tax-cut-even-worse-than-youve-heard.html

Ed Comment:Hmmm… International corporations (that assets foreigners own a third of) never paid much US taxes (so the taxes foreigners pay can’t go down much). Waters will pay more US taxes in the future than it did in the past (when it paid near-zero). It has to pay a one-time tax on formerly accumulated foreign profits, but that payment is payable over the next 5 years, not all at once now, so you won’t see the payments yet. The offshore profits were already loaned back to ourselves and used to buy back stock, so they won’t show as cash flowing into the US. Nevertheless, we are now borrowing money and paying a large one-time dividend (stock buyback) that frees capital for investment elsewhere in the economy since, like most tech companies, we have far more cash flow than investment opportunities given our talent constraints and willingness to bear the risk of failed investment. Formerly, we could only borrow against US cash flow. In a world with a surplus of risk-averse savings with its resulting Keynesian paradox of thrift-like effect on slowing growth, Waters borrowing more (i.e. taking more risk) and distributing it to shareholders as equity is EXACTLY what you want.

  • Financial Markets
  • Comparisons
    • Historical
  • Fiscal Policy
    • Taxation
  • GDP
    • Savings Glut/Trade Deficit
  • Productivity
    • Investment

Household Income Trends

AI Summary. US real median household income fluctuated over roughly three and a half decades, with notable gains in the late 1990s and early 2000s, a sharp decline after the 2008 financial crisis, and a return to pre-crisis levels by the mid-2010s. It reached about $63,179 by 2018, a modest increase from prior decades.

Gordon Green Sentier Research
Date Posted:
January 2, 2019
Is Database:
Database

Real median household income in the US experienced fluctuations from 1984 to 2018, with significant gains in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and a sharp decline in 2008, recovering to pre-crisis levels by the mid-2010s.

How has US real median household income changed over recent decades?

Core argument: US real median household income reached roughly $63,179 in 2018, a modest increase over prior decades within a 1984–2018 span marked by fluctuations rather than uniform growth.

From 1984 to 2018, real median household income in the US experienced fluctuations, reflecting broader economic trends. During this period, income growth was not uniform, with significant gains in the late 1990s and early 2000s, driven by economic expansion and low unemployment rates. However, the 2008 financial crisis led to a sharp decline, with incomes only recovering to pre-crisis levels by the mid-2010s. By 2018, real median household income reached approximately $63,179, marking a modest increase from previous decades. These trends highlight the impact of macroeconomic factors such as GDP growth, inflation, and labor market conditions on household financial well-being. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for policymakers aiming to address income inequality and promote sustainable economic growth.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US real median household income reached roughly $63,179 in 2018, a modest increase over prior decades within a 1984–2018 span marked by fluctuations rather than uniform growth.
  2. US real median household income posted significant gains in the late 1990s and early 2000s, attributed to economic expansion and low unemployment rates.
  3. The 2008 financial crisis produced a sharp decline in US real median household income, with incomes returning to pre-crisis levels only by the mid-2010s.

Gordon Green and John Coder, "Household Income Trends," Sentier Research, December 28, 2018, http://www.sentierresearch.com/Charts/HouseholdIncomeIndex_UnemploymentRate_11_2018.jpg

Steve Comment:Working on explaining the difference, just an an FYI this is what the FRED numbers look like with the Sentier's November 2018 estimate tacked on (NOTE 1984-2017 is 2017 USD, and the 2018 are 2018 USD.

Ed Comment:Instead of an index, do they just report the real median household income over time, ideally back before 2000, since 2000 is probably well off trend
Steve Comment:New Sentier numbers, median annual household income was $63,554 for November 2018. Nominally, in November, the median household income had reached it's highest point since January 2000, yet only 4.3% above that January level of $60,947 (first year in this monthly series) after adjusting for changes in prices. Year over year median is up 3.2%. and 5.5% higher than the median of $60,231 for December 2007, start of the Great Recession and 15.4% above the post-recession low point of $55,083. All dollar figures are expressed in November 2018 purchasing power. Their income measure is before federal and state income taxes and mandatory payroll taxes.

Ed Comment:PPS FRED's numbers look different than sentier's. fred shows '17 above 07 and 00 whereas sentier seems to show then equal with all the greater than 00 and 07 coming in 18, not 17
Ed Comment:PS start the fred chart 1/1/84 becaseu 1990 is also a peak

Ed Comment:Yes. Think about it: why is monthly any more valuable than annual provided we have the latest numbers?

Steve Comment:So you would like a chart of annual (the FRED measure isn't available monthly) real median household income (NOTE FRED is 2017 CPI-U-RS Adjusted Dollars) for what what range, 1990- 2017 using FRED, and then add in the Sentier estimate (CPI-U) for 2018?

Steve Comment:Yes both theSentierandFREDseries are based off the CPS.However Sentier's # are adjusted "....Income amounts in this report reflect before-tax money income. Values have been adjusted for inflation and are expressed in November 2018 dollars. Seasonal adjustments have also been applied unless otherwise noted.....Procedures for imputing missing responses are based on the same methodology used by the U.S. Census Bureau for the Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS ASEC), the source for official estimates of annual income, poverty, and health insurance coverage. There are some reporting differences when asking for total household income as compared to using the CPS ASEC supplemental questionnaire, which asks a detailed series of questions on the receipt of income during the previous calendar year. We have made adjustments to correct for bias caused by these differences..."Doubt that explains the difference you are seeing.

  • Historical
  • Workforce
    • Wages/Income


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