AI Summary. US consumer prices rose 3.7% year over year in September, up from 3.4% in August and above economists' 3.6% forecast, with core prices excluding food and energy up 2.6%. Prices rose faster than average hourly earnings, which increased 3%, meaning many Americans' real incomes are falling.

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Inflation accelerated in September, rising to 3.7% annualized from August’s 3.4%. Real average hourly earnings fell .7% year over year.

Is inflation accelerating faster than wages, cutting real incomes?

Core argument: U.S. consumer prices rose 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said, up from August’s 3.4% and above the 3.6% expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal.

Consumer prices were up 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said Wednesday, hotter than August’s gain of 3.4%. That was above the 3.6% rise expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal. Core prices excluding food and energy rose 2.6%, above forecasts for a 2.5% increase. Month over month, core prices rose by 0.3%, surprising economists who had expected a 0.2% increase. High prices have been a political flashpoint for Americans, who have grown fed up with five years of inflation. Prices rose much faster in September than average hourly earnings, which increased 3% from a year earlier. That means many Americans are seeing their real incomes fall.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. U.S. consumer prices rose 3.7% in September from a year earlier, the Labor Department said, up from August’s 3.4% and above the 3.6% expected by economists surveyed by The Wall Street Journal.
  2. Core prices excluding food and energy rose 2.6% year over year in September, above forecasts of 2.5%, and 0.3% month over month against expectations of 0.2%.
  3. September prices rose much faster than average hourly earnings, which increased 3% from a year earlier, meaning many Americans are seeing real incomes fall.

AI Summary. Federal Reserve Bank of New York researchers estimate that about 26% of a uniform tariff passes through into non-oil consumer goods prices over twelve months, with roughly 64% of that effect coming directly from higher import prices and the rest through domestic producers' input costs and markups. Pass-through into import prices is nearly immediate, while domestic price responses build gradually.

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FRBNY estimates that a uniform 10% tariff raised consumer-goods prices 2.6% after 12 months: 1.7pp directly via imported final goods, and 0.9pp mainly via higher imported-input costs for domestically produced goods, with the latter effect building over 9–12 months.

How much of a tariff reaches consumer prices within a year?

Core argument: Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.

Tariff pass-through into U.S. import prices is nearly complete. Instrumenting realized duty rates with statutory tariffs to account for endogenous sourcing and exemptions, tariff pass-through into consumer-goods import prices is about 90.5%; a 10% increase in the duty rate raises import prices about 9.1%. At twelve months, a uniform 10% tariff raises consumer-goods prices 2.639%: 1.694pp through the direct channel, 0.770pp through marginal costs, and 0.175pp through strategic complementarity. Import-price pass-through is essentially immediate, while domestic prices adjust gradually; the contribution of the two indirect channels roughly doubles between six and twelve months, with much of the overall adjustment occurring within nine to twelve months. For the actual 2025–26 tariffs, the direct channel accounts for about 70% of the estimated effect; the marginal-cost channel accounts for about 22%, with strategic complementarity accounting for the remainder. Because the regressions include date fixed effects, the tariff contribution is identified relative to less-exposed goods and should be read as illustrative rather than as the absolute contribution to aggregate goods CPI.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Amiti, Heise, and Weinstein estimate that a uniform tariff passes through to non-oil consumer goods prices at roughly 26 percent over twelve months, with a 10 percent tariff raising prices 2.6 percentage points, 1.7 points of it via the direct import channel.
  2. The two indirect channels — marginal costs from imported inputs (0.77 percentage points) and strategic complementarity in domestic markups (0.17 points) — account for 36 percent of the total effect and roughly double between six and twelve months after tariff implementation.
  3. Applied to the actual 2025–26 tariff schedule, the authors estimate the cumulative tariff contribution to goods CPI reached about 2.9 percentage points by February 2026, with import-price pass-through near 90 percent and retail pass-through of 0.56.

AI Summary. Demand and supply curves estimated from pre-pandemic data imply relatively flat demand curves in the US and euro area, so adverse supply shifts would produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation. The authors argue explaining the observed combination of high inflation and output requires outward demand shifts, including accommodative monetary policy alongside fiscal expansion.

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Giannone and Primiceri revisit the relative role of supply vs. demand shocks in generating the post-Covid inflation. Because aggregate demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic data are flat, supply shocks alone would not have generated large inflation in the absence of added demand stimulus.

Did outward demand shifts, not supply shocks alone, drive recent inflation?

Core argument: Demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic US and euro-area data are relatively flat, reflecting central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation, so adverse supply shifts produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation.

