“…a must-read for serious students of economic policy.” - Glenn Hubbard, Dean, Columbia Business School, and former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
“There are an amazing number of good ideas and interesting points made in Unintended Consequences. The thinking underlying it, and the obvious depth of understanding of the author, are very impressive.” - Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics; 2004 John Bates Clark Medal
“A full-throated defense of economic dynamism.” - The Wall Street Journal
“…a fresh argument for the productive value of inequality.” - David Autor, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
“…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
“…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
“Unintended Consequences is full of substance, it is one of the must-read books of the year, and once I finish it I will be giving it a second read through right away.” - Tyler Cowen, Professor, George Mason University
“Unintended Consequences should be read by anyone who takes for granted the superiority of progressive taxation and has not thought carefully about the trade-offs involved.” - The New Republic
“…serious thinking for serious thinkers. …a thought-provoking blueprint for growing middle- and working-class incomes.” - Mitt Romney, former Governor of Massachusetts
“…a comprehensive explanation of the modern economy.” - Julian Robertson, Founder, Tiger Management
“Unintended Consequences is far smarter and more thought-provoking than most economics written for the general public” - Greg Mankiw, Harvard University, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors
“…challenges misconceptions that distort our economic debates.” - Arthur Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
AI Summary.Federal Reserve Bank of New York researchers estimate that about 26% of a uniform tariff passes through into non-oil consumer goods prices over twelve months, with roughly 64% of that effect coming directly from higher import prices and the rest through domestic producers' input costs and markups. Pass-through into import prices is nearly immediate, while domestic price responses build gradually.
Mary Amiti,Sebastian Heise and David WeinsteinFederal Reserve Bank of New York
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
FRBNY estimates that a uniform 10% tariff raised consumer-goods prices 2.6% after 12 months: 1.7pp directly via imported final goods, and 0.9pp mainly via higher imported-input costs for domestically produced goods, with the latter effect building over 9–12 months.
How much of a tariff reaches consumer prices within a year?
Core argument: Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.
Tariff pass-through into U.S. import prices is nearly complete. Instrumenting realized duty rates with statutory tariffs to account for endogenous sourcing and exemptions, tariff pass-through into consumer-goods import prices is about 90.5%; a 10% increase in the duty rate raises import prices about 9.1%. At twelve months, a uniform 10% tariff raises consumer-goods prices 2.639%: 1.694pp through the direct channel, 0.770pp through marginal costs, and 0.175pp through strategic complementarity. Import-price pass-through is essentially immediate, while domestic prices adjust gradually; the contribution of the two indirect channels roughly doubles between six and twelve months, with much of the overall adjustment occurring within nine to twelve months. For the actual 2025–26 tariffs, the direct channel accounts for about 70% of the estimated effect; the marginal-cost channel accounts for about 22%, with strategic complementarity accounting for the remainder. Because the regressions include date fixed effects, the tariff contribution is identified relative to less-exposed goods and should be read as illustrative rather than as the absolute contribution to aggregate goods CPI.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.
The two indirect channels — marginal costs from imported inputs (0.77 percentage points) and strategic complementarity in domestic markups (0.17 points) — account for 36 percent of the total effect and roughly double between six and twelve months after tariff implementation.
Applied to the actual 2025–26 tariff schedule, the authors estimate the cumulative tariff contribution to goods CPI reached about 2.9 percentage points by February 2026, with import-price pass-through near 90 percent and retail pass-through of 0.56.
Related Articles:
The State of U.S. Tariffs July 24, 2026— The average statutory US tariff rate stands at 11.1% and, under current law including scheduled increases, is projected to reach 11.8% by year-end. The authors estimate current-law tariffs will raise consumer prices by about 0.7% and generate roughly $1.9tn over ten years, with revenue somewhat lower after accounting for tariffs' negative effect on economic output.
Who Is Paying for the 2025 U.S. Tariffs?— The authors estimate that 94% of U.S. tariff costs were borne domestically over the first eight months of 2025, with a 10% tariff associated with only a 0.6 percentage point decline in foreign export prices. Pass-through into U.S. import prices later declined to 86%, shifting more of the burden to foreign exporters.
