Edward Conard

Top Ten New York Times Bestselling Author

  • “Unintended Consequences offers deep and well-argued analyses on almost every issue.” - The New York Times
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • “…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
  • “…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
  • “…a very valuable contribution.” - Larry Summers, former Secretary of the Treasury and director of the National Economic Council, president emeritus, Harvard University
  • “…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
  • “…reminds us that inequality sends a signal of what society lacks most, in America’s case, entrepreneurship and risk taking.” - Lawrence Lindsey, CEO, The Lindsey Group, former Director of the National Economic Council
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
  • “…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
Upside of Inequality Oxford Unintended Consequences
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Sunday, September 17, 2017

Poverty does not cause social problems and the cream rises to the top

AI Summary. An academic survey finds that over 80% of Chinese elites — defined as those earning at least 12x the average income in their area — are descendants of pre-1949 elites. The author argues this supports the view that equalizing incomes would not prevent previously advantaged families from regaining their position.

Scott Sumner The Money Illusion
Date Posted:
September 17, 2017
Is Database:
Database

@ScottSumner The case of New Hampshire, with a low poverty rate of 6.9%, further demonstrates that poverty alone does not drive social issues, as the state boasts high median income and education levels.

@ScottSumner The case of New Hampshire, with a low poverty rate of 6.9%, further demonstrates that poverty alone does not...

Do previously advantaged families regain elite status after incomes are equalized?

Core argument: An academic survey finds that over 80% of Chinese elites — those earning at least 12 times their area's average income — are descendants of pre-1949 elites, despite Mao-era equalization efforts.

An academic survey reveals that over 80% of Chinese elites, defined as those earning at least 12 times the average income in their area, are descendants of pre-1949 elites, illustrating that social mobility is influenced by factors beyond poverty. This supports the conservative view that even if income were made 100% equal, the rich would regain their position, as evidenced by Mao's China, where the cream rose to the top despite initial equalization efforts. The case of New Hampshire, with a low poverty rate of 6.9% compared to the national average of 13.7%, further demonstrates that poverty alone does not drive social issues, as the state boasts high median income and education levels. These examples underscore that individual attributes and historical advantages play significant roles in economic outcomes, challenging the notion that poverty is the root cause of social problems.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. An academic survey finds that over 80% of Chinese elites — those earning at least 12 times their area's average income — are descendants of pre-1949 elites, despite Mao-era equalization efforts.
  2. New Hampshire's poverty rate of 6.9%, against a national average of 13.7%, alongside its high median income and education levels, is offered as evidence that poverty alone does not drive social problems.
  3. The argument holds that individual attributes and historical advantages shape economic outcomes, so even fully equalized incomes would see the rich regain their position.

Scott Sumner, "Poverty does not cause social problems (and the cream rises to the top),"The Money Illusion, September 17, 2017, http://www.themoneyillusion.com/

"... One academic survey found more than 80 per cent of Chinese “elites” (those with income at least 12 times higher than the average in their area) are descended from the pre-1949 elite.....Liberals claim that people like Bill Gates become rich because they come from upper class families, with all sorts of advantages. Conservatives claim that even if income were made 100% equal, within a few years the rich would regain their position and the poor would fall back. Mao’s China provided a near perfect test of this theory, and we now know that the conservatives are right about this issue. The cream does rise to the top...."

Poverty does not cause social problems (and the cream rises to the top)

Pity poorNew Hampshire:

Manchester is at the heart ofNew Hampshire‘s opioid epidemic, which has first responders, lawmakers and health care administrators scrambling for solutions before the situation spirals further out of control.

Though other New England states such asVermontandMainehave seen spikes in opioid-related deaths, the granite state ranksNo. 2 in the nation, behind West Virginia, for the number of opioid-related deaths relative to its population. It ranks No. 1, though, forfentanyl-related deathsper capita.

PS. RIP Cassini.This is my all-time favorite NYT article, and it contains almost nothing but pictures and a video. In my view, Saturn (and her moons) is the most beautiful object in the Solar System.This is also worth examining.

Of course this is not true in every single case. Sometimes highly talented people have bad luck and end up homeless. Occasionally an idiot will win $100 million in a lottery, or maybe even get elected President. But on average the more talented, more ambitious and harder working people will tend to succeed. Being born white in America does give a person some advantages, but that doesn’t really explain very much. Certainly not income gaps between American whites and Asians, or between Christians and Jews, or between immigrant blacks and American born blacks, or between Korean-Americans and Laotian-Americans, etc., etc.