Demand and supply curve slopes are estimated from pre-pandemic data using the essentially definitional restriction that supply shocks move prices and output in opposite directions along demand curves, while demand shocks move them together along supply curves; the plotted slopes represent Bayesian posterior medians rather than uniquely identified estimates. The estimated demand curves are relatively flat in both the US and euro area [Figure 7], reflecting the central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation. With those slopes, adverse supply shifts cause large output losses but comparatively little inflation. [To successfully explain] the combination of inflation and output observed in 2022 therefore requires demand to shift outwards too. Strong demand, including unusually accommodative monetary policy [on top of strong fiscal expansion], cushioned the output losses while increasing inflation [Figure 7]. In 2021–22, both inflation and GDP as subsequently revised exceeded forecasts in the US and euro area. That combination is suggestive of unexpectedly strong demand, whereas an adverse supply surprise alone would raise inflation but lower output. [Figure 9].

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Demand curves estimated from pre-pandemic US and euro-area data are relatively flat, reflecting central banks’ strong pre-pandemic responses to inflation, so adverse supply shifts produce large output losses but comparatively little inflation.
  2. Explaining the 2022 combination of inflation and output requires an outward shift in demand, with strong demand — including unusually accommodative monetary policy atop fiscal expansion — cushioning output losses while raising inflation.
  3. In 2021–22, both inflation and GDP as subsequently revised exceeded forecasts in the US and euro area, a combination suggestive of unexpectedly strong demand, since an adverse supply surprise alone would raise inflation but lower output.

AI Summary. The Institute of International Finance reports global debt as a share of output rose less than 10 percentage points between 2018 and mid-2026, peaking at 337% in early 2021 before falling 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. Inflation eroded the debt burden, as it did in the UK after the Second World War.

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Wolf notes that the global debt-to-GDP ratio rose by less than 10pp btw 2018 and June 2026: after peaking at 337% in early 2021, it fell by 27pp by the end of 2023, as inflation boosted nominal GDP and eroded the value of existing debt.

Does inflation reduce the global debt burden?

Core argument: IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.

The IIF shows that between 2018 and June 2026, the rise in the ratio of global debt to output was less than 10 percentage points. The story is striking: the ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021, before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023. What was this magical “debt-buster”? Good old-fashioned (and supposedly “unexpected”) inflation. This is — to put it mildly — not the first time inflation has wiped out debt. It was, to take one of countless examples, an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt. For countries able to print the money in which their debt is denominated, that is often what happens.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. IIF data show the global debt-to-output ratio reached a post-Covid peak of 337% in early 2021 before falling by 27 percentage points by the end of 2023, with inflation identified as the force that eroded it.
  2. Between 2018 and June 2026, the IIF shows the ratio of global debt to output rose by less than 10 percentage points.
  3. Inflation has wiped out debt before, forming an important part of the UK’s elimination of its post-second-world-war debt, and often does so for countries able to print the currency in which their debt is denominated.

AI Summary. Federal Reserve officials' assessed risks to their employment and price stability mandates had tended to move together rather than inversely, suggesting common forces were driving both. That pattern has now shifted, with officials more optimistic on growth and employment and less concerned about downside risks than before the pandemic.

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About half of Fed officials now forecast that at the end of 2028 short rates will be “at least as high as they are now.” The underlying reason, Klein proposes, is not supply shocks but a persistent shift in the perceived balance of risks between inflation and unemployment.

Have central bankers' employment and inflation risk assessments stopped moving together?

Core argument: From mid-2022 until now, Fed officials’ assessments of risks to the employment mandate and the price stability mandate tended to move together, consistent with judging that the forces driving unwelcome inflation also threatened the jobs outlook.

From mid-2022 until now, Fed officials seem to have judged that all of the forces responsible for unwelcome inflation also threatened the outlook for jobs. That would explain why their assessment of the risks to the employment mandate and to the price stability mandate tended to move together [see “Aligned Mandate” in gallery]. If “normal” factors such as consumers’ access to credit or businesses’ appetite to invest were driving things, the perceived risks to the inflation and employment mandates would be uncorrelated, or even move inversely to each other. That shift has finally happened. In fact, Fed officials are now more bullish on growth and employment—and less concerned about downside risks—than they have been since before the pandemic. The latest data on private sector balance sheets, borrowing, and asset purchases can help explain why.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. From mid-2022 until now, Fed officials’ assessments of risks to the employment mandate and the price stability mandate tended to move together, consistent with judging that the forces driving unwelcome inflation also threatened the jobs outlook.
  2. Fed officials are now more bullish on growth and employment, and less concerned about downside risks, than they have been since before the pandemic.
  3. If normal factors such as consumers’ access to credit or businesses’ appetite to invest were driving the economy, perceived risks to the inflation and employment mandates would be uncorrelated or move inversely, a shift that has now happened.

AI Summary. The rise in US bond yields, which has pushed 30-year fixed mortgage rates back above 7%, reflects higher real yields rather than higher inflation expectations, with market-based inflation breakevens barely changed over the past five years. The negative real yields that made financing exceptionally easy have reversed.