Demand-Driven Inflation— Demand and supply curves estimated from pre-pandemic data imply relatively flat demand curves in the US and euro area, so adverse supply shifts would produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation. The authors argue explaining the observed combination of high inflation and output requires outward demand shifts, including accommodative monetary policy alongside fiscal expansion.
AI Summary.A projection estimates China gains about $1.13tn in annual export value by 2030 relative to baseline while the rest of the world loses about $5.1tn, including $2.25tn for the G7. The authors attribute the net global decline to trade shifting toward Chinese goods whose export prices keep falling.
Charles Austin Jordan and Logan WrightRhodium Group
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
China’s share of global exports by volume is on track to rise from 20% in 2025 to 28% by 2030. Yet China’s rising export share may depress the total value of global exports as lower-priced Chinese goods displace more expensive exports from other countries.
Do China's export share gains reduce global export values?
Core argument: The projection has China gaining roughly $1.13 trillion in annual export value by 2030 relative to the baseline scenario, while the rest of the world loses about $5.1 trillion.
The net result of our projection would suggest that China gains around $1.13 trillion in annual export value by 2030 relative to the baseline scenario, while the rest of the world loses around $5.1 trillion, with the G7 accounting for $2.25 trillion of those potential losses alone. This implies that China’s export share gains effectively destroy overall global trade values relative to the status quo due to continued declines in export prices. Regardless of which assumptions are used, China’s export share gains appear to reduce global total potential export values, because trade patterns are shifting toward Chinese goods that are declining in price.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
The projection has China gaining roughly $1.13 trillion in annual export value by 2030 relative to the baseline scenario, while the rest of the world loses about $5.1 trillion.
The G7 accounts for $2.25 trillion of the projected $5.1 trillion in export value losses borne by countries outside China.
China’s export share gains appear to reduce global total potential export values regardless of the assumptions used, because trade patterns shift toward Chinese goods whose prices continue to decline.
Related Articles:
The Year of the Trojan Fire Horse: China’s Imbalanced Economy and Unrelenting Mercantilism— About 30% of Chinese industrial companies are unprofitable "zombies" kept alive by subsidies far larger than those elsewhere, rather than exiting amid falling industrial producer prices. Countries with large increases in manufactured imports from China also saw slowdowns in domestic manufacturing, including declining manufacturing shares of output across most of Southeast Asia.
China Is Making Trade Impossible— Interviews with Chinese economists, technologists and business leaders yielded no clear answer to what products China would want to buy from the rest of the world in future, beyond commodities, luxury goods and higher education. The author argues China sees nothing it cannot eventually make better and cheaper itself, undermining trade as a two-way exchange.
Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push— Stronger Chinese growth driven by export-oriented manufacturing may not produce net positive spillovers: for every 1pp export-driven boost to China's GDP, other economies may see a 0.1–0.3pp drag, with high-tech producers such as Europe and Japan facing greater pressure. Cheaper Chinese goods continue to exert a disinflationary impulse.
AI Summary.China's export boom shows signs of cresting, with year-over-year growth leveling off at roughly 24-27% in US dollar terms, and memory chips now the biggest single swing factor for exports. Total export growth is expected to converge toward the recent trend for non-artificial-intelligence products of about 5-7%.
Andrew BatsonGavekal
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
Andrew Batson argues that as the memory-chip price cycle’s impact on Chinese export growth fades, export growth in renminbi terms in 2027 “will most likely converge toward the recent trend for products outside the AI complex, which is around 5–7%.”
Is China's export boom leveling off toward slower growth?
Core argument: China’s export growth has leveled off over the past three months at roughly 24–27% year-on-year in US dollar terms and 18–20% in renminbi terms, a sign the export wave is cresting.