You often hear a debate about what would happen if everyone suddenly lost everything, and the entire population was equally poor. Liberals claim that people like Bill Gates become rich because they come from upper class families, with all sorts of advantages. Conservatives claim that even if income were made 100% equal, within a few years the rich would regain their position and the poor would fall back. Mao’s China provided a near perfect test of this theory, and we now know that the conservatives are right about this issue. The cream does rise to the top.

“My parents and grandparents taught us a lot — not Chinese or maths but a sense of values, of how you should be and how you should treat others,” he says. They also drilled into him the knowledge they had once been very rich but everything had been taken away — a lesson all too relevant even now.

Virtually every Chinese millionaire or billionaire is self-made because capitalist reforms to the centrally planned communist economy only began in the early 1980s and did not really take off until the 1990s. But the modern super-wealthy often turn out to be descended from an earlier capitalist class. Richard is no exception. Before the 1949 revolution his family were wealthy shipowners who transported goods along the Yangtze river and the ancient imperial canal from Beijing in the north to Hangzhou in the south. They lost everything when the communists took over and were forcibly resettled at least twice. One academic survey found more than 80 per cent of Chinese “elites” (those with income at least 12 times higher than the average in their area) are descended from the pre-1949 elite. Richard puts this down to “family culture”.

Yes, that’s anecdotal, but consider this:

Now he is 43 and worth nearly $11bn.

Again, like so many of China’s new titans, Liu’s family was so poor that until he went to university aged 18 he only tasted meat once or twice a year. His family, peasant farmers in arid coal country, 700km south of Beijing, had a few rice fields but they also had to hand over the crop to the government; these were the dire days after the Cultural Revolution. “From June until September we were able to eat corn — cornmeal porridge for breakfast, corn pancakes for lunch and dry cornbread for dinner; cornbread so tough it made your throat bleed,” he tells me. “The other eight months we ate boiled sweet potato for breakfast, sweet potato pancake for lunch and dried sweet potato for dinner.”

Liu Qiangdong is making up for lost time — and with vertiginous speed.

Liu Qiangdong is one example of a Chinese poor person who did not become a heroin addict:

Of course it’s silly to argue that affluence causes addiction—correlation doesn’t prove causation. But it’s equally silly to suggest that people in West Virginia become drug addicts because they are poor. There are a billion poor people (by American standards) in China, and very few are heroin addicts.

New Hampshire also has a very low level of inequality.

New Hampshire’s workforce is also among the best-educated in the country, according to previously released census data. Better-educated workers tend to make more money.

One of the chief drivers of New Hampshire’s high median income is its poverty rate, which is the lowest in the nation. Only 6.9 percent of the state’s residents live below the poverty line, compared with a national average of 13.7 percent (in Mississippi nearly 21 percent of people live in poverty).

The Granite State’s median household income last year was a whopping $76,260, nearly 30 percent higher than the national median of $59,039, according to the Census....

New Hampshire.

Which U.S. state had the highest median income in 2016?...

Pop quiz:

So what makes New Hampshire so special? Why so many deaths of despair? Perhaps because it has arguably themost successful economy in the entire world, with extremely high income, high education and extremely low rates of poverty:

  • Inequality
  • Comparisons
    • Cross-country
  • Workforce
    • Poverty/Crime

Thursday, October 12, 2017

Were About to Fall Behind the Great Depression

AI Summary. Gross domestic product per working-age adult is projected to be only 11% above its level at the onset of the Great Recession roughly a decade later, a weaker recovery than followed the Great Depression. The author argues policymakers should adopt bolder measures, including increased government spending and more aggressive monetary policy, to stimulate demand and job creation.

David Leonhardt New York Times
Date Posted:
October 12, 2017
Is Database:
Database

@DLeonhardt The current economic recovery has been sluggish, with GDP growth failing to compensate for the prolonged slump, risking a fall behind the Great Depression recovery pace.

Is the current recovery weaker than the one after the Great Depression?

Core argument: GDP per working-age adult is projected to be only 11% higher in 2019 than at the onset of the Great Recession, a recovery the author contrasts unfavorably with the rebound that followed the Great Depression.