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Authers presents real evidence that the increase in bond yields is not an alarming indication of elevated expected inflation. “Breakevens barely budged over the last five years,” he notes.

Are rising bond yields driven by real yields rather than inflation expectations?

Core argument: US 30-year fixed mortgage rates are back above 7% as bond yields return to 2007 levels, a rise the evidence attributes more to a “good” pickup in growth than to other widely cited causes.

The rise in bond yields looks alarming and has had a horrible effect on US mortgages, with 30-year fixed rates back above 7%. But the evidence is that the overall rise in yields is more a response to a “good” rise in growth, rather than to other widely cited potential causes. Consumers’ inflation concerns have risen since the Iran war drove up oil prices nearly seven months ago, but longer-term market-based inflation expectations have barely budged. Yields can be broken into real and inflation-driven components using the gap between fixed income and inflation-protected bonds (TIPS). Inflation breakevens barely budged over the last five years; real yields are now higher and account for all of the rise of the last five years. To illustrate that differently, negative real yields drove the exceptionally easy financing conditions of 2021. That’s now totally reversed.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. US 30-year fixed mortgage rates are back above 7% as bond yields return to 2007 levels, a rise the evidence attributes more to a “good” pickup in growth than to other widely cited causes.
  2. Inflation breakevens, the gap between fixed income and inflation-protected bond yields, have barely budged over the last five years, so higher real yields account for all of the rise in bond yields over that period.
  3. Consumers’ inflation concerns have risen since the Iran war drove up oil prices nearly seven months ago, while longer-term market-based inflation expectations have barely moved.

AI Summary. Yields on the longest-dated US government bonds reached their highest level in more than two decades, while the average yield on government debt worldwide stands just below 4%, the highest since 2007. A gauge of US bond market volatility also climbed, making investors more hesitant to buy despite the more attractive yields.

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The US 30-year Treasury yield jumped as much as 7bp to 5.47%, its highest level since 2004. The US 10-year Treasury yield rose to 5.18%.

Are rising bond yields failing to attract hesitant investors?

Core argument: The US 30-year Treasury yield rose to its highest level since 2004 as the selloff in the longest-dated government bonds deepened.

Yields on the US’s longest-dated bonds climbed to the highest level in more than two decades. The average yield on government debt worldwide now stands within a whisker of 4%, the highest since 2007, Bloomberg’s Global Aggregate Treasuries index shows. Rising volatility is adding to the gloom, making investors more hesitant to step in even as higher yields make bonds more attractive. The ICE BofA MOVE Index, which measures US bond market swings, climbed Wednesday to the highest level since March. “Most fixed income will like higher yields, but want them to be stable there,” said Hans Mikkelsen, strategist at TD Securities. Investors are “afraid of catching a falling knife,” he said.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The US 30-year Treasury yield rose to its highest level since 2004 as the selloff in the longest-dated government bonds deepened.
  2. The average yield on government debt worldwide stands just below 4%, the highest since 2007, according to Bloomberg’s Global Aggregate Treasuries index.
  3. The ICE BofA MOVE Index of US bond market swings climbed to its highest level since March, with TD Securities strategist Hans Mikkelsen saying investors are “afraid of catching a falling knife.”.

AI Summary. The Federal Reserve described its rate increase as having "removed a dose of accommodation" and as a start to showing it is serious, implying the policy rate remains accommodative and further increases are coming. Market-implied expectations have shifted to price in three additional hikes before the tightening cycle ends.

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Authers argues a hiking cycle is underway, citing the unanimous decision to hike, the “dot plot” and Warsh’s comments framing the hike as “the removal of some accommodation,” implying the FOMC doesn’t view policy as restrictive.

Is the Fed signaling more rate increases ahead?

Core argument: Markets, as gauged by Bloomberg World Interest Rate Probabilities, have braced for three more Fed hikes, against an implied peak below 4% when Warsh took office in May.

The key was what Warsh didn’t say, rather than what he did. There was no suggestion that this was a one-off. Instead, he said the FOMC has “removed a dose of accommodation” — not all of it, implying the rate was still accommodative and that there would be more doses in the prescription. He added that the hike “starts to show we’re serious about this.” If that was only a start to the seriousness, the direct implication is to brace for more. As a result, the market priced in a lot of tightening. Implicit fed funds rates, as gauged by the Bloomberg World Interest Rate Probabilities, were projected to peak below 4% when Warsh took office in May — at a point when the market had already had time to adjust to the energy shock from the Iran war. Expectations crept up a bit by the time he spoke at Jackson Hole; and since then the market has braced for three more hikes before the Fed is done.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Markets, as gauged by Bloomberg World Interest Rate Probabilities, have braced for three more Fed hikes, against an implied peak below 4% when Warsh took office in May.
  2. Warsh said the FOMC has "removed a dose of accommodation" rather than all of it, implying the policy rate remains accommodative and that further doses are in the prescription.