China’s latest extraordinary export wave is showing signs of cresting. The headline YoY growth of exports has leveled off over the past three months, staying around 24-27% in US dollar terms and 18-20% in renminbi terms. The boom in exports of products associated with investment in artificial intelligence is certainly not over, but current super-high growth rates will probably slow in coming months. Memory chips are now the biggest single swing factor for exports, and prices for some products have recently leveled off after their massive surge. While the ebb and flow of memory prices is difficult to forecast, growth of total exports in 2027 will most likely converge toward the recent trend for products outside the AI complex, which is around 5-7%. Semiconductor cycles have limited implications for China’s vast range of other exports, which are still very competitive in global markets.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
China’s export growth has leveled off over the past three months at roughly 24–27% year-on-year in US dollar terms and 18–20% in renminbi terms, a sign the export wave is cresting.
Memory chips are the biggest single swing factor for China’s exports, with prices for some products leveling off after a massive surge and super-high AI-related growth rates likely to slow in coming months.
Total Chinese export growth in 2027 will most likely converge toward the recent 5–7% trend for products outside the AI complex, which remain very competitive in global markets.
Related Articles:
China’s Share Of Global Container Exports Soars To 40%— China accounted for 40% of global container exports on a three-month rolling average, up 2.5 percentage points in nine months, according to the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China. The chamber's president argues this shows global trade imbalances are growing faster than expected.
Understanding Global Imbalances— The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
The Year of the Trojan Fire Horse: China’s Imbalanced Economy and Unrelenting Mercantilism— About 30% of Chinese industrial companies are unprofitable "zombies" kept alive by subsidies far larger than those elsewhere, rather than exiting amid falling industrial producer prices. Countries with large increases in manufactured imports from China also saw slowdowns in domestic manufacturing, including declining manufacturing shares of output across most of Southeast Asia.
AI Summary.Model-based simulations suggest that industrial policies using quantity targets to boost tradable output create shortages of nontradable goods, raising their prices and appreciating the real exchange rate — effects that can be reversed by repressing consumption, turning the current account effect positive. Appreciating a surplus country's nominal exchange rate alone would only add deflationary pressure.
Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, Gene Kindberg-Hanlon, Manasa Patnam, Lorenzo Rotunno, et al.Journal of Economic Perspectives
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
Industrial policy that stimulates exports also raises domestic spending. To generate a current-account surplus, it must be paired with forced saving, financial repression, or related features of the Chinese model.
How does repressing consumption change industrial policy's trade effects?
Core argument: Model-based simulations show that quantity targets boosting tradable output create a lopsided economy with a shortage of nontradable goods, raising domestic nontradable prices and the overall price level and appreciating the real exchange rate.
Consider the example of policy directives to boost tradable output through the use of quantity targets. [This] creates a lopsided economy, resulting in a shortage of nontradable goods. To restore balance, the price of domestic nontradable goods would rise, increasing the overall price level and appreciating the real exchange rate, as the model-based simulations in Figure 9 show. However, these side-effects of the policy can be reversed by suppressing consumption, for instance through forced saving policies. In this case, reduced aggregate demand contains the rapid rise in nontradable prices and overall inflation. A sufficient degree of consumption repression can fully reverse the fall in saving and appreciation of the real exchange rate that would otherwise occur, subdue the relative nontradable price increase, and turn the current account balance effect from negative to positive. A policy that would seek to appreciate the nominal exchange rate of surplus countries without a change in the underlying drivers of saving and investment would only result in stronger domestic deflationary pressures. In this sense, focusing on the nominal exchange rate alone risks overstating its ability to correct external imbalances without accompanying changes in domestic demand and saving.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
Model-based simulations show that quantity targets boosting tradable output create a lopsided economy with a shortage of nontradable goods, raising domestic nontradable prices and the overall price level and appreciating the real exchange rate.
A sufficient degree of consumption repression, such as forced saving policies, can fully reverse the fall in saving and the real exchange rate appreciation, subdue the relative nontradable price increase, and turn the current account balance effect from negative to positive.
Appreciating surplus countries' nominal exchange rates without changing the underlying drivers of saving and investment would only produce stronger domestic deflationary pressures, so focusing on the nominal rate alone risks overstating its ability to correct external imbalances.