By 2019, GDP per working-age adult is projected to be only 11% higher than at the onset of the Great Recession, a stark contrast to the recovery following the Great Depression. Despite avoiding the extreme unemployment and misery of the 1930s, the current economic recovery has been sluggish, with GDP growth failing to compensate for the prolonged slump. This weak growth trajectory is evident in the relatively flat GDP line since the crisis began in 2007. The economy's persistent underperformance highlights a need for policymakers to reconsider traditional economic assumptions and adopt bolder strategies, such as increased government spending and more aggressive monetary policies, to stimulate demand and foster job creation. Without such measures, the risk of falling behind the recovery pace of the Great Depression looms large, underscoring the urgency for a strategic economic shift.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. GDP per working-age adult is projected to be only 11% higher in 2019 than at the onset of the Great Recession, a recovery the author contrasts unfavorably with the rebound that followed the Great Depression.
  2. The GDP line has been relatively flat since the crisis began in 2007, with growth failing to compensate for the prolonged slump even as the extreme unemployment and misery of the 1930s were avoided.
  3. The author argues policymakers should reconsider traditional economic assumptions and adopt bolder measures, including increased government spending and more aggressive monetary policy, to stimulate demand and job creation.

new Summers (paper get's released today)

hmmmm just perhaps the US economy is slightly different then the US economy 80 years ago, "...“Having too little demand,” as Summers says, “is now as much of a problem as having too much demand.”..."

--

There is no reason to accept mediocrity as the new normal.

Economists sometime use a rubber band as a metaphor for the economy. The further it’s pulled in one direction, the more strongly it snaps back in the other. The metaphor was apt in the 1930s. But it’s not apt now. After the worst downturn in 70 years, the American economy — like much of the world’s — has been plagued by mediocre growth.

“Having too little demand,” as Summers says, “is now as much of a problem as having too much demand.”

Instead, many policy makers and economists continue to operate as if the Great Recession never happened and their prior beliefs still hold. They grew up believing that the big economic risk was an overheated economy, because that was the great problem of the 1970s. As a result, many are obsessed with the dangers of high inflation and large budget deficits. And those dangers are real — but they’re not the main dangers facing the economy now.

In their paper, Blanchard (a former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund) and Summers (a former Treasury secretary and White House adviser) argue that it’s time for the country to take its long malaise more seriously. How? Economists should question long-held assumptions, as they did after both the Depression and the 1970s stagflation. The Federal Reserve — which has repeatedly underestimated the economy’s weakness — should consider bolder policies, like raising inflation. Congress and the White House should consider spending more money to create decent-paying jobs, despite legitimate concerns about the federal debt.

By 2019, G.D.P. per working-age adult is likely to be only 11 percent higher than when the crisis began (barring an unexpected growth surge or a recession). That’s a miserable growth rate over an extended period. Yes, the economy has done fairly well for last year or two, but not nearly well enough to make up for the long slump, especially because growth was also mediocre in the early 2000s.No wonder so many Americans are angry and frustrated.

This time, the country never suffered 25 percent unemployment or nearly the same amount of misery — thank goodness — but it has endured years of weak growth following the crisis. You can see this weakness in the relatively flat yellow line.

Gross domestic product, or G.D.P., measures the nation’s total output, which largely determines its standard of living. And the decline in output during the Depression was clearly much worse than in recent years, as you can see from the gray line. But the economy eventually bounced back, first with rapid growth in the mid-1930s and then during the war mobilization of the early 1940s.

By 2019, a prime measure of the economy’s health — gross domestic product per working-age adult — will likely have recovered less in the 12 years since the crisis began than it did during the 12 years since the start of the Great Depression. When I saw a chart making this point, in a new paper from Olivier Blanchard and Larry Summers, I was stunned. The chart is reproduced above.

Yet our crisis isn’t over. By almost any measure — employment, income, net worth, total output — the economy is still suffering. And now a grim milestone is coming into view:

Since the first rumblings of the financial crisis, in 2007, people have comforted themselves by looking back to the Great Depression and thinking about how much worse things could be. It’s true, too. Our modern economic crisis has been far less severe than the Depression.

We’re About to Fall Behind the Great Depression

David Leonhardt, "We’re About to Fall Behind the Great Depression,"New York Times, October 12, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/12/opinion/great-depression-recession.html

  • Business Cycle
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    • Historical
    • Other Comparison
  • GDP
    • Growth


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