Related Articles:
Understanding Global Imbalances— The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
Debt, Deficits & Global Imbalances— Taxes or restrictions on short-term capital inflows were argued to be a more direct and potentially superior tool than tariffs for shrinking the trade deficit, since tariffs risk retaliation and supply-chain distortions. Proponents said such measures could reduce reliance on household and government borrowing to sustain employment, if paired with efforts to strengthen domestic demand and tradables capacity.
Why Global Imbalances Matter— Countries running persistent trade surpluses, such as China, Germany and Japan, have built their economies around an excess supply of tradeable goods and services, leaving them dependent on deficit countries to absorb it. That dependence gives deficit countries bargaining power and exposes surplus countries to pressure to expand domestic demand.
AI Summary.China's manufacturing export surplus is around 2% of world GDP, roughly twice the largest surplus Japan ever ran, while domestic demand has stalled. Unexplained negative net income of about $125bn on its $4tn in net foreign assets, versus an expected $100bn surplus, supports the argument that the renminbi is about 30% undervalued.
Martin WolfFinancial Times
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
Martin Wolf estimates that under reasonable assumptions, China should be earning ~$100B annually on her $4T of foreign assets. Yet, China shows an unexplained negative net income of around $125bn on its net foreign asset position.
Is China's currency undervalued as its export surplus hits record levels?
Core argument: China's manufacturing export surplus stands at roughly 2% of world GDP, described as roughly twice the largest surplus Japan ever ran, while exports surge and domestic demand stalls.
China’s macroeconomics are very different from those obtained before the global financial crisis and, even more so, before the end of its property boom. Exports are surging, but domestic demand has stalled. China's export surplus in manufacturing is now around 2% of world GDP, which is “roughly twice the largest surplus Japan ever ran.” Most importantly, China shows an unexplained negative net income of around $125bn on its net foreign investments. But it should, on reasonable assumptions about the income it earns on its $4tn in net foreign assets, have a surplus of some $100bn. As a result, Brad Setser argues, the renminbi is by now some 30% undervalued. China’s policies look unavoidably threatening to much of the world. If a major trading partner runs huge and persistent trade and current account surpluses, everyone else has to run offsetting deficits. This leads to the shrinkage of sectors specialising in producing tradable goods and services, as well as huge domestic financial deficits.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
China's manufacturing export surplus stands at roughly 2% of world GDP, described as roughly twice the largest surplus Japan ever ran, while exports surge and domestic demand stalls.
China reports an unexplained negative net income of about $125bn on its net foreign investments, though reasonable assumptions about returns on its $4tn in net foreign assets imply a surplus near $100bn.
Brad Setser argues the renminbi is some 30% undervalued; persistent Chinese trade and current account surpluses require offsetting deficits elsewhere, shrinking sectors producing tradable goods and services and producing large domestic financial deficits.
Related Articles:
The Dangerous Triumph Of Neo-Mercantilism— Neo-mercantilism is thriving in both China, which pairs infant-industry promotion with large trade surpluses, and in a United States focused on external deficits and protecting domestic markets. The author argues this will likely fracture the world economy, and that a new multilateral treaty could include a mechanism to combat large structural trade surpluses.
Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push— Stronger Chinese growth driven by export-oriented manufacturing may not produce net positive spillovers: for every 1pp export-driven boost to China's GDP, other economies may see a 0.1–0.3pp drag, with high-tech producers such as Europe and Japan facing greater pressure. Cheaper Chinese goods continue to exert a disinflationary impulse.
China’s Economy: Rightsizing 2025, Looking Ahead to 2026— The authors argue China's official growth figures are inconsistent with ten consecutive quarters of deflation, estimating that real GDP is around 11% below official levels, with most of the adjustment in investment. That would imply a drop of roughly 9 percentage points in China's share of global investment, helping explain its export surge.
AI Summary.China's trade surplus with the European Union reached a record, rising 27% year-on-year to $32.9bn in a single month, with its surplus with Germany more than doubling while falling 81% with France. Over the first half of the year, Chinese exports to the bloc rose 17% to $312.3bn while imports rose 9% to $135.6bn.
Bloomberg StaffBloomberg
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
China’s trade surplus with the European Union increased 27% y/y to $32.9B in June. China’s surplus with Germany more than doubled.
Is China's trade surplus with the European Union reaching record levels?
Core argument: China's trade surplus with the EU rose 27% from a year earlier to $32.9 billion in June, with exports to the bloc reaching a record, according to Chinese customs data.
China’s trade surplus with the European Union climbed to a fresh high, keeping the issue of growing imbalances high on the agenda as the bloc weighs new measures to shield local industries. With exports to the EU soaring to a record, China’s surplus with the bloc rose 27% from a year earlier to $32.9 billion in June, according to Chinese customs data released on Tuesday. The country’s surplus with Germany more than doubled year-on-year while plunging 81% with France. For the first half of the year, China imported $135.6 billion of goods from the EU, up 9% from a year earlier. Meanwhile its exports amounted to $312.3 billion during the period, a gain of 17%.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
China's trade surplus with the EU rose 27% from a year earlier to $32.9 billion in June, with exports to the bloc reaching a record, according to Chinese customs data.
China exported $312.3 billion of goods to the EU in the first half of the year, up 17%, while importing $135.6 billion from the bloc, up 9%.
China's surplus with Germany more than doubled from a year earlier while its surplus with France fell 81%, as the EU weighs new measures to shield local industries.
Related Articles:
The Real Problem With Global Trade— Asia's $1.5tn trade surplus is larger as a share of world output than at any point since 1945 and is the only large surplus in the global economy. Exchange rates have a meaningful impact on trade balances: China's surplus reached about 10% of its output amid renminbi depreciation, then fell below 2% after a 40% real appreciation.
Understanding Global Imbalances— The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
China Shock 2.0 The Cost Of Germany’s Complacency— An analysis published by Bloomberg attributes roughly 40% of Germany's shortfall in economic output to lost export markets, another 40% to higher energy prices, and the remaining 20% to weak domestic demand, bureaucracy and other factors. The author argues German politics overemphasizes bureaucracy while China's pressure on the country's industrial base erodes export demand.
AI Summary.The International Monetary Fund calculates that global current-account deficits plus surpluses reached 3.7% of world gross domestic product, after fluctuating between 1% and 3% until the early 2000s. The US deficit of $1.1tn is the largest single imbalance, and the Fund estimates a budget deficit of 2% of GDP raises the current-account deficit by 0.5% of GDP.
Greg IpThe Wall Street Journal
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
Greg Ip warns that while global imbalances are “narrower” than they were pre-crisis, “they are more persistent and more entrenched in national behavior,” pointing to China’s trade surplus and chronic US fiscal deficits.
How large have global current-account imbalances grown relative to world output?
Core argument: The IMF calculates that global current-account deficits plus surpluses reached 3.7% of global GDP last year after falling steadily from around the global financial crisis; until the early 2000s they fluctuated between 1% and 3%.
The IMF calculates that deficits plus surpluses reached 3.7% of global gross domestic product last year after falling steadily from around the global financial crisis. Until the early 2000s, they fluctuated between 1% and 3%. This is worrisome. Current-account deficits played a part in the crises that swept Latin America in the early 1980s, East and Southeast Asia in the late 1990s, the U.S. in 2007-09, and the eurozone from 2009 on. Today’s imbalances look different. While annual deficits are narrower than 15 years ago, they are more persistent and more entrenched in national behaviour. Take the U.S., whose current-account deficit of $1.1 trillion is by far the largest single imbalance. Last year, tariffs did reduce some imports, but because the AI boom sucked in foreign-made tech equipment, the current-account deficit narrowed only slightly. The bigger contributor to the U.S. current-account deficit is its budget deficit, which sustains excessive U.S. spending and inadequate saving. The IMF estimates a budget deficit of 2% of GDP increases the current-account deficit by 0.5% of GDP.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
The IMF calculates that global current-account deficits plus surpluses reached 3.7% of global GDP last year after falling steadily from around the global financial crisis; until the early 2000s they fluctuated between 1% and 3%.
The U.S. current-account deficit of $1.1 trillion is by far the largest single imbalance, narrowing only slightly last year as tariffs reduced some imports while the AI boom drew in foreign-made tech equipment.
The IMF estimates that a budget deficit of 2% of GDP increases the current-account deficit by 0.5% of GDP, and the U.S. budget deficit sustains excessive spending and inadequate saving.
Related Articles:
Understanding Global Imbalances— The US, China, Germany, and Japan account for roughly two-thirds of global current account imbalances, with the US deficit at 4% of GDP financed by capital inflows into dollar assets. The average duration of a surplus or deficit spell roughly doubled since the 1980s, building large net foreign asset and liability positions.
Why Global Imbalances Matter— Countries running persistent trade surpluses, such as China, Germany and Japan, have built their economies around an excess supply of tradeable goods and services, leaving them dependent on deficit countries to absorb it. That dependence gives deficit countries bargaining power and exposes surplus countries to pressure to expand domestic demand.
The U.S. Trade Deficit: Myths and Realities— Taxing capital inflows would weaken the dollar but could raise domestic interest rates and depress investment, harming long-term growth, while an interest rate cut absent recession would be inflationary and erode any real depreciation needed to durably improve the trade balance. Fiscal restraint could weaken the dollar and reduce the trade deficit.
AI Summary.Manufacturing in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan has narrowed around artificial intelligence: chips and AI-related gear account for over 40% of South Korean exports and 80% of Taiwan's, both up sharply from earlier shares. The Economist estimates the region's entire rise in industrial output is attributable to AI, with non-AI factory output shrinking.
Economist StaffThe Economist
Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
The industrial production of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan has risen 15% since 2019 – entirely driven by AI-related demand. Apart from chip-making, IP has shown no trend since 2011. The fall in non-chip output is likely due to Chinese competition.
Is all industrial growth in north-east Asia coming from AI?
Core argument: The Economist finds that all of the 15% rise in north-east Asian industrial output since 2019 is attributable to AI, after counting firms not classified as AI-linked in official statistics, such as Japan's Advantest and Taiwan's Foxconn.
North-east Asian manufacturing is getting narrower. Chips and other gear related to AI make up over 40% of South Korean exports, more than double their share just two years ago. In Taiwan it is 80% of exports, compared with about half before the pandemic. After accounting for firms not neatly captured as AI-linked in official statistics, like Japan’s Advantest (which makes chip-testing gear) and Taiwan’s Foxconn (which produces data-centre servers, among other electronics), The Economist finds that all 15% of the region’s rise in industrial output since 2019 is thanks to AI. In Japan, South Korea and Taiwan output at factories unrelated to AI has shrunk in recent years.
Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI
The Economist finds that all of the 15% rise in north-east Asian industrial output since 2019 is attributable to AI, after counting firms not classified as AI-linked in official statistics, such as Japan's Advantest and Taiwan's Foxconn.
Chips and other AI-related gear account for over 40% of South Korean exports, more than double their share two years earlier, and 80% of Taiwan's exports, compared with about half before the pandemic.
Factory output unrelated to AI has shrunk in recent years in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, leaving north-east Asian manufacturing narrower.
Related Articles:
China’s Next-Generation Industrial Policy— China's export growth is concentrated in upstream, higher-tech goods: exports of intermediate inputs rose 26% and capital goods 32% between 2021 and 2024, while consumption goods exports were broadly flat. This shift embeds China deeper in global production systems and aligns with its long-running import substitution strategy of localizing entire value chains.
China Is Making Trade Impossible— Interviews with Chinese economists, technologists and business leaders yielded no clear answer to what products China would want to buy from the rest of the world in future, beyond commodities, luxury goods and higher education. The author argues China sees nothing it cannot eventually make better and cheaper itself, undermining trade as a two-way exchange.
Sticking with What Works: Raising GDP Forecast on China’s Manufacturing Push— Stronger Chinese growth driven by export-oriented manufacturing may not produce net positive spillovers: for every 1pp export-driven boost to China's GDP, other economies may see a 0.1–0.3pp drag, with high-tech producers such as Europe and Japan facing greater pressure. Cheaper Chinese goods continue to exert a disinflationary impulse.
